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The Babur-nama in English 
(Memoirs of Babur) 

Translated from the original Turki Text 

Zahiru’d-din Muhammad Babur Padshah Ghazi 



Issued in Four Fasciculi:—Farghana 1912—Kabul 
1914—Hindustan 1917—Preface, Indices, etc. 

Vol. II 

LUZAC & CO,, 46, Great Russell Street, London. 

-— ~ 



932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 tro OCT. 87H 1526 AD.! 

(a. Fifth expedition into Hindistan.) 

(Nov. 17th) On Friday the 1st of the month of Safar at the 
_ date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the Archer, we set out 
for Hindistan, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa, and dis- 
mounted in the meadow to the west of the water of Dih-i-ya‘qib.? 
‘Abdu’l-malik the armourer came into this camp; he had gone 
seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sultan Sa‘td Khan 
(in Kashghar), and now brought one of the Khan’s men, styled 
Yangi Beg (new beg) Kikildash who conveyed letters, and 

* Elph. MS. f. 2056; W.-i-B. I.O. 215 f. 1994 omits the year’s events on the 
ground that Shaikh Zain has translated them; I.O. 217 f. 174; Mems. p. 290; 
Kehr’s Codex p. 1084. 

A considerable amount of reliable textual material for revising the Hindistan 
section of the English translation of the Basur-nama is wanting through loss of pages 
from the Elphinstone Codex ; in one instance no less than an equivalent of 36 folios 
of the Haidarabad Codex are missing (f. 356 e¢ seg.), but to set against this loss there 
is the valuable fer contra that Kehr’s manuscript throughout the section becomes of 
substantial value, losing its Persified character and approximating closely to’the true 
text of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad Codices. Collateral help in revision is given 
by the works specified (27 /oco p. 428) as serving to, fill the gap existing in Babur’s 
narrative previous to 932 AH. and this notably by those described by Elliot and 
Dowson. Of these last, special help in supplementary details is given for 932 AH. and 
part of 933 AH. by Shaikh Zain [Ahawajfi)’s 7abagat-t-baburi, which is a highly 
.rhetorical paraphrase of Babur’s narrative, requiring familiarity with ornate Persian 
to understand. For all my references to it, I am indebted to my husband. It may 
be mentioned as an interesting circumstance that the B. M. possesses in Or. 1999 a copy 
of this work which was transcribed in 998 AH. by one of Khwand-amir’s grandsons 
and, judging from its date, presumably for Abii’l-fazl’s use in the Ahdar-nama. 

Like part of the Kabul section, the Hindiistan one is in diary-form, but it is still 
more heavily surcharged with matter entered at a date later than the diary. It departs 
from the style of the preceding diary by an occasional lapse into courtly phrase and 
by exchange of some Turki words for Arabic and Persian ones, doubtless found 
current in Hind, ¢.g. fauj, dira, manszil, khatl-khana. 

® This is the Logar affluent of the Baran-water (Kabul-river). Masson describes 
this haltingplace (iii, 174). 


bad MS. 
Fol. 2516. 

Fol. 252. 


small presents, and verbal messages * from the Khanims and the 

(Nov. 1&th to 21st) After staying two days in that camp for 
the convenience of the army,3 we marched on, halted one night,4 
and next dismounted at Badam-chashma. There we atea con- 
fection (sa‘7in). 

(Nov. 22nd) On: Wednesday (Safar 6th), when we had dis- 
mounted at Barik-ab, the younger brethren of Nir Beg—he 
himself remaining in Hindistan—brought gold askrafis and 
tankas 5 to the value of 20,000 shahrukhis, sent from the Lahor 
revenues by Khwaja Husain. The greater part of these moneys 
was despatched by Mulla Ahmad, one of the chief men of Balkh, 
for the benefit of Balkh.® 

(Nov. 24th) On Friday the 8th of the month (Safar), after 
dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;7 by 
God’s mercy, it passed off easily. 

* muhaggar saughat u bilak or tilak. A small verbal point arises about 42/a% (or 
tilak). SBilak is said by Quatremére to mean a gift (N. et E. xiv, 119 n.) but here 
muhaggar saughat expresses gift. Another meaning can be assigned to di/ak here, 
{one had also by ¢#/ak, | vzz. that of word-of-mouth news or communication, sometimes 
supplementing written communication, possibly secret instructions, possibly small 
domestic details. In dz/ak, a gift, the root may be éz/, the act of knowing, in //ak 
it is #7, the act of speaking [whence Z#/, the tongue, and /é/ tatmak, to get news]. 
In the sentence noted, either word would suit for a verbal communication. Returning 
to di/ak as a gift, it may express the mwance of English token, the maker-known of 
friendship, affection and so-on. This differentiates d7/a from saugha¢, used in its 
frequent sense of ceremonial and diplomatic presents of value and importance. 

? With Sa‘id at this time were two Khanims Sultan-nigar and Daulat-sultan who 
were Babur’s maternal-aunts. Erskine suggested Khib-nigar, but she had died in 
907 AH. (f. 96). 

3 Humiayiin’s non-arrival would be the main cause of delay. Apparently he should 
have joined before the Kabul force left that town. 

4 The halt would be at Biit-khak, the last station before the Adinapir road takes 
to the hills. 

5 Discussing the value of coins mentioned by Babur, Erskine says in his A7s/ory of 
/ndia (vol. i, Appendix E.) which was published in 1854 AD. that he had come to 
think his estimates of the value of the coins was set too low in the AZemoirs (published 
in 1826 Ap.). This sum of 20,000 shahrukhis he put at £1000. Cf. E. Thomas’ 
Pathan Kings of Dihli and Resources of the Mughal Empire. . 

© One of Masson’s interesting details seems to fit the next stage of Babur’s march 
(iii, 179). It is that after leaving Bit-khak, the road passes what in the thirties of 
the 19th Century, was locally known as Babur Padshah’s Stone-heap (cairn) and 
believed piled in obedience to Babur’s order that each man in his army should drop 
a stone on it in passing. No time for raising such a monument could be fitter than 
that of the fifth expedition into Hindistan when a climax of opportunity allowed 
hope of success. 

7 vezindalik, This Erskine translates, both here and on ff. 253, 254, by defluxion, 
but de Courteille by rhume de cerveau, Shaikh Zain supports de Courteille by 
writing, not vezdndalik, but muz/a, catarrh. De Courteille, in illustration of his 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 447 

(Wov. 25th) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bagh-i-wafa. 
We delayed there a few days, waiting for Humayiin and the 
army from that side.* More than once in this history the bounds 
and extent, charm and delight of that garden have been described ; 
it is most beautifully placed ; who sees it with the buyer’s eye 
will know the sort of place it is. During the short time we 
were there, most people drank on drinking-days? and took 
their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for 

I wrote harsh letters to Humayin, lecturing him severely 
because of his long delay beyond the time fixed for him to 
join me.3 
_ (Dec. 3rd) On Sunday the 17th of Safar, after the morning 
had been taken, Humayiin arrived. I spoke very severely to 
him at once. Khwaja Kalan also arrived to-day, coming up 
from Ghazni. We marched in the evening of that same Sunday, 
and dismounted in a new garden between Sultanpur and Khwaja 

(Dec. 6th) Marching on Wednesday (Safar 20th), we got on 
a raft, and, drinking as we went reached Qish-gumbaz,‘ there 
landed and joined the camp. 

reading of the word, quotes Burnes’ account of an affection common in the Panj-ab 
and there called #zz/a, which is a running at the nostrils, that wastes the brain and 
stamina of the body and ends fatally (7rave/s tx Bukhara ed. 1839, ii, 41). 

* Tramontana, north of Hindi-kush. 

? Shaikh Zain says that the drinking days were Saturday, Sunday, Tuesday and 
Wednesday. . 

3 The Elph. Codex (f. 2084) contains the following note of Humayin’s about his 
delay; it has been expunged from the text but is still fairly legible :—‘‘ The time 
fixed was after ‘Ashira (10th Muharram, a voluntary fast) ; although we arrived after 
the next-following 10th (‘ashdar, z.e. of Safar), the delay had been necessary. The 
purpose of the letters (Babur’s) was to get information; (in reply) it was repre- 
sented that the equipment of the army of Badakhshan caused delay. If this slave 
(Humayan), trusting to his [father’s] kindness, caused further delay, he has been 

Babur’s march from the Bagh-i-wafa was delayed about a month; Humayiin started 
late from Badakhshan; his force may have needed some stay in Kabul for completion 
of equipment; his personal share of blame for which he counted on his father’s 
forgiveness, is likely to have been connected with his mother’s presence in Kabul. 

Humayiin’s note is quoted in Turki by one MS. of the Persian text (B.M. W.-i-B. 
16,623 f. 128); and from certain indications in Muhammad Sirazi’s lithograph 
(p. 163), appears to be in his archetype the Udaipar Codex; but it is not with all 
MSS. of the Persian text e.g. not with I.O. 217 and 218. A portion of it is in Kehr’s 
MS. (p. 1086). 

4 Bird’s-dome [f. 1454, n.] or The pair (gsh) of domes. 

Fol. 2526. 


(Dec. 7th) Starting off the camp at dawn, we ourselves went on 

a raft, and there ate confection (man). Our encamping-ground - 

was always Qiriq-ariq, but not a sign or trace of the camp could 
be seen when we got opposite it, nor any appearance of our 
horses. Thought I, “ Garm-chashma (Hot-spring) is close by ; 
they may have dismounted there.” So saying, we went on from 
Oiriq-ariq. By the time we reached Garm-chashma, the very 
day was late; we did not stop there, but going on in its 
lateness (ichisz), had the raft tied up somewhere, and slept 

(Dec. 8th) At day-break we landed at Yada-bir where, as the 
day wore on, the army-folks began to come in. The camp must 
have been at Qiriq-ariq, but out of our sight. 

There were several verse-makers on the raft, such as Shaikh 
Abi'l-wajd,? Shaikh Zain, Mulla ‘Ali-jan, Tardi Bee Khaksar 
and others. In this company was quoted the following couplet 
of Muhammad Salih :—3 

(Persian) With thee, arch coquette, for a sweetheart, what can man do? 

With another than thou where thou art, what can man do ? 
Said I, “Compose on these lines” ;+ whereupon those given to 
versifying, did so. As jokes were always being made at the 
expense of Mulla ‘Ali-jan, this couplet came off-hand into my 
head :— 

(Persian) With one all bewildered as thou, what can man do? 
. 3 : ; , what can man do?5 

* gin khiid kich bilub aidi; a \ittle joke perhaps at the lateness both of the day 
and the army. 

? Shaikh Zain’s maternal-uncle. 

3 Shaikh Zain’s useful detail that this man’s pen-name was Sharaf distinguishes 
him from Muhammad Salih the author of the Shazbani-nama. 

4 gosha, angle (cf. gosha-t-kar, limits of work). Parodies were to be made, having 
the same metre, rhyme, and refrain as the model couplet. 

5 I am unable to attach sense to Babur’s second line; what is wanted is an illustra- 
tion of two incompatible things. Babur’s reflections [¢#/ra] condemned his verse. 
Shaikh Zain describes the whole episode of the verse-making on the raft, and goes 
on with, ‘‘He (Babur) excised this choice couplet from the pages of his Acts 
( Wagi‘at) with the knife of censure, and scratched it out from the tablets of his noble 
heart with the finger-nails of repentance. I shall now give an account of this spiritual 
matter” (z.e, the repentance), ‘‘ by presenting the recantations of his Solomon-like 
Majesty in his very own words, which are weightier than any from the lips of 
Aesop.” Shaikh Zain next quotes the Turki passage here translated in 4. Mention 
of the Mubin. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 449 

(b. Mention of the Mubin.*) ‘ 

From time to time before it,? whatever came into my head, 
of good or bad, grave or jest, used to be strung into verse and 
written down, however empty and harsh the verse might be, but 
while I was composing the J/udzm, this thought pierced through 
my dull wits and made way into my troubled heart, “A pity it 
will be if the tongue which has treasure of utterances so lofty as 
these are, waste itself again on low words ; sad will it be if again 
vile imaginings find way into the mind that has made exposition 
of these sublime realities.”3 Since that time I had refrained 
from satirical and jesting verse; I was repentant (4a’2); but these 
matters were totally out of mind and remembrance when I made 
that couplet (on Mulla ‘Ali-jan).4 A few days later in Bigram 
when I had fever and discharge, followed by cough, and I began 
to spit blood each time I coughed, I knew whence my reproof 
came; I knew what act of mine had brought this affliction on me. 

“Whoever shall violate his oath, will violate it to the hurt 
of his own soul; but whoever shall perform that which he hath 
covenanted with God, to that man surely will He give great 
reward” (Qordan cap. 48 v. 10). 

(Zurki) What is it I do with thee, ah! my tongue ? 
My entrails bleed as a reckoning for thee. 
Good once 5 as thy words were, has followed this verse 
Jesting, empty,° obscene, has followed a lie. 
If thou say, ‘‘ Burn will I not !” by keeping this vow 
Thou turnest thy rein from this field of strife.7 

* The A/udbin (g.v. Index) is mentioned again and quoted on f. 3514. In both 
places its name escaped the notice of Erskine and de Courteille, who here took it for 
min, 1, and on f. 3514 omitted it, matters of which the obvious cause is that both 
translators were less familiar with the poem than it is now easy to be. There is 
amplest textual warrant for reading J/uézz in both the places indicated above; its 
reinstatement gives to the English and French translations what they have needed, 
namely, the clinch of a definite stimulus and date of repentance, which was the 
influence of the Mubin in 928 AH. (1521-2 ap.). The whole passage about the 
peccant verse and its fruit of contrition should be read with others that express the same 
regret for broken law and may all have been added to the diary at the same time, 
probably in 935 AH. (1529 AD.). They will be found grouped in the Index s.. Babur. 

2 mindin buriin, by which I understand, as the grammatical construction will 
warrant, before writing the Mubin. To read the words as referring to the peccant 
verse, is to take the clinch off the whole passage. 

3 z.é. of the Qoraz on which the Aubin is based. 

4 Dropping down-stream, with wine and good company, he entirely forgot his good 

5 This appears to refer to the good thoughts embodied in the J/uédin. 

© This appears to contrast with the ‘‘ sublime realities” of the Qoran. 

7 In view of the interest of the passage, and because this verse is not in the Rampiir 
Diwan, as are many contained in the Hindistan section, the Turki original is 

Fol. 253. 

Fol. 253é. 


“O Lord! we have dealt unjustly with our own souls; if 
Thou forgive us not, and be not merciful unto us, we shall surely 
be of those that perish” * (Qordu cap. 7 v. 22). 

Taking anew the place of the penitent pleading for pardon, 
I gave my mind rest? from such empty thinking and such 
unlawful occupation. I broke my pen. Made by that Court, 
such reproof of sinful slaves is for their felicity ; happy are the 
highest and the slave when such reproof brings warning and its 
profitable fruit. 

(c. Narrative resumed.) 

(Dec. Sth continued) Marching on that evening, we dismounted 
at ‘Ali-masjid. The ground here being very confined, I always 
used to dismount on a rise overlooking the camp in the valley- 
bottom.3 The camp-fires made a wonderful illumination there 
at night ; assuredly it was because of this that there had always 
been drinking there, and was so now. 

(Dec. 9th and roth) To-day I rode out before dawn ; I preferred 
a confection (ma‘iin)+ and also kept this day a fast. We 
dismounted near Bigram (Peshawar); and next morning, the 
camp remaining on that same ground, rode to Karg-awi5 We 
crossed the Siyah-ab in front of Bigram, and formed our hunting- 
circle looking down-stream. After a little, a person brought 

quoted. My translation differs from those of Mr. Erskine and M. de Courteille ; all 
three are tentative of a somewhat difficult verse. 

Ni gila min sining bila ai til ? 

JSthating din mining aichim gan dir. 

Nicha yakhshi dising bi hazl aila shi‘r 

biri-si fahash ti biri yalghan diir. 

Gar dising kiiméa min, ba jazm bila 

Jalawingni bi ‘arsa din yan dir. 

* The Qoran puts these sayings into the mouths of Adam and Eve. 

* Hai. MS. ¢indiirvaid; Ulminsky, p. 327, yandairab; W.-i-B. 1.0. 217, f. 175, 
sard sikhta. 

3 Of ‘Ali-masjid the Second Afghan War (official account) has a picture which 
might be taken from Babur’s camp. 

4 Shaikh Zain’s list of the drinking-days (f. 252 note) explains why sometimes 
Babur says he preferred ma‘jainm. In the instances I have noticed, he does this 
on a drinking-day; the preference will be therefore for a confection over wine. 
December 9th was a Saturday and drinking-day; on it he mentions the preference ; 
Tuesday Nov. 21st was a drinking day, and he states that he ate ma‘an. 

5 presumably the £arg-khana of f. 222, rhinoceros-home in both places. A similar 
name applies to a tract in the Rawalpindi District, —Babur-khana, Tiger-home, which 
is linked to the tradition of Buddha’s self-sacrifice to appease the hunger of seven 
tiger-cubs. [In this Babur-khana is the town Kacha-kot from which Babur always 
names the river Hari. ] 


932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 451 

word that there was a rhino in a bit of jungle near Bigram, and 
that people had been stationed near-about it. We betook our- 
selves, loose rein, to the place, formed a ring round the jungle, 
made a noise, and brought the rhino out, when it took its way 
across the plain. Humayiin and those come with him from that 
side (Tramontana), who had never seen one before, were much 
entertained. It was pursued for two miles; many arrows were 
shot at it; it was brought down without having made a good 
set at man or horse. Two others were killed. I had often 
wondered how a rhino and an elephant would behave if brought 
face to face; this time one came out right in front of some 
elephants the mahauts were bringing along ; it did not face them 
when the mahauts drove them towards it, but got off in another 

(da. Preparations for ferrying the Indus.*) 

On the day we were in Bigram, several of the begs and 
household were appointed, with pay-masters and diwans, six or 
seven being put in command, to take charge of the boats at the 
Nil-ab crossing, to make a list of all who were with the army, 
name by name, and to count them up. 

That evening I had fever and discharge? which led on to 
cough and every time I coughed, I spat blood. Anxiety was 
great but, by God’s mercy, it passed off in two or three days. 

(Dec. rrth) It rained when we left Bigram ; we dismounted 
on the Kabul-water. 

(e. News from Lahor.) 

News came that Daulat Khan3 and (Apaq) Ghazi Khan, 
having collected an army of from 20 to 30,000, had taken 
Kilanir, and intended to move on Lahor. At once Mumin-i-‘ali 
the commissary was sent galloping off to say, “ We are advancing 
march by march ;* do not fight till we arrive.” 

* This is the first time on an outward march that Babur has crossed the Indus by 
boat; hitherto he has used the ford above Attock, once however specifying that men 
on foot were put over on rafts. 

ite 25 3 

_ 3 In my Translator’s Note (p. 428), attention was drawn to the circumstance that 
Babur always writes Daulat Khan Vasuf-khaz/, and not Daulat Khan Zé#az. In doing 
this, he uses the family- or clan-name instead of the tribal one, Lidi. 

4 z.e. day by day. 

Fol. 254. 

Fol. 2544. 


(Dec. 14th) With two night-halts on the way, we reached the 
water of Sind (Indus), and there dismounted on Thursday the 
28th (of Safar). 

(f. Ferrying the Indus.) 

(Dec. 16th) On Saturday the 1st of the first Rabi‘, we crossed 
the Sind-water, crossed the water of Kacha-kot (Hari), and 
dismounted on the bank of the river. The begs, pay-masters 
and diwans who had been put in charge of the boats, reported 
that the number of those come with the army, great and small, 
good and bad, retainer and non-retainer, was written down as 

(g. The eastward march.) 

The rainfall had been somewhat scant in the plains, but 
seemed to have been good in the cultivated lands along the 
hill-skirts ; for these reasons we took the road for Sialkot along 
the skirt-hills. Opposite Hati Kakar’s country 7 we came upon 
a torrent 3 the waters of which were standing in pools. Those ~ 
pools were all frozen over. The ice was not very thick, as thick 
as the hand may-be. Such ice is unusual in Hindistan; not 
a sign or trace of any was seen in the years we were (azdi#k) in 
the country.* 

We had made five marches from the Sind-water; after the 
sixth (Dec. 22nd—Rabi‘ I. 7th) we dismounted on a torrent 
in the camping-ground (yzrt) of the Bugials5 below Balnath 
Jogi's hill which connects with the Hill of Jud. 

* darya, which Babur’s precise use of words e.g. of darya, rid, and si, allows to 
apply here to the Indus only. 

? Presumably this was near Parhala, which stands, where the Sihan river quits the 
hills, at the eastern entrance of a wild and rocky gorge a mile in length. It will have 
been \P this gorge that Babur approached Parhala in 925 AH. (Rawalpindi Gazetteer 
p. II). 

3 2.e. here, bed of a mountain-stream. 

4 The Elphinstone Codex here preserves the following note, the authorship of 
which is attested by the scribe’s remark that it is copied from the handwriting of 
Humayiin Padshah:—As my honoured father writes, we did not know until we 
occupied Hindiistan (932 Au.), but afterwards did know, that ice does form here and 
there if there come a colder year. This was markedly so in the year I conquered 
Gujrat (942 AH.-1535 AD.) when it was so cold for two or three days between 
Bhilpir and Gualiar that the waters were frozen over a hand’s thickness. 

5 This is a Kakar (Gakkhar) clan, known also as Baragowah, of which the location 
in Jahangir Padshah’s time was from Rohtas to Hatya, ze. about where Babur 
encamped (Memoirs of Jahangir, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 97; E. and D. vi, 309 ; 
Provincial Gazetteers of Rawalpindi and Jihlam, p. 64 and p. 97 respectively). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 453 

(Dec. 23rd) In order to let people get provisions, we stayed 
the next day in that camp. ‘Avag was drunk on that day. 
Mulla Muh. Parghari told many stories ; never had he been so 
talkative. Mulla Shams himself was very riotous; once he 
began, he did not finish till night. 

The slaves and servants, good and bad, who had gone out | 

after provisions, went further than this ' and heedlessly scattered 
over jungle and plain, hill and broken ground. Owing to this, 
a few were overcome ; Kichkina ¢#zgztar died there. 

(Dec. 24th) Marching on, we crossed the Bihat-water at a ford 
below Jilam (Jihlam) and there dismounted. Wali Qizi/ (Rufus) 
came there to see me. He was the Sialkot reserve, and held 
the parganas of Bimriki and Akriada. Thinking about Sialkot, 
I took towards him the position of censure and reproach. He 
excused himself, saying “I had come to my fargana before 
Khusrau Kikildash left Sialkot; he did not even send me 
word.” After listening to his excuse, I said, “Since thou hast 
paid no attention to Sialkot, why didst thou not join the begs 
in Lahor?” He was convicted, but as work was at hand, I did 
not trouble about his fault. 

(h. Scouts sent with orders to Léhor.) 

(Dec. 25th) Sayyid Tifan and Sayyid Lachin were sent 
galloping off, each with a pair-horse,? to say in Lahor, “ Do 
not join battle; meet us at Sialkot or Parsrir” (mod. Pasrir). 
It was in everyone’s mouth that Ghazi Khan had collected 30 
to 40,0cO men, that Daulat Khan, old as he was, had girt two 
swords to his waist, and that they were resolved to fight. 
Thought I, “ The proverb says that ten friends are better than 
nine ; do you not make a mistake: when the Lahor begs have 
joined you, fight there and then!” 

(Dec. 26th and 27th) After starting off the two men to the 
begs, we moved forward, halted one night, and next dismounted 
on the bank of the Chin-ab (Chan-ab). 

* andin autib, a reference perhaps to going out beyond the corn-lands, perhaps to 
attempt for more than provisions. 
* gush-at, a \ed horse to ride in change. 

Fol. 255. 

Fol. 2550. 


As Buhlilpir was khalsa,! we left the road to visit it. Its 
fort is situated above a deep ravine, on the bank of the Chin-ab. 
It pleased us much. We thought of bringing Sialkot to it. 
Please God! the chance coming, it shall be done straightway ! 
From Buhlilpir we went to camp by boat. 

(2. Jats and Gujiirs.?) 

(Dec. 29th) On Friday the 14th of the first Rabi‘ we dis- 
mounted at Sialkot. If one go into Hinditstan the Jats and 
Gujirs always pour down in countless hordes from hill and plain 
for loot in bullock and buffalo. These ill-omened peoples are 
just senseless oppressors! Formerly their doings did not concern 
us much because the country was an enemy’s, but they began 
the same senseless work after we had taken it. When we 
reached. Sialkot, they fell in tumult on poor and needy folks who 
were coming out of the town to our camp, and stripped them 
bare. I had the silly thieves sought for, and ordered two or 
three of them cut to pieces. 

From Sialkot Nir Beg’s brother Shaham also was made to 
gallop off to the begs in Lahor to say, “Make sure where the 
enemy is; find out from some well-informed person where he 
may be met, and send us word.” 

A trader, coming into this camp, represented that ‘Alam Khan 
had let Sl. Ibrahim defeat him. 

* According to Shaikh Zain it was in this year that Babur made Buhlilpir a royal 
domain (B.M. Add. 26,202 f. 16), but this does not agree with Babur’s explanation 

_ that he visited the place because it was £ha/sa. Its name suggests that it had belonged 

to Buhlil Z#a@z ; Babur may have taken it in 930 AH. when he captured Sialkot. It 
never received the population of Sialkot, as Babur had planned it should do because 
pond-water was drunk in the latter town and was a source of disease. The words in 
which Babur describes its situation are those he uses of Akhsi (f. 44); not improbably 
a resemblance inclined his liking towards Buhlilpir. (It may be noted that this 
Buhlilpiir is mentioned in the Ayin-7-akbari and marked on large maps, but is not 
found in the G. of I. 1907.) 

2 Both names are thus spelled in the Badur-nama. In view of the inclination of 
Turki to long vowels, Babur’s short one in Jat may be worth consideration since 
modern usage of Jat and Jat varies. Mr. Crooke writes the full vowel, and mentions 
that Jats are Hindiis, Sikhs, and Muhammadans (77zbes and Castes of the North- 
western Provinces and Oude, iii, 38). On this point and on the orthography of the 
name, Erskine’s note (/emozrs p. 294) is as follows: ‘* The Jets or Jats are the 
Muhammadan peasantry of the Panj-ab, the bank of the Indus, Siwistan e/c. and 
must not be confounded with the Jats, a powerful Hindi tribe to the west of the 
Jamna, about Agra e¢c. and which occupies a subordinate position in the country of 
the Rajpits.” 

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 455 

(7. ‘Alam Khan's action and failure.*) 

Here are the particulars :—‘Alam Khan, after taking leave of 
me (in Kabul, 931AH.), went off in that heat by double marches, 
regardless of those with him.? As at the time I gave him leave 
to go, all the Atizbeg khans and sultans had laid siege to Balkh, 
I rode for Balkh as soon as I had given him his leave. On his 
reaching Lahor, he insisted to the begs, “ You reinforce me ; the 
Padshah said so; march along with me; let us get (Apaq) 
Ghazi Khan to join us; let us move on Dihli and Agra.” Said 
they, “ Trusting to what, will you join Ghazi Khan? Moreover 
the royal orders to us were, ‘If at any time Ghazi Khan has 
sent his younger brother Haji Khan with his son to Court, join 
him ; or do so, if he has sent them, by way of pledge, to Lahor ; 
if he has done neither, do not join him.’ You yourself only 
yesterday fought him and let him beat you! Trusting to what, 
will you join him now? Besides all this, it is not for your 
advantage to join him!” Having said what-not of this sort, 
they refused ‘Alam Khan. He did not fall in with their views, 
but sent his son Sher Khan to speak with Daulat Khan and 
with Ghazi Khan, and afterwards all saw one another. 

‘Alam Khan took with him Dilawar Khan, who had come 
into Lahor two or three months earlier after his escape from 
prison ; he took also Mahmid Khan (son of) Khan-i-jahan,3 to 

* The following section contains a later addition to the diary summarizing the 
action of ‘Alam Khan before and after Babur heard of the defeat from the trader he 
mentions. It refutes an opinion found here and there in European writings that 
Babur used and threw over ‘Alam Khan. It and Babur’s further narrative shew that 
‘Alam Khan had little valid backing in Hindiistan, that he contributed nothing to 
Babur’s success, and that no abstention by Babur from attack on Ibrahim would have 
set ‘Alam Khan on the throne of Dihli. It and other records, Babur’s and those of 
Afghan chroniclers, allow it to be said that if ‘Alam Khan had been strong enough to 
accomplish his share of the compact that he should take and should rule Dihli, Babur 
would have kept to his share, namely, would have maintained supremacy in the 
Panj-ab. He advanced against Ibrahim only when ‘Alam Khan had totally failed in 
arms and in securing adherence. 

* This objurgation on over-rapid marching looks like the echo of complaint made 
to Babur by men of his own whom he had given to ‘Alam Khan in Kabul. 

3 Mahmid himself may have inherited his father’s title Khan-i-jahan but a little 
further on he is specifically mentioned as the son of Khan-i-jahan, presumably because 
his father had been a more notable man than he was. Of his tribe it may be noted 
that the Haidarabad MS. uniformly writes Nuhani and not Luhani as is usual in 
European writings, and that it does so even when, as on f. 1494, the word is applied 
to a trader. Concerning the tribe, family, or caste vwéde G. of I. s.z. Lohanas and 
Crooke /.c. s.2. Pathan, para. 21. 

Fol. 256. 

_ Fol. 2568. 

Fol. 257. 


whom a fargana in the Lahor district had been given. They 
seem to have left matters at this:—Daulat Khan with Ghazi 
Khan was to take all the begs posted in Hindiistan to himself, 
indeed he was to take everything on that side ;* while ‘Alam 
Khan was to take Dilawar Khan and Haji Khan and; reinforced 
by them, was to capture Dihli and Agra. Isma‘il /i/wani and 
other amirs came and saw ‘Alam Khan; all then betook 
themselves, march by march, straight for Dihli. Near Indri 
came also Sulaiman Shaikh-zada.2 Their total touched 30 to 
40,000 men. 

They laid siege to Dihli but could neither take it by assault 
nor do hurt to the garrison. When SI. Ibrahim heard of their 
assembly, he got an army to horse against them ; when they 
heard of his approach, they rose from before the place and 
moved to meet him. They had left matters at this :—“If we 
attack by day-light, the Afghans will not desert (to us), for the 
sake of their reputations with one another ; but if we attack at 
night when one man cannot see another, each man will obey 
his own orders.” Twice over they started at fall of day from 

_a distance of 12 miles (6 Zurohs), and, unable to bring matters 

toa point, neither advanced nor retired, but just sat on horseback 
for two or three watches. On a third occasion they delivered 
an attack when one watch of night remained—their purpose 
seeming to be the burning of tents and huts! They went ; they 
set fire from every end; they made a disturbance. Jalal Khan 
Jig-hat + came with other amirs and saw ‘Alam Khan. 

Sl. Ibrahim did not bestir himself till shoot of dawn from 
where he was with a few of his own family 5 within his own 

' enclosure (savacha). Meantime ‘Alam Khan’s people were busy 

with plunder and booty. Seeing the smallness of their number, 
Sl. Ibrahim’s people moved out against them in rather small 

* z.e. west of Dihli territory, the Panj-ab. 

? He was of the Farmul family of which Babur says (f. 1394) that it was in high 
favour in Hindiistan under the Afghans and of which the author of the Wag7‘a¢-7- 
mushtagi says that it held half the lands of Dihli in ja@giv (E. and D. iv, 547). 

3 Presumably he could not cut off supplies. 

4 The only word similar to this that I have found is one *‘ Jaghat” said to mean 
serpent and to be the name of a Hindi sub-caste of Nats (Crooke, iv, 72 & 73). The 
word here might be a nick-name. Babur writes it as two words. 

5 khasa-khail, presumably members of the Sahii-khail (family) of the Lidi tribe of 
the Afghan race. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 to OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 457 

force with one elephant. ‘Alam Khan’s party, not able to make 
stand against the elephant, ran away. He in his flight crossed 
over into the Mian-di-ab and crossed back again when he 
reached the Panipat neighbourhood. In Indri he contrived on 
some pretext to get 4 Jaks from Mian Sulaiman.t He was 
deserted by Isma‘il /z/wanz, by Biban? and by his own oldest 
son Jalal, who all withdrew into the Mian-di-ab; and he had 
been deserted just before the fighting, by part of his troops, 
namely, by Darya Khan (Vihanz)’s son Saif Khan, by Khan-i- 
jahan (Wihani)’s son Mahmid Khan, and by Shaikh Jamal 
Farmuli. When he was passing through Sihrind with Dilawar 
Khan, he heard of our advance and of our capture of Milwat 
(Malot).3 On this Dilawar Khan—who always had been my 
well-wisher and on my account had dragged out three or four 
months in prison,—left ‘Alam Khan and the rest and went to 
his family in Sultanptr. He waited on me three or four days 
after we took Milwat. ‘Alam Khan and Haji Khan crossed 
the Shatlut (szc)-water and went into Gingita,4 one of the strong- 
holds in the range that lies between the valley and the plain.s 
There our Afghan and Hazara® troops besieged them, and had 
almost taken that strong fort when night came on. Those 
inside were thinking of escape but could not get out because of 
the press of horses in the Gate. There must have been elephants 
also ; when these were urged forward, they trod down and killed 
many horses. ‘Alam Khan, unable to escape mounted, got out 
on foot in the darkness. After a Jak of difficulties, he joined 
Ghazi Khan, who had not gone into Milwat but had fled into the 

* Erskine suggested that this man was a rich banker, but he might well be the 
Farmuli Shaikh-zada of f. 2564, in view of the exchange Afghan historians make of 
the Farmuli title Shaikh for Mian (7arikh-t-sher-shahi, E. & D. iv, 347 and 
Tartkh-t-daudi ib. 457). 

? This Biban, or Biban, as Babur always calls him without title, is Malik Biban 
Jilwant. Ue was associated with Shaikh Bayazid Farmulz or, as Afghan writers 
style him, Mian Bayazid Farmuliz. (Another of his name was Mian Biban, son of 
Mian Ata Saha-khail (E. & D. iv, 347).) 

3 This name occurs so frequently in and about the Panj-ab as to suggest that it 
means a fort (Ar. maluzgat?). This one in the Siwaliks was founded by Tatar Khan 
Visuf-khail (Ladi) in the time of Buhlil Zadz (E. and D. iv, 41 5). 

4 In the Beth Jalandhar da-a. 

5 z.é. on the Siwaliks, here locally known as Katar Dhar. f 

© Presumably they were from the Hazara district east of the Indus. The 7% abagat- 

t-akbart mentions that this detachment was acting under Khalifa apart from Babur 
and marching through the skirt-hills (lith. ed. p. 182). 

Fol. 2570. 

Fol. 258. 


hills. Not being received with even a little friendliness by 
Ghazi Khan; needs must! he came and waited on me at the 
foot of the dale? near Pehlir. 

(k. Diary resumed.) 

A person came to Sialkot from the Lahor begs to say they 
would arrive early next morning to wait on me. 

(Dec. 30th) Marching early next day (Rabi‘ I. 15th), we 
dismounted at Parsrir. There Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang, Khwaja 
Husain and several braves waited on me. As the enemy’s camp 
seemed to be on the Lahor side of the Ravi, we sent men out 
under Bijka for news. Near the third watch of the night they 
brought word that the enemy, on hearing of us, had fled, no man 
looking to another. 

(Dec. 31st) Getting early to horse and leaving baggage and 
train in the charge of Shah Mir Husain and Jan Beg, we 
bestirred ourselves. We reached Kalanir in the afternoon, and 
there dismounted. Muhammad Sl. Mirza and ‘Adil SL? came 
to wait on me there, together with some of the begs. 

( Jan. 1st 1526 4D.) We marched early from Kalanir. On 
the road people gave us almost certain news of Ghazi Khan and 
other fugitives. Accordingly we sent, flying after those fliers, 
the commanders Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Oitliq-qadam, Treasurer 
Wali and most of those begs who, in Kabul, had recently bent 
the knee for their begship. So far it was settled :—That it 
would be good indeed if they could overtake and capture the 
fugitives ; and that, if they were not able to do this, they were 
to keep careful watch round Milwat (Malot), so as to prevent 
those inside from getting out and away. Ghazi Khan was the 
object of this watch. 

(2. Capture of Milwat.) 

(Jan. 2nd and 3rd) After starting those begs ahead, we 
crossed the Biah-water (Beas) opposite Kanwahin3 and dis- 
mounted. From there we marched to the foot of the valley of 
Fort Milwat, making two night-halts on the way. The begs who 

* din, f. 260 and note. 

? These were both refugees from Harat. 
3 Sarkar of Batala, in the Bari d#-aé (A.-i-A. Jarrett, p. 110). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 459 

had arrived before us, and also those of Hindiistan were ordered 
to dismount in such a way as to besiege the place closely. 

A grandson of Daulat Khan, son of his eldest son ‘Ali Khan, 
Isma‘il Khan by name, came out of Milwat to see me; he took 
back promise mingled with threat, kindness with menace. 

( Jan. 5th) On Friday (Rabi‘ I. 21st) I moved camp forward 
to within a mile of the fort, went myself to examine the place, 
posted right, left and centre, then returned to camp. 

Daulat Khan sent to represent to me that Ghazi Khan had 
fled into the hills, and that, if his own faults were pardoned, he 
would take service with me and surrender Milwat. Khwaja 
Mir-i-miran was sent to chase fear from his heart and to escort 
him out ; he came, and with him his son ‘Ali Khan. I had 
ordered that the two swords he had girt to his waist to fight 
me with, should be hung from his neck. Was such a rustic 
blockhead possible! With things as they were, he still made 
pretensions! When he was brought a little forward, I ordered 
the swords to be removed from his neck. At the time of our 
seeing one another’ he hesitated to kneel; I ordered them to 
pull his leg and make him do so. I had him seated quite in 
front, and ordered a person well acquainted with Hindistani to 
interpret my words to him, one after another. Said I, “Thus 
speak :—I called thee Father. I shewed thee more honour and 
respect than thou couldst have asked. Thee and thy sons 
I saved from door-to-door life amongst the Baliichis.2 Thy 
family and thy aram I freed from Ibrahim’s prison-house.3 
Three frors I gave thee on Tatar Khan’s lands.t What ill 
sayest thou I have done thee, that thus thou shouldst hang a 
sword on thy either side,5 lead an army out, fall on lands of 
ours,® and stir strife and trouble?” Dumbfounded, the old man 

* kurtishiir wagt (Index s.n. kurish). 

* Babur’s phrasing suggests beggary. 

8 This might refer to the time when Ibrahim’s commander Bihar (Bahadur) Khan 
Niuhani took Lahor (Translator’s Note zz loco p. 441). 

4 They were his father’s. Erskine estimated the 3 4vors at £75,000. 

5 shigg, what hangs on either side, perhaps a satirical reference to the ass’ burden. 

° As illustrating Babur’s claim to rule as a Timirid in Hindistan, it may be noted 
that in 814 AH. (1411 AD.), Khizr Khan who is allowed by the date to have been 
a Sayyid ruler in Dihli, sent an embassy to Shahrukh Mirza the then Timirid ruler 

of Samarkand to acknowledge his suzerainty (AZa¢/a‘u’s-sa‘dain, Quatremére, N. et 
Ex. xiv, 196). 

Fol. 2588. 

Fol. 259. 

Fol. 2594. 


stuttered a few words, but he gave no answer, nor indeed could 
answer be given to words so silencing. He was ordered to 
remain with Khwaja Mir-i-miran. 

(Jan. 6th) On Saturday the 22nd of the first Rabi‘, I went 
myself to safeguard the exit of the families and Zarams* from 
the fort, dismounting on a rise opposite the Gate. To me there 
came ‘Ali Khan and made offering of a few ashkrafis. People 
began to bring out the families just before the Other Prayer. 
Though Ghazi Khan was reported to have got away, there were 
who said they had seen him in the fort. For this reason several 
of the household and braves? were posted at the Gate, in order 
to prevent his escape by a ruse, for to get away was his full 
intention. Moreover if jewels and other valuables were being 
taken away by stealth, they were to be confiscated. I spent 
that night in a tent pitched on the rise in front of the Gate. 

(Jan. 7th) Early next morning, Muhammadi, Ahmadi, SI. 
Junaid, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, Muhammad ‘Ali Jang-jang and Qitliiq- 
qadam were ordered to enter the fort and take possession of all 
effects. As there was much disturbance at the Gate, I shot off 
a few arrows by way of chastisement. Humayiin’s story-teller 
(géssa-khwan) was struck by the arrow of his destiny and at 
once surrendered his life. 

(Jan. 7th and 8th) After spending two nights? on the rise, 
I inspected the fort. I went into Ghazi Khan’s book-room ;5 
some of the precious things found in it, I gave to Humayin, 
some sent to Kamran (in Qandahar). There were many books 
of learned contents,° but not so many valuable ones as had at 
first appeared. I passed that night in the fort ; next morning 
I went back to camp. 

( Jan. 9th) It had been in our minds that Ghazi Khan was in 
the fort, but he, a man devoid of nice sense of honour, had 

* Firishta says that Babur mounted for the purpose of preserving the honour of the 
Afghans and by so doing enabled the families in the fort to get out of it safely (Lith. 
ed. p. 204). 

* chuhra; they will have been of the Corps of braves (yigit; Appendix H. 
section ¢.). 

3 kim kulli gharz aul aidi ; Pers. trs. ka ghars-i-kulli-t-au bad. 

4 Persice, the eves of Sunday and Monday ; Anglice, Saturday and Sunday nights. 

5 Ghazi Khan was learned and a poet (Firishta ii, 42). 

© mullayana khiid, perhaps books of learned topic but not in choice copies. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 461 

escaped to the hills, abandoning father, brethren and sisters in 

See that man without honour who never 

The face of good luck shall behold ; 

Bodily ease he chose for himself, 

In hardship he left wife and child (Gzd7stan cap. i, story 17). 

(Jan. roth) Leaving that camp on Wednesday, we moved 
towards the hills to which Ghazi Khan had fled. When we 
dismounted in the valley-bottom two miles from the camp in 
the mouth of Milwat,? Dilawar Khan came and waited on me. 
Daulat Khan, ‘Ali Khan and Isma‘il Khan, with other chiefs, 
were given into Kitta Beg’s charge who was to convey them to 
the Bhira fort of Milwat (Malot),? and there keep guard over 
them. In agreement with Dilawar Khan, blood-ransom was 
fixed for some who had been made over each to one man ; some 
gave security, some were kept prisoner. Daulat Khan died 
when Kitta Beg reached Sultanpir with the prisoners.3 

Milwat was given into the charge of Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang who, 
pledging his own life for it, left his elder brother Arghiin and 
a party of braves in it. A body of from 200 to 250 Afghans 
were told off to reinforce him. 

Khwaja Kalan had loaded several camels with Ghazni wines. 
A party was held in his quarters overlooking the fort and the 
whole camp, some drinking ‘avag, some wine. It was a varied 


(m. Jaswan-valley.) 

Marching on, we crossed a low hill of the grazing-grounds 
(argha-dal-lig) of Milwat and went into the dim, as Hindiistanis 

* f. 257. It stands in 31° 50’ N. and 76° E. (G. of L.). _ 

2 This is on the Salt-range, in 32° 42’ N. and 72°50' E. (Ayin-z-akdari trs. Jarrett, 
i, 325; Provincial Gazetteer, Jihlam District). 

3 He died therefore in the town he himself built. Kitta Beg probably escorted 
the Afghan families from Milwat also; Dilawar Khan’s own seems to have been there 
already (f. 257). 

The Bdabur-naéma makes no mention of Daulat Khan’s relations with Nanak, 
the founder of the Sikh religion, nor does it mention Nanak himself. A tradition 
exists that Nanak, when on his travels, made exposition of his doctrines to an 
attentive Babur and that he was partly instrumental in bringing Babur against the 
Afghans. He was 12 years older than Babur and survived him nine. (Cf. Dadéstan 
lith. ed. p. 270; and, for Jahangir Padshah’s notice of Daulat Khan, 7a#sa#k-7- 
Jahangiri, Rogers and Beveridge, p. 87). 


Fol. ~5o0. 

Fol]. 2604. 


are understood to call a dale (ju/ga).* In this dale is a running- 
water? of Hindistan ; along its sides are many villages ; and it 

is said to be the pargana of the Jaswal, that is to say, of. 

Dilawar Khan’s maternal uncles. It lies there shut-in, with 
meadows along its torrent, rice cultivated here and there, a three 
or four mill-stream flowing in its trough, its width from two to 
four miles, six even in places, villages on the skirts of its hills— 
hillocks they are rather—where there are no villages, peacocks, 
monkeys, and many fowls which, except that they are mostly of 
one colour, are exactly like house-fowls. 

As no reliable news was had of Ghazi Khan, we arranged for 
Tardika to go with Birim Deo Malinhas and capture him 
wherever he might be found. 

In the hills of this dale stand thoroughly strong forts ; one on 
the north-east, named Kitila, has sides 70 to 80 yards (garz) 
of straight fall, the side where the great gate is being perhaps 
7 or 8 yards.3 The width of the place where the draw-bridge 
is made, may be 10 to 12 yards. Across this they have made 
a bridge of two tall trees+ by which horses and herds are taken 
over. This was one of the local forts Ghazi Khan had 
strengthened ; his man will have been in it now. Our raiders 
(chapqiunchi) assaulted it and had almost taken it when night 
came on. ‘The garrison abandoned this difficult place and went 
off. Near this dale is also the stronghold of Ginguta ; it is girt 

* T translate din by dale because, as its equivalent, Babur uses julga by which he 
describes a more pastoral valley than one he calls a dara. 

* bir dgar-si. Babur’s earlier uses of this term [g.v. index] connect it with the 
swift flow of water in irrigation channels ; this may be so here but also the term may 
make distinction between the rapid mountain-stream and the slow movement of rivers 
across plains. 

3 There are two readings of this sentence ; Erskine’s implies that the neck of land 
connecting the fort-rock with its adjacent hill measures 7-8 ga7z (yards) from side to 
side ; de Courteille’s that where the great gate was, the perpendicular fall surrounding 
the fort shallowed to 7-8 yards. The Turki might be read, I think, to mean which- 
ever alternative was the fact. Erskine’s reading best bears out Babur’s account of 
the strength of the fort, since it allows of a cleft between the hill and the fort some 
140-160 feet deep, as against the 21-24 of de Courteille’s. Erskine may have been in 
possession of information [in 1826] by which he guided his translation (p. 300), **At 
its chief gate, for the space of 7 or 8 vez (garz), there is a place that admits of a draw- 
bridge being thrown across ; it may be Io or 12 gez wide.” If de Courteille’s reading 
be correct in taking 7-8 gari only to be the depth of the cleft, that cleft may be 

4 yighach, which also means wood. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 463 

round by precipices as Kitila is, but is not so strong as Kitila. 
As has been mentioned ‘Alam Khan went into it.” 

(n. Babur advances against Ibrahim.) 

After despatching the light troop against Ghazi Khan, I put 
my foot in the stirrup of resolution, set my hand on the rein of 
trust in God, and moved forward against Sultan Ibrahim, son of 
Sultan Sikandar, son of Buhlil Liadz Afghan, in possession of 
whose throne at that time were the Dihli capital and the 
dominions of Hindiistan, whose standing-army was called a dak 
(100,000), whose elephants and whose begs’ elephants were 
about 1000. 

At the end of our first stage, I bestowed Dibalpir on Baqi 
shaghawal? and sent him to help Balkh3; sent also gifts, taken 
in the success of Milwat, for (my) younger children and various 
train in Kabul. 

When we had made one or two marches down the (Jaswan) 
din, Shah ‘Imad SAzra@zi arrived from Araish Khan and Mulla 
Muhammad Mazhaéd,‘ bringing letters that conveyed their good 
wishes for the complete success of our campaign and indicated 
their effort and endeavour towards this. In response, we sent, 
by a foot-man, royal letters expressing our favour. We then 
marched on. 

af, 257. 

2 chief scribe (f. 13 n. to ‘Abdu’l-wahhab). Shaw’s Vocabulary explains the word 
as meaning also a “‘ high official of Central Asian sovereigns, who is supreme over all 
gazis and mullas. 

3 Babur’s persistent interest in Balkh attracts attention, especially at this time so 
shortly before he does not include it as part of his own territories (f. 270). 

Since I wrote of Balkh s.a. 923 AH. (1517 AD.), I have obtained the following 
particulars about it in that year; they are summarized from the adibw’s-styar (lith. 
ed. iii, 371). In 923 AH. Khwand-amir was in retirement at Pasht in Ghirjistan where 
also was Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. The two went in company to Balkh where the 
Mirza besieged Babur’s man Ibrahim chap (Slash-face), and treacherously murdered 
one Aiirdii-shah, an envoy sent out to parley with him. Information of what was 
happening was sent to Babur in Kabul. Babur reached Balkh when it had been 
besieged a month. His presence caused the Mirza to retire and led him to go into 
the Dara-i-gaz(Tamarind-valley). Babur, placing in Balkh Faqir-i-‘ali, one of those 
just come up with him, followed the Mirza but turned back at Aq-gumbaz (White- 
dome) which lies between Chach-charan in the Heri-riid valley and the Ghirjistan 
border, going no further because the Ghirjistanis favoured the Mirza. Babur went 
back to Kabul by the Firiiz-koh, Yaka-aiilang (cf. f. 195) and Ghiir; the Mirza was 
followed up by others, captured and conveyed to Kabul. 

4 Both were amirs of Hind. I understand the cognomen Mazhab to imply that 
its bearer occupied himself with the Muhammadan Faith in its exposition by divines 
of Islam (Hughes? Dictionary of Islam). 

Fol. 261. 

Fol. 2612. 


(0. ‘Alam Khan takes refuge with Babur.) 

The light troop we had sent out from Milwat (Malot), took 
Hurir, Kahlir and all the hill-forts of the neighbourhood— 
places to which because of their strength, no-one seemed to have 
gone for a long time—and came back to me after plundering 
a little. Came also ‘Alam Khan, on foot, ruined, stripped bare. 
We sent some of the begs to give him honourable meeting, 
sent horses too, and he waited (malazamat qgildi) in that 

Raiders of ours went into the hills and valleys round-about, 
but after a few nights’ absence, came back without anything to 
count. Shah Mir Husain, Jan Beg and a few of the braves 
asked leave and went off for a raid. 

(p. Incidents of the march for Pani-pat.) 

While we were in the (Jaswan) dz, dutiful letters had come 
more than once from Isma‘il /z/zwwanzt and Biban; we replied to 
them from this place by royal letters such as their hearts 
desired. After we got out of the dale to Ripar, it rained very 
much and became so cold that a mass of starved and naked 
Hindistanis died. 

When we had left Ripar and were dismounted at Karal,? 
opposite Sihrind, a Hindistani coming said, “I am SI. Ibrahim’s 
envoy,” and though he had no letter or credentials, asked for an 
envoy from us. We responded at once by sending one or two 
Sawadi night-guards (¢ungztar).3 These humble persons Ibrahim 
put in prison ; they made their escape and came back to us on 
the very day we beat him. 

After having halted one night on the way, we dismounted on 
the bank of the torrent+ of Bantir and Sanir. Great rivers 

« These incidents are included in the summary of ‘Alam Khan’s affairs in section 7 
(f. 2556). It will be observed that Babur’s wording implies the ** waiting” by one 
of lower rank on a superior. 

2 Elph. MS. Karnal, obviously a clerical error. 

3 Shaikh Sulaiman Effendi (Kunos) describes a ¢engifar as the guardian in war of 
a prince’s tent ; a night-guard ; and as one who repeats a prayer aloud while a prince 
is mounting. 

4 rid, which, inappropriate for the lower course of the Ghaggar, may be due to 
Babur’s visit to its upper course described immediately below. As has been noted, 
however, he uses the word vé#d to describe the empty bed of a mountain-stream as 

well as the swift water sometimes filling that bed. The account, here-following, of 
his visit to the upper course of the Ghaggar is somewhat difficult to translate. 


932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 465 

apart, one running water there is in Hindistan, is this™ ; they 
call it the water of Kakar (Ghaggar). Chitr also is on its bank. 
We rode up it for an excursion. The rising-place (sz) of the 
water of this torrent (vid) is 3 or 4 kurohs (6-8 m.) above Chitr. 
Going up the (Kakar) torrent, we came to where a 4 or 5 mill- 
stream issues from a broad (side-)valley (dara), up which there 
are very pleasant places, healthy and convenient. I ordered 
a Char-bagh to be made at the mouth of the broad valley of 
this (tributary) water, which falls into the (Kakar-) torrent after 
flowing for one or two £urohs through level ground. From its 
infall to the springs of the Kakar the distance may be 
3 to 4 kurohs (6-8 m.). When it comes down in flood during the 
rains and joins the Kakar, they go together to Samana and 
- Sanam.? 

In this camp we heard that SI. Ibrahim had been on our side 
of Dihli and had moved on from that station, also that Hamid 
Khan khdsa-khail3 the military-collector (skzgdar) of Hisar- 
firiiza, had left that place with its army and with the army of its 
neighbourhood, and had advanced 10 or 15 kurohs (20-30 m.). 
Kitta Beg was sent for news to Ibrahim’s camp, and Mumin 
Ataka to the Hisar-firiiza camp. 

(gq. Humayiin moves against Hamid Khan.) 

(Feb. 25th) Marching from Ambala, we dismounted by the 
side of alake. There Mumin Ataka and Kitta Beg rejoined 
us, both on the same day, Sunday the 13th of the first Jumada. 

We appointed Humayiin to act against Hamid Khan, and 
joined the whole of the right (wing) to him, that is to say, 
Khwaja Kalan, Sl. Muhammad D#/daz, Treasurer Wali, and 
also some of the begs whose posts were in Hindistan, namely, 
Khusrau, Hindi Beg, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and Muhammad ‘Ali /ang- 
Jang, with also, from the household and braves of the centre, 
Shah Mansir Bar/as, Kitta Beg and Muhibb-i ‘ali. 

* Hindistanda daryalardin bashga, bir agar-si kim bar (dir, is added by the 
Elph. MS.), 6% dar. Perhaps the meaning is that the one (chief?) irrigation stream, 
apart from great rivers, is the Ghaggar. The bed of the Ghaggar is undefined and 
the water is consumed for irrigation (G. of I. xx, 33 ; Index s.2. dgar-si). 

* in Patiala. Maps show what may be Babur’s strong millstream joining the 

3 Presumably he was of Ibrahim’s own family, the Sahi-khail. His defeat was 
opportune because he was on his way to join the main army. 

Fol. 262. 

Fol. 262d. 

Fol. 263. 


Biban waited on me in this camp. These Afghans remain 
very rustic and tactless! This person asked to sit although 
Dilawar Khan, his superior in following and in rank, did not sit, 
and although the sons of ‘Alam Khan, who are of royal birth, 
did not sit. Little ear was lent to his unreason ! 

(Feb. 26th) At dawn on Monday the 14th Humayiin moved 
out against Hamid Khan. After advancing for some distance, 
he sent between 100 and 150 braves scouting ahead, who went 
close up to the enemy and at once got to grips. But when 
after. a few encounters, the dark mass of Humayiin’s troops 
shewed in the rear, the enemy ran right away. Humayiin’s men 
unhorsed from 100 to 200, struck the heads off one half and 
brought the other half in, together with 7 or 8 elephants. 

(March 2nd) On Friday the 18th of the month, Beg Mirak 
Mughil brought news of Humayiin’s victory to the camp. He 
(Humayiin ?) was there and then given a special head-to-foot 
and a special horse from the royal stable, besides promise of 
guerdon (uldi). 

(March 5th) On Monday the 25th of the month, Humayin 

arrived to wait on me, bringing with him as many as 100 

prisoners and 7 or 8 elephants. Ustad ‘Ali-quli and the 
matchlockmen were ordered to shoot all the prisoners, by way 
of example. This had been Humayiin’s first affair, his first 
experience of battle ; it was an excellent omen ! 

Our men who had gone in pursuit of the fugitives, took 
Hisar-firtiza at once on arrival, plundered it, and returned to us. 
It was given in guerdon to Humayin, with all its dependencies 
and appurtenances, with it also a kror of money. 

We marched from that camp to Shahabad. After we had 
despatched a news-gatherer (¢i/-tatar kishi) to Sl. Ibrahim’s 
camp, we stayed a few days on that ground. Rahmat the 
foot-man was sent with the letters of victory to Kabul. 

(rv. News of Llorahim.) 

(March 13th) On Monday the 28th of the first Jumada,' we 
being in that same camp, the Sun entered the Sign of the Ram. 

* At this place the Elphinstone Codex has preserved, interpolated in its text, a note 
of Humiayiin’s on his first use of the razor. Part of it is written as by Babur :— 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 467 

News had come again and again from Ibrahim’s camp, “ He is 
coming, marching two miles” or “four miles”, “stopping in 
each camp two days,” or “three days”. We for our part 
advanced from Shahabad and after halting on two nights, 
reached the bank of the Jiin-river (Jumna) and encamped 
opposite Sarsawa. From that ground Khwaja Kalan’s servant 
Haidar-quli was sent to get news (Zé 77a). 

Having crossed the Jiin-river at a ford, I visited Sarsawa. 
That day also we ate matin. Sarsawa™ has a source (chashma) 
from which a smallish stream issues, not a bad place! Tardi 
Beg khaksar praising it, I said, “Let it be thine!” so just 
because he praised it, Sarsawa was given to him! 

I had a platform fixed in a boat and used to go for 
excursions on the river, sometimes too made the marches down 
it. Two marches along its bank had been made when, of those 
sent to gather news, Haidar-quli brought word that [brahim had 
sent Daud Khan (ZLa#dz) and Hatim Khan (L#dz) across the 
river into the Mian-dii-ab (Tween-waters) with 5 or 6000 men, 
and that these lay encamped some 6 or 7 miles from his own. 

(s. A successful encounter.) 

(April rst) On Sunday the 18th of the second Jumada, 
we sent, to ride light against this force, Chin-timiir Sultan,” 

** Today in this same camp the razor or scissors was applied to Humiayiin’s face.” 
Part is signed by Humayiin :—“‘ As the honoured dead, earlier in these Acts (wag7“at) 
mentions the first application of the razor to his own face (f. 120), so in imitation of 
him I mention this. I was then at the age of 18 ; now I am at the age of 48, I who 
am the sub-signed Muhammad Humiayin.” A scribe’s note attests that this is 
** copied from the hand-writing of that honoured one”. As Humiayiin’s 48th (lunar) 
birthday occurred a month before he left Kabul, to attempt the re-conquest of 
Hindistan, in November 1554 AD. (in the last month of 961 AH.), he was still 48 
(lunar) years old on the day he re-entered Dihli on July 23rd 1555 Ap. (Ramzan Ist 
962 AH.), so that this ‘‘ shaving passage ” will have been entered within those dates. 
That he should study his Father’s book at that time is natural ; his grandson Jahangir 
did the same when going to Kabul; so doubtless would do its author’s more remote 
descendants, the sons of Shah-jahan who reconquered Transoxiana. 

(Concerning the ‘‘ shaving passage” vzde the notes on the Elphinstone Codex in 
JRAS. 1900 p. 443, 451; 1902 p. 653; 1905 p. 7543 and 1907 p. 131.) 

* This ancient town of the Saharanpiir district is associated with a saint revered by 
Hindiis and Muhammadans. Cf. W. Crooke’s Popular Religion of Northern India 
p- 133. Its chashma may be inferred (from Babur’s uses of the word g.v. Index) as 
a water-head, a pool, a gathering place of springs. 

* He was the eighth son of Babur’s maternal-uncle Sl. Ahmad Khan Chaghatai and 
had fled to Babur, other brothers following him, from the service of their eldest 
brother Mansiir, Khaqan of the Mughiils ( 7a7ikh-2-rashidi trs. p. 161). 

Fol. 2636. 

Fol. 264. 


Mahdi Khwaja, Muhammad SI. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan, and the 
whole of the left, namely, Sl. Junaid, Shah Mir Husain, Oitliq- 
qadam, and with them also sent ‘Abdu’l-lah and Kitta Beg (of 
the centre). They crossed from our side of the water at the 
Mid-day Prayer, and between the Afternoon and the Evening 
Prayers bestirred themselves from the other bank.  Biban 
having crossed the water on pretext of this movement, ran away. 

(April 2nd) At day-break they came upon the enemy ;* he 
made as if coming out in a sort of array, but our men closed 
with his at once, overcame them, hustled them off, pursued and 
unhorsed them till they were opposite Ibrahim’s own camp. 
Hatim Khan was one of those unhorsed, who was Daud Khan 
(Lidz)’s elder brother and one of his commanders. Our men 
brought him in when they waited on me. They brought also 
60-70 prisoners and 6 or 7 elephants. Most of the prisoners, 
by way of warning, were made to reach their death-doom. 

(t. Preparations for battle.) 

While we were marching on in array of right, left and centre, 
the army was numbered ;? it did not count up to what had 
been estimated. 

At our next camp it was ordered that every man in the army 
should collect carts, each one according to his circumstances. 
Seven hundred carts (avaba) were brought 3 in. The order given 

* farz-wagti, when there is light enough to distinguish one object from another. 

2 dim kiiriildi (Index s.n. dim). Herethe L. & E. AZemoirs inserts an explanatory 
passage in Persian about the am. It will have been in one of the Wagz‘at-2-baburt 
MSS. Erskine used ; it is in Muh. Shivazt’s lithograph copy of the Udaipir Codex 
(p. 173). It is not in the Turki text or in all the MSS. of the Persian translation. 
Manifestly, it was entered at a time when Babur’s term aim kitrit/di requires explana- 
tion in Hindustan. The writer of it himself does not make details clear; he says only, 
**It is manifest that people declare (the number) after counting the mounted army in 
the way agreed upon amongst them, with a whip or a bow held in the hand.” This 
explanation suggests that in the march-past the troops were measured off as so many 
bow- or whip-lengths (Index s.2. dim). 

3 These avaba may have been the baggage-carts of the army and also carts procured 
on the spot. Erskine omits (JZemozrs p. 304) the words which show how many carts 
were collected and from whom. Doubtless it would be through not having these 
circumstances in his mind that he took the avaéa for gun-carriages. His incomplete 
translation, again, led Stanley Lane-Poole to write an interesting note in his Babur 
(p. 161) to support Erskine against de Courteille (with whose rendering mine agrees) 
by quoting the circumstance that Humayiin had 700 guns at Qanauj in 1540 Ap. It 
must be said in opposition to his support of Erskine’s ‘‘ gun-carriages” that there is 
no textual or circumstantial warrant for supposing Babur to have had guns, even if 


932 AH.— OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 469 

to Ustad ‘Ali-quli was that these carts should be joined together 
in Ottoman? fashion, but using ropes of raw hide instead of 
chains, and that between every two carts 5 or 6 mantelets should 
be fixed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fire. 
To allow of collecting all appliances, we delayed 5 or 6 days in 
that camp. When everything was ready, all the begs with such 
braves as had had experience in military affairs were summoned 
to a General Council where opinion found decision at this :— 
Pani-pat? is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It 
would be on one side of us ; our other sides must be protected 
by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen 
would stand. With so much settled we marched forward, halted 
one night on the way, and reached Pani-pat on Thursday the 
last day (29th) of the second Jumada (April 12th). 

(u. The opposed forces.) 

On our right was the town of Pani-pat with its suburbs; in 
front of us were the carts and mantelets we had prepared ; on 
our left and elsewhere were ditch and branch. At distances of Fol. 2644. 
an arrow’s flight3 sally-places were left for from 100 to 200 

Some in the army were very anxious and full of fear. Nothing 
recommends anxiety and fear. For why? Because what God 
has fixed in eternity cannot be changed. But though this is so, 
it was no reproach to be afraid and anxious. For why? Because 
those thus anxious and afraid were there with a two or three 
months’ journey between them and their homes ; our affair was 

made in parts, in such number as to demand 700 gun-carriages for their transport. 
What guns Babur had at Pani-pat will have been brought from his Kabul base ; if he 
had acquired any, say from Lahor, he would hardly omit to mention such an important 
reinforcement of his armament; if he had brought many guns on carts from Kabul, he 
must have met with transit-difficulties harassing enough to chronicle, while he was 
making that long journey from Kabul to Pani-pat, over passes, through skirt-hills and 
many fords. The elephants he had in Bigram may have been his transport for what 
guns he had ; he does not mention his number at Pani-pat ; he makes his victory a 
bow-man’s success ; he can be read as indicating that he had two guns only. 

* These Ottoman (text, Ramzi, Roman) defences Ustad ‘Ali-quli may have seen at 
the battle of Chaldiran fought some 40 leagues from Tabriz between Sl. Salim Rami 
and Shah Isma ‘il Safawi on Rajab Ist 920 AH. (Aug. 22nd 1514 aD.). Of this battle 
Khwand-amir gives a long account, dwelling on the effective use made in it of chained 
carts and palisades (Habibw’s-siyar iii, part 4, p. 78; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 241). 

? Is this the village of the Pani Afghans? 

3 Index 5.7. arrow. 

Fol. 265. 


with a foreign tribe and people; none knew their tongue, nor 
did they know ours :— 

A wandering band, with mind awander ; 
In the grip of a tribe, a tribe unfamiliar. * 

People estimated the army opposing us at 100,000 men; 
Ibrahim’s elephants and those of his amirs were said to be about 
1000. In his hands was the treasure of two forbears.? In 
Hindistan, when work such as this has to be done, it is 
customary to pay out money to hired retainers who are known 
as 6:d-hindi3 If it had occurred to Ibrahim to do this, he might 
have had another /ak or two of troops. God brought it right! 
Ibrahim could neither content his braves, nor share out his 
treasure. How should he content his braves when he was ruled 
by avarice and had a craving insatiable to pile coin on coin? 
He was an unproved brave+; he provided nothing for his 
military operations, he perfected nothing, nor stand, nor move, 
nor fight. 

In the interval at Pani-pat during which the army was 
preparing defence on our every side with cart, ditch and branch, 
Darwish-i-muhammad Saréan had once said to me, “With such 
precautions taken, how is it possible for him to come?” Said 
I, “Are you likening him to the Atizbeg khans and sultans ? 

* Pareshin jam u jam pareshan ; 
Giriftar gqaumi u gaumi ‘aj@ tb. 
These two lines do not translate easily without the context of their original place of 
occurrence. I have not found their source. 

? z.e. of his father and grandfather, Sikandar and Buhlil. 

3 As to the form of this word the authoritative MSS. of the Turki text agree and 
with them also numerous good ones of the Persian translation. I have made careful 
examination of the word because it is replaced or explained here and there in MSS. 
by s:hb:ndi, the origin of which is said to be obscure. The sense of 6:d-hindi and 
of s:hb:ndi is the same, z.e. irregular levy. The word as Babur wrote it must have 
been understood by earlier Indian scribes of both the Turki and Persian texts of the 
Béabur-nima. Some light on its correctness may be thought given by Hobson Jobson 
(Crooke’s ed. p. 136) 5.2. Byde or Bede Horse, where the word Byde is said to be an 
equivalent of pcndari, lati, and gazzag, raider, plunderer, so that Babur’s word 
b:d-hindi may mean gdzzag of Hind. Wherever I have referred to the word in many 
MSS. it is pointed to read 4:d, and not f:d, thus affording no warrant for under- 
standing fad, foot, foot-man, infantry, and also negativing the spelling d7d, z.e. with 
a long vowel as in Byde. 

It may be noted here that Muh. Shirazi (p. 174) substituted s:44:ndz for Babur’s 
word and that this led our friend the late William Irvine to attribute mistake to 
de Pe ae who follows the Turki text (Army of the Mughiils p. 66 and Mémoires 
ii, 163). 

4 bi tajarba yigit aidi of which the sense may be that Babur ranked Ibrahim, as 
a soldier, with a brave who has not yet proved himself deserving of the rank of beg. 
It cannot mean that he was a youth (yégi?) without experience of battle. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 471 

In what of movement under arms or of planned operations is 

he to be compared with them?” God brought it right! Things 
fell out just as I said! 

(Author’s note on the Atizbeg chiefs.) When I reached Hisar in the year 

I left Samarkand (918 AH.-1512 AD.), and all the Atzbeg khans and sultans 

gathered and came against us, we brought the families and the goods of the 

Mughils and soldiers into the Hisar suburbs and fortified these by closing the 

lanes. As those khans and sultans were experienced in equipment, in planned 

operations, and in resolute resistance, they saw from our fortification of Hisar 

that we were determined on life or death within it, saw they could not count 

on taking it by assault and, therefore, retired at once from near Nindak of 

(v. Preliminary encounters.) 

During the 7 or 8 days we lay in Pani-pat, our men used to 
go, a few together, close up to Ibrahim’s camp, rain arrows down 
on his massed troops, cut off and bring in heads. Still he made 
no move ; nor did his troops sally out. At length, we acted on 
the advice of several Hindiistani well-wishers and sent out 4 or 
5000 men to deliver a night-attack on his camp, the leaders of 
it being Mahdi Khwaja, Muhammad Sl. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan, 
Khusrau, Shah Mir Husain, Sl. Junaid Barlas, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz the 
Master of the Horse, Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang, Qitliq-qadam, 
Treasurer Wali, Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali, Pay-master Muhammad, 
Jan Beg and Qara-qizi. It being dark, they were not able to 
act together well, and, having scattered, could effect nothing on 
arrival. They stayed near Ibrahim’s camp till dawn, when the 
nagarets sounded and troops of his came out in array with 
elephants. Though our men did not do their work, they got 
off safe and sound ; not a man of them was killed, though they 
were in touch with such a mass of foes. One arrow pierced 
Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang’s leg ; though the wound was not mortal, 
he was good-for-nothing on the day of battle. 

On hearing of this affair, I sent off Humayin and his troops 
to go 2 or 3 miles to meet them, and followed him myself with 
the rest of the army in battle-array. The party of the night- 
attack joined him and came back with him. The enemy making 
no further advance, we returned to camp and dismounted. That 
night a false alarm fell on the camp; for some 20 minutes (one 
_gari) there were uproar and call-to-arms ; the disturbance died 
down after a time. 

Fol. 2654. 

Fol. 266. 


(w. Battle of Pani-pat.*) 

(April 20th) On Friday the 8th of Rajab,? news came, when 
it was light enough to distinguish one thing from another ( farg- 
wagti) that the enemy was advancing in fighting-array. We 
at once put on mail,3 armed and mounted.* Our right was 
Humayiin, Khwaja Kalan, Sultan Muhammad D¢/daz, Hindi 
Beg, Treasurer Wali and Pir-quli Szstanz; our left was 
Muhammad SI. Mirza, Mahdi Khwaja, ‘Adil Sultan, Shah Mir 
Husain, Sl. Junaid Barlas, Qitliq-qadam, Jan Beg, Pay-master 
Muhammad, and Shah Husain (of) Yaragi Mughal Ghanchi (?).5 
The right hand of the centre ® was Chin-timir Sultan, Sulaiman 
Mirza,?7 Muhammadi Kikildash, Shah Manstir Bar/as, Yinas-i- 
‘ali, Darwish-i-muhammad Séréaz and ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian. 
The left of the centre was Khalifa, Khwaja Mir-i-miran, 
Secretary Ahmadi, Tardi Beg (brother) of Quj Beg, Khalifa’s 
Muhibb-i-‘ali and Mirza Beg Tarkhan. The advance was 
Khusrau Kikildash and Muh. ‘Ali Jang-jang. ‘Abduw’l-‘aziz 

* Well-known are the three decisive historical battles fought near the town of 
Pani-pat, v/s. those of Babur and Ibrahim in 1526, of Akbar and Himii in 1556, and 
of Ahmad Aéda/i with the Mahratta Confederacy in 1761. The following lesser 
particulars about the battle-field are not so frequently mentioned :—(2) that the scene 
of Babur’s victory was long held to be haunted, Badayiini himself, passing it at dawn 
some 62 years later, heard with dismay the din of conflict and the shouts of the com- 
batants ; (77) that Babur built a (perhaps commemorative) mosque one mile to the 
n.e. of the town ; (727) that one of the unaccomplished desires of Sher Shah Sz, the 
conqueror of Babur’s son Humayiin, was to raise two monuments on the battle-field 
of Pani-pat, one to Ibrahim, the other to those Chaghatai sultans whose martyrdom 
he himself had brought about ; (cv) that in 1910 ap. the British Government placed 
a monument to mark the scene of Shah Adda/i’s victory of 1761 AD. This monument 
would appear, from Sayyid Ghulam-i-‘ali’s Nigar-nima-t-hind, to stand close to the 
scene of Babur’s victory also, since the Mahrattas were entrenched as he was outside 
the town of Pani-pat. (Cf. E. & D. viii, gor.) 

* This important date is omitted from the L. & E. Memoirs. 

3 This wording will cover armour of man and horse. 

* atlandik, Pers. trs. siwar shudim. Some later oriental writers locate Babur’s 
battle at two or more miles from the town of Pani-pat, and Babur’s word a/landiik 
might imply that his cavalry rode forth and arrayed outside his defences, but his 
narrative allows of his delivering attack, through the wide sally-ports, after arraying 
behind the carts and mantelets which checked his adversary’s swift advance. The 
Mahrattas, who may have occupied the same ground as Babur, fortified themselves 
more strongly than he did, as having powerful artillery against them. Ahmad Shah 
Abdaii’s defence against them was an ordinary ditch and addattis, [Babur’s ditch and 
res een of dhak trees (Butea frondosa), a local product Babur also is likely to 

ave used. 

5 The preceding three words seem to distinguish this Shah Husain from several 

others of his name and may imply that he th . Varast Oy CAmeeEr 
(Index and I.O. 217 £, 1846 1. 7 was the son of Varagi Mughii nchi 

. For Babur’s terms vide f. 2096. 
? This is Mirza Khan’s son, 7.e. Wais Miran-shahi <> 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 473 

the Master of the Horse was posted as the reserve. For the 
turning-party (¢#/ghuma) at the point of the right wing,’ we 
fixed on Red Wali and Malik Qasim (brother) of Baba Qashga, 
with their Mughils; for the turning-party at the point of the 
left wing, we arrayed Qara-qizi, Abi’l-muhammad the lance- 
player, Shaikh Jamal Sa@rin’s Shaikh ‘Ali, Mahndi(?) and 
Tingri-birdi Bashaghi(?) Mughul; these two parties, directly 
the enemy got near, were to turn his rear, one from the right, 
the other from the left. 

When the dark mass of the enemy first came in sight, he 
seemed to incline towards our right ; ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, who was the 
right-reserve, was sent therefore to reinforce the right. From 
the time that Sl. [brahim’s blackness first appeared, he moved 
swiftly, straight for us, without a check, until he saw the dark 
mass of our men, when his pulled up and, observing our formation 
and array,? made as if asking, “To stand or not? To advance 
or not?” They could not stand; nor could they make their 
former swift advance. 

Our orders were for the turning-parties to wheel from right 
and left to the enemy’s rear, to discharge arrows and to engage 
in the fight ; and for the right and left (wings) to advance and 
join battle with him. The turning-parties wheeled round and 
began to rain arrows down. Mahdi Khwaja was the first of the 
left to engage ; he was faced by a troop having an elephant with 
it ; his men’s flights of arrows forced it to retire. To reinforce 
the left I sent Secretary Ahmadi and also Qij Beg’s Tardi Beg 
and Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali. On the right also there was some 
stubborn fighting. Orders were given for Muhammadi Kikildash, 
Shah Manstr Sarlds, Yinas-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-lah to engage 
those facing them in front of the centre. From that same 
position Ustad ‘Ali-quli made good discharge of firzngz shots ; 3 

* A dispute for this right-hand post of honour is recorded on f. 1004, as also in 
accounts of Culloden. 

? tartib u ydasal, which may include, as Erskine took it to do, the carts and 
mantelets ; of these however, Ibrahim can hardly have failed to hear before he rode 
out of camp. 

3 f, 2176 and note; Irvine’s Army of the Indian Mughuls p. 133. Here Erskine 
notes (AZems. p. 306) ‘* The size of these artillery at this time is very uncertain. The 
word fizingi is now (1826 ap.) used in the Deccan for a swivel. At the present day, 
zarb-2an in common usage is a small species of swivel. Both words in Babur’s time 

Fol. 2664. 


Mustafa the commissary for his part made excellent discharge 
Fol. 267. of sarb-san shots from the left hand of the centre. Our right, 
left, centre and turning-parties having surrounded the enemy, 
rained arrows down on him and fought ungrudgingly. He 
made one or two small charges on our right and left but under 
our men’s arrows, fell back on his own centre. His right and 
left hands (gi) were massed in such a crowd that they could 
neither move forward against us nor force a way for flight. 

When the incitement to battle had come, the Sun was spear- 
high ; till mid-day fighting had been in full force ; noon passed, 
the foe was crushed in defeat, our friends rejoicing and gay. | 
By God’s mercy and kindness, this difficult affair was made easy ” 
for us! In one half-day, that armed mass was laid upon the 
earth. Five or six thousand men were killed in one place close 
to Ibrahim. Our estimate of the other dead, lying all over the 
field, was 15 to 16,000, but it came to be known, later in Agra 
from the statements of Hindistanis, that 40 or 50,000 may have 
died in that battle." 

The foe defeated, pursuit and unhorsing of fugitives began. 
Our men brought in amirs of all ranks and the chiefs they 
captured ; mahauts made offering of herd after herd of elephants. 

Ibrahim was thought to have fled ; therefore, while pursuing 

Fol. 2674. the enemy, we told off Qismatai Mirza, Baba chuhra and Bijka 
of the £hasa-tabin? to lead swift pursuit to Agra and try to | 
take him. We passed through his camp, looked into his own a 
enclosure (sara@cha) and quarters, and dismounted on the bank a 
of standing-water (garda-si). 

appear to have been used for field-cannon.” _ (For an account of guns, intermediate 
‘n ered Abts: Babur and Erskine, see the Ayin-z-akbari. Cf. f. 264 n. on the carts 

* Although the authority of the 7arikh-i-salatin-i-afaghana is not weighty its 
reproduction of Afghan opinion is worth consideration. It says that astrologers fore- 
told Ibrahim’s defeat ; that his men, though greatly outnumbering Babur’s, were 
out-of-heart through his ill-treatment of them, and his amirs in displeasure against 
him, but that never-the-less, the conflict at Pani-pat was more desperate than had - 
ever been seen. It states that Ibrahim fell where his tomb now is (de. in cérca ; 
1002 AH.-1594 AD.); that Babur went to the spot and, prompted by his tender 
heart, lifted up the head of his dead adversary, and said, ‘‘ Honour to your courage !”, 
ordered brocade and sweetmeats made ready, enjoined Dilawar Khan and Khalifa to 
bathe the corpse and to bury it where it lay (E. & D. v, 2). Naturally, part of the 
reverence shewn to the dead would be the burial together of head and trunk. 

® f, 2094 and App. H. section c. Baba chuhva would be one of the corps of braves. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 475 

It was the Afternoon Prayer when Khalifa’s younger brother- 
in-law Tahir Tibri* who had found Ibrahim’s body in a heap of 
dead, brought in his head. 

(x. Detachments sent to occupy Dihli and Agra.) 

On that very same day we appointed Humayiin Mirza? to 
ride fast and light to Agra with Khwaja Kalan, Muhammadi, 
Shah Mansir Barlas, Yinas-i-‘ali, ‘Abdu’l-lah and Treasurer 
Wali, to get the place into their hands and to mount guard over 
the treasure. We fixed on Mahdi Khwaja, with Muhammad 
Sl. Mirza, ‘Adil Sultan, SI. Junaid Barla@s and Qitliiq-qadam to 
leave their baggage, make sudden incursion on Dihli, and keep 
watch on the treasuries.3 

(April 21st) We marched on next day and when we had gone 
2 miles, dismounted, for the sake of the horses, on the bank of 
the Jin (Jumna). 

(April 24th) On Tuesday (Rajab 12th), after we had halted 
on two nights and had made the circuit of Shaikh Nizamu’d-din 
Auliya@s tomb+ we dismounted on the bank of the Jin over 
against Dihli5 That same night, being Wednesday-eve, we made 
an excursion into the fort of Dihli and there spent the night. 

(April 25th) Next day (Wednesday Rajab 13th) I made the 
circuit of Khwaja Qutbu’d-din’s® tomb and visited the tombs 
and residences of Sl. Ghiyasu’d-din Balban7 and Sl]. ‘Alau’u’d-din 

* He was a brother of Muhibb-i-‘ali’s mother. 

* To give Humayan the title Mirza may be a scribe’s lapse, but might also be 
a nuance of Babur’s, made to shew, with other wzzwtéae, that Humayiin was in chief 
command. The other minute matters are that instead of Humayiin’s name being the 
first of a simple series of commanders’ names with the enclitic accusative appended 
to the last one (here Wali), as is usual, Humayiin’s name has its own enclitic zz ; 
and, again, the phrase is ‘‘ Humdydin with” such and such begs, a turn of expression 
differentiating him from the rest. The same unusual variations occur again, just below, . 
perhaps with the same intention of shewing chief command, there of Mahdi Khwaja. 

3 A small matter of wording attracts attention in the preceding two sentences. 
Babur, who does not always avoid verbal repetition, here constructs two sentences 
which, except for the place-names Dihli and Agra, convey information of precisely 
the same action in entirely different words. 

4 d.1325 ap. The places Babur visited near Dihli are described in the Reports 
of the Indian Archaeological Survey, in Sayyid Ahmad’s Asar Sanadid pp. 74-85, in 
Keene’s Hand-book to Dihli and Murray’s Hand-book to Bengal etc. The last two 
quote much from the writings of Cunningham and Fergusson. 

5 and on the same side of the river. 

© d. 1235 AD. He was a native of Aish [Ush] in Farghana. 

7 d. 1286 ap. He was a Slave ruler of Dihli. 

Fol. 268. 


Khilji,t his Minar, and the Hauz-shamsi, Hauz-i-khas and the 
tombs and gardens of SI. Buhlil and Sl. Sikandar (Liad7Z). 
Having done this, we dismounted at the camp, went on a boat, 
and there ‘avag was drunk. 

We bestowed the Military Collectorate (shigdarlight) of Dihli 
on Red Wali, made Dost Diwan in the Dihli district, sealed the 
treasuries, and made them over to their charge. 

(April 26th) On Thursday we dismounted on the bank of the 
Jiin, over against Tighliqabad.? 

(y. The khutba read for Babur in Dthit.) 

(April 27th) On Friday (Rajab 15th) while we remained on 
the same ground, Maulana Mahmid and Shaikh Zain went with 
a few others into Dihli for the Congregational Prayer, read the 
khutba in my name, distributed a portion of money to the poor 
and needy,3 and returned to camp. 

(April 28th) Leaving that ground on Saturday (Rajab 16th), 
we advanced march by march for Agra. I made an excursion 
to Tighliqabad and rejoined the camp. 

(May 4th) On Friday (Rajab 22nd), we dismounted at the 
mansion (#anzil) of Sulaiman Farmu/i in a suburb of Agra, but 
as the place was far from the fort, moved on the following day 
to Jalal Khan /zg:hat’s house. 

On Humayin’s arrival at Agra, ahead of us, the garrison had 
made excuses and false pretexts (about surrender). He and his 
noticing the want of discipline there was, said, “ The long hand 
may be laid on the Treasury ”! and so sat down to watch the 
roads out of Agra till we should come. 

* ‘Alau’u’d-din Muh. Shah Akc/ji Turk d. 1316 ap. It is curious that Babur 
should specify visiting his Minar (mnari, Pers. trs. 1.0. 217 f. 1856, ménar-z-au) and 
not mention the Qutb Minar. Possibly he confused the two. The ‘Alai Minar 
remains unfinished ; the Qutb is judged by Cunningham to have been founded by 
Qutbu'd-din Aibak 7rk, circa 1200 AD. and to have been completed by Sl. Shamsu’d- 
din Altamsh (Ailtimish ?) Zzrk, circa 1220 ap. Of the two tanks Babur visited, the 
Royal-tank (Aaws-2-khdz) was made by ‘Alau’u’d-din in 1293 AD. 

* The familiar Turki word Tighliiq would reinforce much else met with in Dihli 
to strengthen Babur’s opinion that, as a Turk, he had a right to rule there. Many, 
if not all, of the Slave dynasty were Turks ; these were followed by the Khilji Turks, 
these again by the Tiighliiqs. Moreover the Panj-ab he had himself taken, and lands 
on both sides of the Indus further south had been ruled by Ghaznawid Turks. His 
latest conquests were ‘‘ where the Turk had ruled” (f. 2266) long, wide, and with 
interludes only of non-Turki sway. 

3 Perhaps this charity was the Azams (Fifth) due from a victor. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 477 

(z. The great diamond.) 

In Sultan Ibrahim’s defeat the Raja of Gialiar Bikramajit the 
Hindi had gone to hell.* 

(Authors note on Bikramajit.) The ancestors of Bikramajit had ruled in 
Gialiar for more than a hundred years.? Sikandar (Z#az) had sat down in 
Agra for several years in order to take the fort; later on, in Ibrahim’s time, 
‘Azim Humayiin Sarwdani 3 had completely invested it for some while ; following 
this, it was taken on terms under which Shamsabad was given in exchange 
for it.4 

Bikramajit’s children and family were in Agra at the time of 
Ibrahim’s defeat. When Humayiin reached Agra, they must 
have been planning to flee, but his postings of men (to watch 
the roads) prevented this and guard was kept over them. 
Humayin himself did not let them go (darghali qiimas). They 
made him a voluntary offering of a mass of jewels and valuables 
amongst which was the famous diamond which ‘Alau’u’d-din 
must have brought.5 Its reputation is that every appraiser has 
estimated its value at two and a half days’ food for the whole 
world. Apparently it weighs 8 mzsga/s.° Humayin offered it 
to me when IJ arrived at Agra; I just gave it him back. 

(aa. Ibrahim’s mother and entourage.) 

Amongst men of mark who were in the fort, there were Malik 
Dad Karani, Milli Sardak and Firtiz Khan Miwatz. They, 
being convicted of false dealing, were ordered out for capital 
punishment. Several persons interceded for Malik Dad Karani 
and four or five days passed in comings and goings before the 

* Bikramajit was a Tinir Rajpit. Babur’s unhesitating statement of the Hindu’s 
destination at death may be called a fruit of conviction, rather than of what modern 
opinion calls intolerance. 

? 120 years (Cunningham’s Report of the Archaeological Survey ii, 330 et seq.). 

3 The 7arikh-t-sher-shahi tells a good deal about the man who bore this title, and 
also about others who found themselves now in difficulty between Ibrahim’s tyranny 
and Babur’s advance (E. & D. iv, 301). 

4 Gualiar was taken from Bikramajit in 1518 ap. 

5 ¢.e. from the Deccan of which ‘Alau’u’d-din is said to have been the first Mu- 
hammadan invader. An account of this diamond, identified as the Koh-i-nir, is given 
in Hobson Jobson but its full history is not told by Yule or by Streeter’s Great 
Diamonds of the World, neither mentioning the presentation of the diamond by 
Humayin to Tahmasp of which Abi’1-fazl writes, dwelling on its overplus of payment 
for all that Humayin in exile received from his Persian host (4/éar-nama trs. i, 349 
and note; Astatzc Quarterly Review, April 1899 H. Beveridge’s art. Babur’s diamond ; 
was tt the Koh-t-nir ?). 

° 320 vatis (Erskine). The rafi is 2.171 Troy grains, or in picturesque primitive 
equivalents, is 8 grains of rice, or 64 mustard seeds, or 512 poppy-seeds,—uncertain 
weights which Akbar fixed in cat’s-eye stones. 

Fol. 2684. 

Fol. 269. 


matter was arranged. We then shewed to them (all?) kindness 
and favour in agreement with the petition made for them, and 
we restored them all their goods.t A pargana worth 7 laks? 
was bestowed on Ibrahim’s mother ; parganas were given also 
to these begs of his. She was sent out of the fort with her old 
servants and given encamping-ground (yz#rt) two miles below 
Agra. : 

(May roth) 1 entered Agra at the Afternoon Prayer of 
Thursday (Rajab 28th) and dismounted at the mansion (manzz/) 
of Sl. [brahim. 


(a. Babur’s five attempts on Hindustan.) 

From the date 910 at which the country of Kabul was con- 
quered, down to now (932 AH.) (my) desire for Hindistan had 
been constant, but owing sometimes to the feeble counsels of 
begs, sometimes to the non-accompaniment of elder and younger 
brethren,* a move on Hindistan had not been practicable and its 
territories had remained unsubdued. At length no such obstacles 
were left ; no beg, great or small (deg degaz) of lower birth, could 
speak an opposing word. In925 AH. (1519 AD.) we led an army 
out and, after taking Bajaur by storm in 2-3 gari (44-66 minutes), 
and making a general massacre of its people, went on into Bhira. 
Bhira we neither over-ran nor plundered ; we imposed a ransom 
on its people, taking from them in money and goods to the value 

* Babur’s plurals allow the supposition that the three men’s lives were spared. 
Malik Dad served him thenceforth. 

* Erskine estimated these as dams and worth about £1750, but this may be an 
underestimate (77. of 7. i, App. E.). 

3 ** These begs of his” (or hers) may be the three written of above. 

* These will include cousins and his half-brothers Jahangir and Nasir as opposing 
before he took action in 925 AH. (1519 AD.). The time between QIO AH. and 925 AH. 
at which he would most desire Hindiistan is after 920 AH. in which year he returned 
defeated from Transoxiana. 

5 kichik karim, which here seems to make contrast between the ruling birth of 
members of his own family and the lower birth of even great begs still with him. 
Where the phrase occurs on f. 295, Erskine renders it by ‘‘ down to the dregs”, and 
de Courteille (ii, 235) by “‘de toutes les bouches” but néither translation appears to 
me to suit Babur’s uses of the term, inasmuch as both seem to go too low (cf. f. 2704). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 479 

of 4 daks of shahrukhis and having shared this out to the army 
and auxiliaries, returned to Kabul. From then till now we 
laboriously held tight* to Hindiistan, five times leading an army 
into it.2 The fifth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy 
and favour, made such a foe as SI. Ibrahim the vanquished and 
loser, such a realm as Hindiistan our conquest and possession. 

(6. Three invaders from Tramontana.) 

From the time of the revered Prophet down till now 3 three 
men from that side + have conquered and ruled Hindistan. Sl. 
Mahmiid GAdzz5 was the first, who and whose descendants sat 
long on the seat of government in Hindistan. Sl]. Shihabu’d-din 
of Ghir was the second,° whose slaves and dependants royally 
shepherded 7 this realm for many years. I am the third. 

But my task was not like the task of those other rulers. For 
why? Because SI. Mahmid, when he conquered Hindistan, had 
the throne of Khurasan subject to his rule, vassal and obedient to 
him were the sultans of Khwarizm and the Marches(Darw’/-marz), 
and under his hand was the ruler of Samarkand. Though his 
army may not have numbered 2 /aks, what question is there that 
it® was one. Then again, rajas were his opponents ; all Hindi- 
stan was not under one supreme head (padshah), but each raja 
ruled independently in his own country. Sl. Shihabu’d-din again, 
—though he himself had no rule in Khurasan, his elder brother 
Ghiyasu’d-din had it. The 7abagdat-t-nasiri9 brings it forward 

* aitirushib, Pers. trs. chaspida, stuck to. 

2 The first expedition is fixed by the preceding passage as in 925 AH. which was 
indeed the first time a passage of the Indus is recorded. Three others are found 
recorded, those of 926, 930 and 932 AH. Perhaps the fifth was not led by Babur in 
person, and may be that of his troops accompanying ‘Alam Khan in 931 AH. But 
he may count into the set of five, the one made in 910 AH. which he himself meant 
to cross the Indus. Various opinions are found expressed by European writers as to 
the dates of the five. 

3 Muhammad died 632 ap. (II AH.). 

4 Tramontana, n. of Hindi-kush. For particulars about the dynasties mentioned 
by Babur see Stanley Lane-Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties. 

’ Mahmid of Ghazni, a Turk by race, d. 1030 AD. (421 AH.). 

®° known as Muh. GAazi, d. 1206 AD. (602 AH.). 

? stribturlar, lit. drove them like sheep (cf. f. 1544). 

° khiid, itself, not Babur’s only Hibernianism. 

9 **This is an excellent history of the Musalman world down to the time of Sl. Nasir 
of Dihli A.p. 1252, It was written by Aba ‘Umar Minhij al Jiirjani. See Stewart’s 
catalogue of Tipoo’s Library, p. 7” (Erskine). It has been translated by Raverty. 

Fol. 2696. 

Fol. 270. 

Fol. 2706. 


that he once led into Hindistan an army of 120,000 men and 
horse in mail.t_ His opponents also were rais and rajas; one 
man did not hold all Hindistan. 

That time we came to Bhira, we had ‘at most some 1500 to 
2000 men. We had made no previous move on Hindistan with 
an army equal to that which came the fifth time, when we beat 
Sl. Ibrahim and conquered the realm of Hindustan, the total 
written down for which, taking one retainer with another, and 
with traders and servants, was 12,000. Dependent on me were 
the countries of Badakhshan, Qindiiz, Kabul and Qandahar, but 
no reckonable profit came from them, rather it was necessary to 
reinforce them fully because several lie close toan enemy. Then 
again, all Mawara’u’n-nahr was in the power of the Aizbeg khans 
and sultans, an ancient foe whose armies counted up to 100,000, 
Moreover Hindistan, from Bhira to Bihar, was in the power of 
the Afghans and in it Sl. Ibrahim was supreme. In proportion 
to his territory his army ought to have been 5 /aks, but at that 
time the Eastern amirs were in hostility to him. His army was 
estimated at 100,000 and people said his elephants and those of 
his amirs were 1000, 

Under such conditions, in this strength, and having in my rear 
100,000 old enemies such as are the Atizbegs, we put trust in God 
and faced the ruler of such a dense army and of domains so wide. 
As our trust was in Him, the most high God did not make our 
labour and hardships vain, but defeated that powerful foe and 
conquered that broad realm. Not as due to strength and effort 
of our own do we look upon this good fortune, but as had solely 
through God’s pleasure and kindness. We know that this 
happiness was not the fruit of our own ambition and resolve, but 
that it was purely from His mercy and favour. 

(a. Hindistan,) 
The country of Hindistan is extensive, full of men, and full 

of produce. On the east, south, and even on the west, it ends at 
its great enclosing ocean (muhit darya-si-gha). On the north 

* bargustwan-war ; Erskine, cataphract horse. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 to OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 481 

it has mountains which connect: with those of Hindi-kush, 
Kafiristan and Kashmir. North-west of it lie Kabul, Ghazni 
and Qandahar. Dihli is held (azrimish) to be the capital of the 
whole of Hindistan. From the death of Shihabu’d-din Ghiri 
(d. 602 AH.—1206 AD.) to the latter part of the reign of S]. Firiz 
Shah (Tighliig Turk d. 790 AH.—1388 AD.), the greater part of 
Hinditstan must have been under the rule of the sultans of Dihli. 

(6. Rulers contemporary with Babur’s conquest.) 

At the date of my conquest of Hindistan it was governed by 
five Musalman rulers ( pa@dshah)* and two Pagans (kajir). These 
were the respected and independent rulers, but there were also, 
in the hills and jungles, many rais and rajas, held in little esteem 
(kichik karim). 

First, there were the Afghans who had possession of Dihli, the 
capital, and held the country from Bhira to Bihar. Jinpir, before 
their time, had been in possession of Sl. Husain Shargi (Eastern)? 
whose dynasty Hindistanis call Pirabi (Eastern). His ancestors 
will have been cup-bearers in the presence of Sl]. Firtiz Shah 
and those (Tighliiq) sultans; they became supreme in Jinpir 
after his death3 At that time Dihli was in the hands of 
Sl. ‘Alau’u’d-din (‘Alam Khan) of the Sayyid dynasty to whose 
ancestor Timir Beg had given it when, after having captured it, 
he went away.* Sl. Buhlil Zadz and his son (Sikandar) got 
possession of the capital Jinpir and the capital Dihli, and 
brought both under one government (881 AH.—1476 AD.). 

Secondly, there was Sl. Muhammad Muzaffer in Gujrat; he 
departed from the world a few days before the defeat of 
Sl. Ibrahim. He was skilled in the Law, a ruler ( padshah) seeking 
after knowledge, and a constant copyist of the Holy Book. His 
dynasty people call Tank.5 His ancestors also will have been 

* The numerous instances of the word pddshah in this part of the Babur-nama 
imply no such distinction as attaches to the title Emperor by which it is frequently 
translated (Index s.n. padshah). 

2 d. 1500 AD. (905 AH.). 

3 d. 1388 Ap. (790 AH.). 

4 The ancestor mentioned appears to be Nasrat Shah, a grandson of Firtiz Shah 
Tighlig (S. L.-Poole p. 300 and Beale, 298). 

5 His family belonged to the Rajpit sept of Tank, and had become Muhammadan 
in the person of Sadharan the first ruler of Gujrat (Crooke’s 7ribes and Castes; 
Mirat-i-stkandari, Bayley p. 67 and n.). 

Fol. 271. 

Fol. 2714. 


wine-servers to SI. Firiiz Shah and those (Tighliq) sultans ; they 
became possessed of Gujrat after his death. 

Thirdly, there were the Bahmanis of the Dakkan (Deccan, ze. 
South), but at the present time no independent authority is left 
them ; their great begs have laid hands on the whole country, 
and must be asked for whatever is needed.* 

Fourthly, there was Sl. Mahmiid in the country of Malwa, 
which people call also Mandai.? His dynasty they call Khiltj 
(Turk). Rana Sanga had defeated Sl. Mahmid and taken 
possession of most of his country. This dynasty also has 
become feeble. Sl. Mahmiid’s ancestors also must have been 
cherished by Sl. Firiiz Shah; they became possessed of the 
Malwa country after his death.3 

Fifthly, there was Nasrat Shah4 in the country of Bengal. 
His father (Husain Shah), a sayyid styled ‘Alau’u’d-din, had 
ruled in Bengal and Nasrat Shah attained to rule by inheritance. 
A surprising custom in Bengal is that hereditary succession is 
rare. The royal office is permanent and there are permanent 
offices of amirs, wazirs and mansab-dars (officials). It is the 
office that Bengalis regard with respect. Attached to each 
office is a body of obedient, subordinate retainers and servants. 
If the royal heart demand that a person should be dismissed 
and another be appointed to sit in his place, the whole body of 
subordinates attached to that office become the (new) office- 
holder’s. There is indeed this peculiarity of the royal office 
itself that any person who kills the ruler (fadshah) and seats 
himself on the throne, becomes ruler himself; amirs, wazirs, 
soldiers and peasants submit to him at once, obey him, and 
recognize him for the rightful ruler his predecessor in office had 
been.* Bengalis say, “ We are faithful to the throne ; we loyally 

* S. L.-Poole p. 316-7. 

* Mandaii (Mandi) was the capital of Malwa. 

3 Stanley Lane-Poole shews (p. 311) a dynasty of three Ghiris interposed between 
the death of Firiiz Shah in 790 Au. and the accession in 839 AH. of the first Khilji 
ruler of Gujrat Mahmid Shah. 

* He reigned from 1518 to 1532 Ap. (925 to 939 aH. S.L.-P. p. 308) and had to 
wife a daughter of Ibrahim Liadi (Riyasw’s-salatin). His dynasty was known as the 
Husain-shahi, after his father. 

re si Strange as this custom may seem, a similar one prevailed down to a very late 
period in Malabar. There was a jubilee every 12 years in the Samorin’s country, and 
any-one who succeeded in forcing his way through the Samorin’s guards and slew 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 483 

obey whoever occupies it.” As for instance, before the reign of 
Nasrat Shah’s father ‘Alau’u’d-din, an Abyssinian (Hadédshi, 
named Muzaffar Shah) had killed his sovereign (Mahmid 
Shah //yas), mounted the throne and ruled for some time. 
‘Alau’u’d-din killed that Abyssinian, seated himself on the throne 
and became ruler. When he died, his son (Nasrat) became 
ruler by inheritance. Another Bengali custom is to regard it 
as a disgraceful fault in a new ruler if he expend and consume 
the treasure of his predecessors. On coming to rule he must 
gather treasure of his own. To amass treasure Bengalis regard 
as a glorious distinction. Another custom in Bengal is that 
from ancient times parganas have been assigned to meet the 
charges of the treasury, stables, and all royal expenditure and 
to defray these charges no impost is laid on other lands. 

These five, mentioned above, were the great Musalman rulers, 
honoured in Hindistan, many-legioned, and broad-landed. Of 
the Pagans the greater both in territory and army, is the Raja 
of Bijanagar.* 

The second is Rana Sanga who in these latter days had 
grown great by his own valour and sword. His original country 
was Chitir ; in the downfall from power of the Mandai sultans, 
he became possessed of many of their dependencies such as 
Rantanbir, Sarangpir, Bhilsan and Chandiri. Chandiri I stormed 
in 934 AH. (1528 A.D.)? and, by God’s pleasure, took it in a few 
hours; in it was Rana Sanga’s great and trusted man Midni 

him, reigned in his stead. ‘A jubilee is proclaimed throughout his dominions at the 
end of 12 years, and a tent is pitched for him in a spacious plain, and a great feast 
is celebrated for 10 or 12 days with mirth and jollity, guns firing night and day, so, 
at the end of the feast, any four of the guests that have a mind to gain a throne by 
a desperate action in fighting their way through 30 or 40,000 of his guards, and kill 
the Samorin in his tent, he that kills him, succeeds him in his empire.’ See Hamilton’s 
New Account of the East Indies vol. i. p. 309. The attempt was made in 1695, and 
again a very few years ago, but without success” (Erskine p. 311). 

The custom Babur writes of—it is one dealt with at length in Frazer’s Golden 
Bough—would appear from Blochmann’s Geography and History of Bengal (JASB 
1873 p. 286) to have been practised by the Habshi rulers of Bengal of whom he 
quotes Faria y Souza as saying, ‘‘ They observe no rule of inheritance from father to 
son, but even slaves sometimes obtain it by killing their master, and whoever holds 
it three days, they look upon as established by divine providence. Thus it fell out 
that in 40 years space they had 13 kings successively.” 

* No doubt this represents Vijayanagar in the Deccan. 

? This date places the composition of the Description of Hindustan in agreement 
with Shaikh Zain’s statement that it was in writing in 935 AH. 

Fol. 272. 

Fol. 2726. 


Rao ; we made general massacre of the Pagans in it and, as will 
be narrated, converted what for many years had been a mansion 
of hostility, into a mansion of Islam. . 

There are very many rais and rajas on all sides and quarters 
of Hindiistan, some obedient to Islam, some, because of their 
remoteness or because their places are fastnesses, not subject to 
Musalman rule. 
(c. Of Hindistan.) 

Hindistan is of the first climate, the second climate, and 
the third climate; of the fourth climate it has none. It is 
a wonderful country. Compared with our countries it is a 
different world; its mountains, rivers, jungles and deserts, its 
towns, its cultivated lands, its animals and plants, its peoples” 
and their tongues, its rains, and its winds, are all different. In 
some respects the hot-country (garm-si/) that depends on Kabul, 
is like Hindistan, but in others, it is different. Once the water 
of Sind is crossed, everything is in the Hindistan way (¢arzq) 
land, water, tree, rock, people and horde, opinion and custom. 


(ad. Of the northern mountains.) 

After crossing the Sind-river (eastwards), there are countries, 
in the northern mountains mentioned above, appertaining to 
Kashmir and once included in it, although most of them, as for 
example, Pakli and Shahmang (?), do not now obey it. Beyond 
Kashmir there are countless peoples and hordes, parganas and 
cultivated lands, in the mountains. As far as Bengal, as far 
indeed as the shore of the great ocean, the peoples are without 
break. About this procession of men no-one has been able 
to give authentic information in reply to our enquiries and 
investigations. So far people have been saying that they call 
these hill-men Xas.t It has struck me that as a Hindustani 
pronounces shin as sin (z.e. sh as s), and as Kashmir is the one 
respectable town in these mountains, no other indeed being 
heard of, Hindtistanis might pronounce it Kasmir. These 

* Are they the Khas of Nepal and Sikkim ? (G. of I.). 

* Here Erskine notes that the Persian (trs.) adds, ‘‘ mir signifying a hill, and fas 

being the name of the natives of the hill-country.” This may not support the name 
kas as correct but may be merely an explanation of Babur’s meaning. It is not in 

1.0. 217 f. 189 or in Muh. Shirazz’s lithographed Wag? ‘at-i-baburt p. 190. . 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 485 

people trade in musk-bags, 6:ri-giitds,. saffron, lead and 

Hindis call these mountains Sawalak-parbat. In the Hindi 
tongue sawai-lak means one lak and a quarter, that is, 125,000, 
and parbat means a hill, which makes 125,000 hills.2, The snow 
on these mountains never lessens; it is seen white from many 
districts of Hind, as, for example, Lahor, Sihrind and Sambal. 
The range, which in Kabul is known as Hindi-kush, comes from 
Kabul eastwards into Hindistan, with slight inclination to the 
south. The Hindistanat 3 are to the south of it. Tibet lies to 
the north of it and of that unknown horde called Kas. 

(e. Of rivers.) 

Many rivers rise in these mountains and flow through Hindi- 
stan. Six rise north of Sihrind, namely Sind, Bahat (Jilam), 
Chan-ab [szc], Rawi, Biah, and Sutluj+; all meet near Multan, 
flow westwards under the name of Sind, pass through the Tatta 
country and fall into the ‘Uman(-sea). 

Besides these six there are others, such as Jiin (Jumna), Gang 
(Ganges), Rahap (Rapti?), Gimti, Gagar (Ghaggar), Sirti, Gandak, 
and many more; all unite with the Gang-darya, flow east under 
its name, pass through the Bengal country, and are poured into 
the great ocean. They all rise in the Sawalak-parbat. 

Many rivers rise in the Hindistan hills, as, for instance, 
Chambal, Banas, Bitwi, and Sin (Son). There is no snow what- 
ever on these mountains. Their waters also join the Gang-darya. 

(f. Of the Aravalli.) 

Another Hindistan range runs north and south. It begins in 
the Dihli country at a small rocky hill on which is Firiiz Shah’s 
residence, called Jahan-nama,5 and, going on from there, appears 
near Dihli in detached, very low, scattered here and there, rocky 

* Either yak or the tassels of the yak. See Appendix M. 

2 My husband tells me that Babur’s authority for this interpretation of Saw4dlak 
may be the Zafar-nama (Bib. Ind. ed. ii, 149). 

3 z.e. the countries of Hindistan. 

4 so pointed, carefully, in the Hai. MS. Mr. Erskine notes of these rivers that 
they are the Indus, Hydaspes, Ascesines, Hydraotes, Hesudrus and Hyphasis. 

5 Ayin-t-akbari, Jarrett 279. 


Fol. 273. 


Fol. 2730. little hills Beyond Miwéat, it enters the Biana country. The 
hills of Sikri, Bari and Dilpir are also part of this same including 
(ta¢a)range. The hills of Gialiar—they write it Galtir—although 
they do not connect with it, are off-sets of this range ; so are the 
hills of Rantanbir, Chitiir, Chandiri, and Mandat. They are cut 
off from it in some places by 7 to 8 kurohs (14 to 16m.). These 
hills are very low, rough, rocky and jungly. No snow whatever 
falls on them. They are the makers, in Hindistan, of several 


(g. Lrrigation.) 

The greater part of the Hindistan country is situated on level 
land. Many though its towns and cultivated lands are, it nowhere 
has running waters.? Rivers and, in some places, standing-waters 
are its “running-waters” (@gar-silar). Even where, as for some 
towns, it is practicable to convey water by digging channels (@77q), 
this is not done. For not doing it there may be several reasons, 
one being that water is not at all a necessity in cultivating crops 
and orchards. Autumn crops grow by the downpour of the rains 
themselves ; and strange it is that spring crops grow even when 
no rain falls. To young trees water is made to flow by means of 
buckets or a wheel. They are given water constantly during two 
or three years ; after which they need no more. Some vegetables 
are watered constantly. 

In Lahor, Dibalpir and those parts, people water by means 
ofa wheel. They make two circles of ropes long enough to 
suit the depth of the well, fix strips of wood between them, and 
on these fasten pitchers. The ropes with the wood and attached 

Fol. 274. pitchers are put over the well-wheel. At one end of the wheel- 
axle a second wheel is fixed, and close (gash) to it another on 
an upright axle. This last wheel the bullock turns; its teeth 
catch in the teeth of the second, and thus the wheel with the 
pitchers is turned. A trough is set where the water empties from 
the pitchers and from this the water is conveyed everywhere. 

* parcha parcha, kichikrak kichikrak, anda minda, tashlig tagghina. The 
Gazetteer of India (1907 i, I) puts into scientific words, what Babur here describes, 
the ruin of a great former range. 

* Here agar-siilar might safely be replaced by ‘‘irrigation channels” (Index s..). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 487 

In Agra, Chandwar, Biana and those parts, again, people 
water with a bucket ; this is a laborious and filthy way. At the 
well-edge they set up a fork of wood, having a roller adjusted 
between the forks, tie a rope to a large bucket, put the rope 
over the roller, and tie its other end to the bullock. One person 
must drive the bullock, another empty the bucket. Every time 
the bullock turns after having drawn the bucket out of the well, 
that rope lies on the bullock-track, in pollution of urine and 
dung, before it descends again into the well. To some crops 
needing water, men and women carry it by repeated efforts in 

(h. Other particulars about Hindistan.) 

The towns and country of Hindistan are greatly wanting in 
charm. Its towns and lands are all of one sort; there are no 
walls to the orchards (daghat), and most places are on the dead 
level plain. Under the monsoon-rains the banks of some of its 
rivers and torrents are worn into deep channels, difficult and 
troublesome to pass through anywhere. In many parts of the 
plains thorny jungle grows, behind the good defence of which 

the people of the fargana become stubbornly rebellious and pay 

no taxes, 

Except for the rivers and here and there standing-waters, 
there is little “running-water”. So much so is this that towns 
_ and countries subsist on the water of wells or on such as collects 
in tanks during the rains. 

In Hindistan hamlets and villages, towns indeed; are 
depopulated and set up in a moment! If the people of a large 
town, one inhabited for years even, flee from it, they do it in 
such a way that not a sign or trace of them remains in a day or 
a day and a half.?_ On the other hand, if they fix their eyes on 

* The verb here is ¢a@shmdgq ; it also expresses to carry like ants (f. 220), presumably 
from each person’s carrying a pitcher or a stone at a time, and repeatedly. 

2 “*This” notes Erskine (p. 315) ‘‘is the wzlsa or walsa, so well described by 
Colonel Wilks in his Historical Sketches vol. i. p. 309, note ‘On the approach of 
an hostile army, the unfortunate inhabitants of India bury under ground their most 
cumbrous effects, and each individual, man, woman, and child above six years of age 
(the infant children being carried by their mothers), with a load of grain proportioned 
to their strength, issue from their beloved homes, and take the direction of a country 
(if such can be found,) exempt from the miseries of war; sometimes of a strong 
fortress, but more generally of the most unfrequented hills and woods, where they 
prolong a miserable existence until the departure of the enemy, and if this should be 

Fol. 2744. 

Fol. 275. 


a place in which to settle, they need not dig water-courses or 
construct dams because their crops are all rain-grown,” and as 
the population of Hindistan is unlimited, it swarms in. They 
make a tank or dig a well; they need not build houses or set 
up walls—has-grass (Andropogon muricatum) abounds, wood 
is unlimited, huts are made, and straightway there is a village 
or a town! 

(2. Fauna of Hindustan :—Mammals.) 

The elephant, which Hindiistanis call Za¢(Z)z, is one of the 
wild animals peculiar to Hindistan. It inhabits the (western ?) 
borders of the Kalpi country, and becomes more numerous in 
its wild state the further east one goes (in Kalpi?). From this 
tract it is that captured elephants are brought; in Karrah and 
Manikpir elephant-catching is the work of 30 or 40 villages.” 
People answer ( jawab birarlar) for them direct to the exchequer.3 
The elephant is an immense animal and very sagacious. If 
people speak to it, it understands; if they command anything 
from it, it does it. Its value is according to its size ; it is sold 
by measure (gari/ab) ; the larger it is, the higher its price. People 

protracted beyond the time for which they have provided food, a large portion 
necessarily dies of hunger.’ See the note itself. The Historical Sketches should be 
read by every-one who desires to have an accurate idea of the South of India. It is 
to be regretted that we do not possess the history of any other part of India, written 
with the same knowledge or research.” 

** The word wu/sa or walsa is Dravidian. Telugu has va/asa, ‘ emigration, flight, 
or removing from home for fear of a hostile army.’ Kanarese has valasé, dlasé, and 
dlisé, ‘ flight, a removing from home for fear of a hostile army.’ Tamil has va/asez, 
‘flying for fear, removing hastily.’ The word is an interesting one. I feel pretty 
sure it is not Aryan, but Dravidian; and yet it stands alone in Dravidian, with 
nothing that I can find in the way of a root or affinities to explain its etymology. 
Possibly it may be a borrowed word in Dravidian. Malayalam has no corresponding 
word. Can it have been borrowed from Kolarian or other primitive Indian speech ?” 
(Letter to H. Beveridge from Mr. F. E. Pargiter, 8th August, 1914.) 

Wuilsa seems to be a derivative from Sanscrit #/vash, and to answer to Persian 
wairani and Turki baszighlighi. 

* falmi, which in Afghani (Pushti) signifies grown without irrigation. 

3 ““ The improvement of Hindiistan since Babur’s time must be prodigious. The 
wild elephant is now confined to the forests under Hemila, and to the Ghats of 
Malabar. A wild elephant near Karrah, Manikpir, or Kalpi, is a thing, at the 
present day (1826 Ap.), totally unknown. May not their familiar existence in these 
countries down to Babur’s days, be considered rather hostile to the accounts given of 
the superabundant population of Hindistan in remote times?” (Erskine). 

3 diwan. 1.0. 217 f. 1906, dar diwan fil jawab mignind; Mems. p. 316. They 
account to the government for the elephants they take ; Méms. ii, 188, Les habitants 
payent impét avec le produit de leur chasse. Though de Courteille’s reading probably 
states the fact, Erskine’s includes de C.’s and more, inasmuch as it covers all captures 
and these might reach to a surplusage over the imposts. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 489 

rumour that it is heard of in some islands as 10 garvz* high, but 
in this tract it? is not seen above 4 or 5. It eats and drinks 
entirely with its trunk; if it lose the trunk, it cannot live. It 
has two great teeth (tusks) in its upper jaw, one on each side of 
its trunk; by setting these against walls and trees, it brings 
them down ; with these it fights and does whatever hard tasks 
fall to it. People call these ivory (‘a@7, var. ghaj) ; they are highly 
valued by Hindistanis. The’elephant has no hair. Itis much 
relied on by Hindistanis, accompanying every troop of their 
armies. It has some useful qualities :—it crosses great rivers 
with ease, carrying a mass of baggage, and three or four have 
gone dragging without trouble the cart of the mortar (gazam) it 
takes four or five hundred men to haul.4 But its stomach is 
large ; one elephant eats the corn (daghiz) of two strings (gitar) 
of camels.5 

The rhinoceros is another. This also is a large animal, equal 
in bulk to perhaps three buffaloes. The opinion current in those 
countries (Tramontana) that it can lift an elephant on its horn, 
seems mistaken. It has a single horn on its nose, more than 
nine inches (garish) long ; one of two garish is not seen.© Out 
of one large horn were made a drinking-vessel7 and a dice-box, 
leaving over [the thickness of] 3 or 4 hands. The rhinoceros’ 

* Pers. trs. gaz=24 inches. J/ est bom de rappeler que le mot turk gari, que la 
version persane rend par gaz, désigne proprement lespace compris entre le haut de 
Pépaule jusqu au bout des doigts (de Courteille, ii, 189 note). The gaz like one of 
its equivalents, the ell (Zenker), is a variable measure ; it seems to approach more 
nearly to a yard than to a gaz of 24 inches. See Memoirs of Jahangir (R. & B. 

pp. 18, 141 and notes) for the heights of elephants, and for discussion of some 

2 khid, itself. 

3 z.e. pelt ; as Erskine notes, its skin is scattered with small hairs. Details such 
as this one stir the question, for whom was Babur writing? Not for Hindistan where 
what he writes is patent ; hardly for Kabul; perhaps for Transoxania. 

4 Shaikh Zain’s wording shows this reference to be to a special piece of artillery, 
perhaps that of f. 302. 

5 A string of camels contains from five to seven, or, in poetry, even more 
(Vullers, ii, 728, sermone poetico series decem camelorum). The item of food 
compared is corn only (é%#gfu#z) and takes no account therefore of the elephant’s 
green food. 

© The Ency. Br. states that the horn seldom exceeds a foot in length ; there is one 
in the B.M. measuring 18 inches. 

? ab-khwura kishti, water-drinker’s boat, in which name &7shtit may be used with 
reference to shape as boat is in sawce-boat. Erskine notes that rhinoceros-horn is 
supposed to sweat on approach of poison. 

8% ailik, Pers. trs. angusht, finger, each seemingly representing about one inch, 
a hand’s thickness, a finger’s breadth. 

Fol. 2756. 

Fol. 276. 


hide is very thick ; an arrow shot from a stiff bow, drawn with 
full strength right up to the arm-pit, if it pierce at all, might 
penetrate 4 inches (aé/zk, hands). From the sides (gash) of its 
fore and hind legs," folds hang which from a distance look like 
housings thrown over it. It resembles the horse more than it 
does any other animal.?_ As the horse has a small stomach 
(appetite ?), so has the rhinoceros ; as in the horse a piece of 
bone (pastern?) grows in place of small bones (T. ashig, Fr. 
osselets (Zenker), knuckles), so one grows in the rhinoceros ; as 
in the horse’s hand (a#/zk, Pers. dast) there is kimuk (or gimik, 
a Zzbta, or marrow), so there is in the rhinoceros.3 It is more 
ferocious than the elephant and cannot be made obedient and 
submissive. There are masses of it in the Parashawar and 
Hashnagar jungles, so too between the Sind-river and the jungles 
of the Bhira country. Masses there are also on the banks of 
the Sarii-river in Hindistan. Some were killed in the Parashawar 
and Hashnagar jungles in our moves on Hindistan. It strikes 
powerfully with its horn; men and horses enough have been 
horned in those hunts. In one of them the horse of a chuhra 
(brave) named Magsiid was tossed a spear’s-length, for which 
reason the man was nick-named the rhino’s aim (smagsid-c-karg). 

The wild-buffalo5 is another. It is much larger than the 
(domestic) buffalo and its horns do not turn back in the same 
way.° It is a mightily destructive and ferocious animal. 

The xtla-gai (blue-bull)7 is another. It may stand as high 
as a horse but is somewhat lighter in build. The male is bluish- 
gray, hence, seemingly, people call it #tla-gau. It has two 
rather small horns. On its throat is a tuft of hair, nine inches 
long ; (in this) it resembles the yak.2 Its hoof is cleft (azz) 

* lit. hand (g#/) and leg (4a7). 

* The anatomical details by which Babur supports this statement are difficult to 
translate, but his grouping of the two animals is in agreement with the modern 
classification of them as two of the three Ungulata vera, the third being the tapir 
(Fauna of British India :—Mammals, Blanford 467 and, illustration, 468). 

5 De Courteille (ii, 190) reads Ai#mak, osseuse ; Erskine reads gumuk, marrow. 

4 Index s.2. rhinoceros. 

5 Bos bubalus. 

6 " so as to grow into the flesh” (Erskine, p. 317). 

7 stc in text. It may be noted that the name w/-gaz, common in general European 
writings, is that of the cow ; »i/-gaz, that of the bull (Blanford). 

8 b:h: rt qitas ; see Appendix M. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 491 

like the hoof of cattle. The doe is of the colour of the dighi- 
maral*; she, for her part, has no horns and is plumper than 
the male. 

The hog-deer (fotah-paicha) is another.2— It may be of the 
size of the white deer (@g &zyzk). It has short legs, hence its 
name, little-legged. Its horns are like a d%ghi’s but smaller ; 
like the dughu# it casts them every year. Being rather a poor 
runner, it does not leave the jungle. 

Another is a deer (£zyzk) after the fashion of the male deer 
(airkaki hina) of the jzran.3 Its back is black, its belly white, its 
horns longer than the 4a#za’s, but more crooked. A Hindistani 
calls it kalahara,t a word which may have been originally kala 
-haran, black-buck, and which has been softened in pronunciation 
to kalahara. The doe is light-coloured. By means of this 
kalahara people catch deer ; they fasten a noose (alga) on its 
horns, hang a stone as large as a ball5 on one of its feet, so as 
to keep it from getting far away after it has brought about the 
capture of a deer, and set it opposite wild deer when these 
are seen. As these (Aa/ahara) deer are singularly combative, 
advance to fight is made at once. The two deer strike with 
their horns and push one another backwards and forwards, 
during which the wild one’s horns become entangled in the net 
that is fast to the tame one’s. If the wild one would run away, 
the tame one does not go; it is impeded also by the stone on 
its foot. People take many deer in this way ; after capture they 
tame them and use them in their turn to take others ;° they 
also set them to fight at home; the deer fight very well. 

There is a smaller deer (£zyzk) on the Hindistan hill-skirts, 
as large may-be as the one year’s lamb of the argarghalcha 
(Ovzs polt). 

* The doe is brown (Blanford, p. 518). The word d#ghz (stag) is used alone 
just below and seems likely to represent the bull of the Asiatic wapiti (f. 4 n. on 
bighu-maral. ) 

2 Axis porcinus (Jerdon, Cervus porcinus). 

3 Saigatartarica (Shaw). Turki 4éna is used, like English deer, for male, female, 
and both. Here it seems defined by air#a@ki to mean stag or buck. 

4 Antelope cervicapra, black-buck, so called from the dark hue of its back (Yule’s 
H.J. s.2. Black-buck). 

5 tuiyuq, underlined in the Elph. MS. by ura, cannon-ball; Erskine, foot-ball, 
de Courteille, Azerre plus grosse que la cheville (tuyag).  __ 

® This mode of catching antelopes is described in the Ayin-z-akbari, and is noted 
by Erskine as common in his day. 

Fol. 2768. 

Fol. 277. 


The gini-cow * is another, a very small one, perhaps as large 
as the gichgar (ram) of those countries (Tramontana). Its flesh 
is very tender and savoury. 

The monkey (mazmin) is another—a Hindistani calls it 
bandar. Of this too there are many kinds, one being what people 
take to those countries. The jugglers (4#/z) teach them tricks. 
This kind is in the mountains of Nuir-dara, in the skirt-hills of 
Safid-koh neighbouring on Khaibar, and from there downwards 
all through Hindistan. It is not found higher up. Its hair is 
yellow, its face white, its tail not very long.—Another kind, not 
found in Bajaur, Sawad and those parts, is much larger than the 
one taken to those countries (Tramontana). Its tail is very 
long, its hair whitish, its face quite black. It is in the mountains 
and jungles of Hindistan.2—Yet another kind is distinguished 
(dula dur), quite black in hair, face and limbs.3 

The xawal (nul) + is another. It may be somewhat smaller 
than the #zshk. Itclimbs trees. Some call it the mish-t-khirma 
(palm-rat). It is thought lucky. 

A mouse (T. sichgan) people call galahri (squirrel) is another. 
It is just always in trees, running up and down with amazing 
alertness and speed.5 

* H. gaind. It is 3 feet high (Yule’s H.J. 5.2. Gynee). Cf. A. A. Blochmann, 
p. 149. The ram with which it is compared may be that of Ovés ammon (Vigné’s 
Kashmir etc. ii, 278). 

. on ai Pers. trs. adds :—They call this kind of monkey /angér (baboon, I.O. 
217 f. 192). 

3 Here the Pers, trs. adds what Erskine mistakenly attributes to Babur :—People 
bring it from several islands.—They bring yet another kind from several islands, 
yellowish-grey in colour like a pastin tin (leather coat of ?; Erskine, skin of the 
fig, ¢im). Its head is broader and its body much larger than those of other monkeys. 
It is very fierce and destructive. It is singular god penis ejus semper sit erectus, et 
nunquam non ad coitum idoneus [Erskine]. 

* This name is explained on the margin of the Elph. MS. as ‘‘ a@si#, which is the 
weasel of Tartary” (Erskine). Rdas# is an Indian name for the squirrel Scéurus 
indicus. The kish, with which Babur’s / is compared, is explained by de C. as 
belette, weasel, and by Steingass as a fur-bearing animal; the fur-bearing weasel is 
(Mustelidae) putorius ermina, the ermine-weasel (Blanford, p. 165), which thus 
seems to be Babur’s Aish. The alternative name Babur gives for his nal, z.e. miish- 
i-khurma, is, in India, that of Sc’urus palmarum, the palm-squirrel (G. of I. i, 227) ; 
this then, it seems that Babur’s m#/is. (Erskine took #a/ here to be the mongoose 
(Herpestes miingus) (p. 318); and Blanford, perhaps partly on Erskine’s warrant, 
gives mitsh-t-khirma as a name of the lesser mungus of Bengal. I gather that the 
name #awal is not exclusively confined even now to the mungis.) 

: 5 e ah be a tree-mouse and not a squirrel, it may be Vandeleuria oleracea (G. of 
x > 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 493 

(y. Fauna of Hindustan :—Birds.)* 

The peacock (Ar. ¢dzis) isone. It is a beautifully coloured and 
splendid animal. Its form (axda@m) is not equal to its colouring 
and beauty. Its body may be as large as the crane’s (¢#rna) 
but it is not so tall. On the head of both cock and hen are 20 
to 30 feathers rising some 2 or 3 inches high. The hen has 
neither colour nor beauty. The head of the cock has an 
iridescent collar (¢aug sisani); its neck is of a beautiful blue ; 
below the neck, its back is painted in yellow, parrot-green, blue 
and violet colours. The flowers? on its back are much the 
smaller ; below the back as far as the tail-tips are [larger] flowers 
painted in the same colours. The tail of some peacocks grows 
to the length of a man’s extended arms.3 It has a small tail 
under its flowered feathers, like the tail of other birds; this 
ordinary tail and its primaries+ are red. It is in Bajaur and 
Sawad and below them ; it is not in Kunur [Kiinir] and the 
Lamghanat or any place above them. Its flight is feebler than 
the pheasant’s (girghawal) ; it cannot do more than make one 
or two short flights.5 On account of its feeble flight, it frequents 
the hills or jungles, which is curious, since jackals abound in the 
jungles it frequents. What damage might these jackals not do 
to birds that trail from jungle to jungle, tails as long as a man’s 
stretch (gu#/ach)! Hindistanis call the peacock mor. Its flesh 
is lawful food, according to the doctrine of Imam Abi Hanifa ; 
it is like that of the partridge and not unsavoury, but is eaten 
with instinctive aversion, in the way camel-flesh is. 

The parrot (H. ¢#¢z) is another. This also is in Bajaur 
and countries lower down. It comes into Ningnahar and the 

* The notes to this section are restricted to what serves to identify the birds Babur 
mentions, though temptation is great to add something to this from the mass of 
interesting circumstance scattered in the many writings of observers and lovers of 
birds. I have thought it useful to indicate to what language a bird’s name belongs. 

? Persian, gu/; English, eyes. 

3 gulach (Zenker, p. 720); Pers. trs. (217 f. 1926) yak gad-i-adm ; de Courteille, 
brasse (fathom). These three are expressions of the measure from finger-tip to 
finger-tip of a man’s extended arms, which should be his height, a fathom (6 feet). 

* ganat, of which here “‘ primaries” appears to be the correct rendering, since 
Jerdon says (ii, 506) of the bird that its ‘‘ wings are striated black and white, 
primaries and tail deep chestnut ”. 

> The girghawal, which is of the pheasant species, when pursued, will take several 
flights immediately after each other, though none long ; peacocks, it seems, soon get 
tired and take to running (Erskine). 


Fol. 2776. 

Fol. 278. 

Fol. 2786. 


Lamghanat in the heats when mulberries ripen ; it is not there 
at other times. It is of many, many kinds. One sort is that 
which people carry into those (Tramontane) countries. They 
make it speak words.—Another sort is smaller ; this also they 
make speak words. They call it the jungle-parrot. It is 
numerous in Bajaur, Sawad and that neighbourhood, so much 
so that 5 or 6000 fly in one flock (4/az/). Between it and the 
one first-named the difference is in bulk ; in colouring they are 
just one and the same.—Another sort is still smaller than the 
jungle-parrot. Its head is quite red, the top of its wings (ze. the 
primaries) is red also ; the tip of its tail for two hands’-thickness 
is lustrous. The head of some parrots of this kind is iridescent 
(sésanz). It does not become a talker. People call it the 
Kashmir parrot—Another sort is rather smaller than the jungle- 
parrot ; its beak is black ; round its neck is a wide black collar ; 
its primaries are red. It is an excellent learner of words.—We 
used to think that whatever a parrot or a sharak (mina) might say 
of words people had taught it, it could not speak of any matter 
out of its own head. At this juncture? one of my immediate 
servants Abii’l-qasim /a/air, reported a singular thing to me. 
A parrot of this sort whose cage must have been covered up, 
said, “ Uncover my face; I am stifling.” And another time 
when palki bearers sat down to take breath, this parrot, 
presumably on hearing wayfarers pass by, said, “ Men are going 
past, are you not going on?” Let credit rest with the narrator,3 
but never-the-less, so long as a person has not heard with his 
own ears, he may not believe !—Another kind is of a beautiful 
full red ; it has other colours also, but, as nothing is distinctly 
remembered about them, no description is made. It is a very 
beautiful bird, both in colour and form. People are understood 
to make this also speak words.+ Its defect is a most unpleasant, 
sharp voice, like the drawing of broken china on a copper plate.s 

Ar. darrag, as on f, 2786 last line where the Elph. MS. has éarrag, marked 
with the /ashaid. 

* This was, presumably, just when Babur was writing the passage. 

3 This sentence is in Arabic. 

+ A Persian note, partially expunged from the text of the Elph. MS. is to the 
— that 4 or 5 other kinds of parrot are heard of which the revered author did 
not see. 

> Erskine suggests that this may be the /oory (Loriculus vernalis, Indian loriquet). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 ‘ro OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 495 

The (P.) skarak* is another. It is numerous in the Lamghanat 
and abounds lower down, all over Hindistan. Like the parrot, 
it is of many kinds.—The kind that is numerous in the Lam- 
ghanat has a black head ; its primaries (g@za?¢) are spotted, its 
body rather larger and thicker? than that of the (T.) chighir- 
chig. People teach it to speak words.—Another kind they 
call p:ndawali+ ; they bring it from Bengal ; it is black all 
over and of much greater bulk than the sharak (here, house- 
mina). Its bill and foot are yellow and on each ear are 
yellow wattles which hang down and have a bad appearance.5 
It learns to speak well and clearly—Another kind of sharak 
is slenderer than the last and is red round the eyes. It 
does not learn to speak. People call it the wood-sharak.® 
Again, at the time when (934 AH.) I had made a bridge over 
Gang (Ganges), crossed it, and put my adversaries to flight, 
a kind of sha@rak was seen, in the neighbourhood of Laknau 
and Aid (Oude), for the first time, which had a white breast, 
piebald head, and black back. This kind does not learn to 


t The birds Babur classes under the name shdrak seem to include what Oates and 
Blanford (whom I follow as they give the results of earlier workers) class under 
Sturnus, Eulabes and Calornis, starling, grackle and mina, and tree-stare (Hauna 
of British India, Oates, vols. i and ii, Blanford, vols. iii and iv). 

2 Turki, gada; Ilminsky, p. 361, sang (¢und?). 

3 E. D. Ross’s Polyglot List of Birds, p. 314, Chighir-chig, Northern swallow ; 
Elph. MS. f. 2304 interlined 72/ (Steingass lark). The description of the bird allows 
it to be Sturnus humiz, the Himalayan starling (Oates, i, 520). 

4 Elph. and Hai. MSS. (Sans. and Bengali) p:ndi#z ; two good MSS. of the 
Pers. trs. (1.0. 217 and 218) p:ndawali; Ilminsky (p. 361) mina; Erskine 
(Mems. p. 319) pindaweli, but without his customary translation of an Indian name. 
The three forms shewn above can all mean ‘‘ having protuberance or lump” (znd) 
and refer to the bird’s wattle. But the word of the presumably well-informed 
scribes of I.O. 217 and 218 can refer to the bird’s sagacity in speech and be panda- 
wali, possessed of wisdom. With the same spelling, the word can translate into 
the epithet veligiosa, given to the wattled mina by Linnezus. This epithet 
Mr. Leonard Wray informs me has been explained to him as due to the frequenting 
of temples by the birds; and that in Malaya they are found living in cotes near 
Chinese temples.—An alternative name (one also connecting with re/zgiosa) allowed 
by the form of the word is dimda-wali. HH. binda is a mark on the forehead, made 
as a preparative to devotion by Hindiis, or in Sans. and Bengali, is the spot of paint 
made on an elephant’s trunk; the meaning would thus be ‘“‘having a mark”. 
Cf. Jerdon and Oates s.2. Eulabes religiosa. 

5 Eulabes intermedia, the Indian grackle or hill-mina. Here the Pers. trs. adds 
that people call it mina. . 

. Sakae chalybecus, the glossy starling or tree-stare, which never descends to the 

7 Sturnopastor contra, the pied mina. 

Fol. 279. 


The Zija* is another, This bird they call (Ar.) b%-galamin 
(chameleon) because, between head and tail, it has five or six 
changing colours, resplendent (darrag) like a pigeon’s throat. 
It is about as large as the kabg-¢-dari? and seems to be the 
kabg-t-dari of Hindistan. As the kabg-z-dari moves (yurir) 
on the heads (£u/ah) of mountains, so does this. It is in the 
Nijr-ai mountains of the countries of Kabul, and in the 
mountains lower down but it is not found higher up. People 
tell this wonderful thing about it:—When the birds, at the 
onset of winter, descend to the hill-skirts, if they come over 
a vineyard, they can fly no further and are taken. God knows 
the truth! The flesh of this bird is very savoury. 

The partridge (durra7)3 is another. This is not peculiar to 
Hindustan but is also in the Garm-sir countries+; as however 
some kinds are only in Hindistan, particulars of them are given 
here. The durraj (Francolinus vulgaris) may be of the same 
bulk as the £zk/zk 5 ; the cock’s back is the colour of the hen- 
pheasant (girghawal-ning mdda-si); its throat and breast are 
black, with quite white spots.© A red line comes down on both 
sides of both eyes.?7_ It is named from its cry ® which is some- 
thing like Shzr daram shakrak2 It pronounces shzr short ; 
daram shakrak it says distinctly. Astarabad partridges are said 
to cry Bat mini tutilar (Quick! they have caught me). The 
partridge of Arabia and those parts is understood to cry, Bz’ 

* Part of the following passage about the /i#ja (var. lakha, licha) is verbatim with 
part of that on f. 135; both were written about 934-5 AH. as is shewn by Shaikh 
Zain (Index s.#.) and by inference from references in the text (Index s.z. B.N. date 
of composition). See Appendix N. 

* Lit. mountain-partridge. There is ground for understanding that one of the 
birds known in the region as monals is meant. See Appendix N. 

3 Sans. chakora; Ar. durraj; P. kabg; T. hikith. 

‘ Here, probably, southern Afghanistan. 

5 Caccabis chukiir (Scully, Shaw’s Vocabulary) or C. pallescens (Hume, quoted 
under No, 126 E. D. Ross’ Polyglot List). ° 

* “In some parts of the country (¢.e. India before 1841 AD.), tippets used to be 
made of the beautiful black, white-spotted feathers of the lower plumage (of the 
durraj), and were in much request, but they are rarely procurable now” (Bengal 
Sporting Magazine for 1841, quoted by Jerdon, ii, 561). 

’? A broad collar of red passes round the whole neck (Jerdon, ii, 558). 

8 Ar. durraj means one who repeats what he hears, a tell-tale. 

° Various translations have been made of this passage, ‘‘ I have milk and sugar ” 
(Erskine), ““/’az du lait, un peu de sucre” (de Courteille), but with short sh:v7, it 

might be read in more than one way ignoring milk and sugar. See Jerdon, ii, 558 
and Hobson Jobson s.. Black-partridge. . rs J » My 55 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 497 

shakar tadawm al ni‘am (with sugar pleasure endures)! The 
hen-bird has the colour of the young pheasant. These birds 
are found below Nijr-ati.i—Another kind is called kamjal. Its 
bulk may be that of the one already described. Its voice is 
very like that of the £zk/zk but much shriller. There is little 
difference in colour between the cock and hen. It is found in 
Parashawar, Hashnagar and countries lower down, but not 
higher up. 

The p(h)al-patkar* is another. Its size may be that of the 
kabg-i-dari ; its shape is that of the house-cock, its colour that 
of the hen. From forehead (¢#ma@gh) to throat it is of a beautiful 
colour, quite red. It is in the Hindistan mountains. 

The wild-fowl (sekrai-taigh)? is another. It flies like a 
pheasant, and is not of all colours as house-fowl are. It is in 
the mountains of Bajaur and lower down, but not higher up. 

The ché/sz (or jt/st)3 is another. In bulk it equals the p(h)a/- 
patkar but the latter has the finer colouring. It is in the 
mountains of Bajaur. 

The skam*is another. It is about as large as a house-fow] ; 
its colour is unique (ghazr mukarrar).5 It also is in the mountains 
of Bajaur. 

The quail (P.d%dana)is another. It is not peculiar to Hindistan 
but four or five kinds are so.—One is that which goes to our 
countries (Tramontana), larger and more spreading than the 
(Hindistan) quail.°—Another kind 7 is smaller than the one first 
named. Its primaries and tail are reddish. It flies in flocks 
like the chir (Phastanus Wallichi?)—Another kind is smaller 
than that which goes to our countries and is darker on throat 

* Flower-faced, 7rafogon melanocephaia, the horned (simg) -monal. It is described 
by Jahangir (AZemozrs, R. and B., ii, 220) under the names [H. and P.] phii/-paikar 
and Kashmiri, sov/i. 

? Gallus sonneratit, the grey jungle-fowl. 

3 Perhaps Bambusicola fytchiz, the western bambu-partridge. For chi/ see E. D. 
Ross, é.c. No. 127. 

4 Jahangir (/.c.) describes, under the Kashmiri name /#/, what may be this bird. 
It seems to be Gallus ferrugineus, the red jungle-fowl (Blanford, iv, 75). 

5 Jahangir helps to identify the bird by mentioning its elongated tail-feathers,— 
seasonal only. 

° The migrant quail will be Coturnix communis, the grey quail, 8 inches long ; 
ea it is compared with seems likely to be the bush-quail, which is non-migrant and 


7 Perhaps Perdicula argunda, the rock bush-quail, which flies in small coveys. 

Fol. 2796. 

Fol. 280. 


and breast.'—Another kind goes in small numbers to Kabul ; 
it is very small, perhaps a little larger than the yellow wag-tail 
(garcha)?; they call it gérati in Kabul. 

The Indian bustard (P. k/archal)3 is another. It is about as 
large as the(T.)¢aghdagq (Otzs tarda, the great bustard), and seems 
to be the ¢aghdag of Hindistan.4 Its flesh is delicious ; of some 
birds the leg is good, of others, the wing ; of the bustard all the 
meat is delicious and excellent. 

The florican (P. charz)5 is another. It is rather less than the 
tighdiri (houbara)®; the cock’s back is like the zaghdiri’s, and 
its breast is black. The hen is of one colour. 

The Hindistan sand-grouse (T. d@ghri-gara)7 is another. It is 
smaller and slenderer than the daghri-gara |Pterocles arenarius] 
of those countries (Tramontana). Also its cry is sharper. 

Of the birds that frequent water and the banks of rivers, one 
is the ding,® an animal of great bulk, each wing measuring 
a gulach (fathom). It has no plumage (¢#gz) on head or neck ; 
a thing like a bag hangs from its neck; its back is black ; its 
breast is white. It goes sometimes to Kabul ; one year people 
brought one they had caught. It became very tame; if meat 

* Perhaps Coturnix coromandelica, the black-breasted or rain quail, 7 inches long. 

* Perhaps Motactlla citreola, a yellow wag-tail which summers in Central Asia 
(Oates, ii, 298). Ifso, its Kabul name may refer to its flashing colour. Cf. E. D. 
Ross, 4.c. No. 301; de Courteille’s Dzcttonary which gives garcha, wag-tail, and 
Zenker’s which fixes the colour. ; 

3 Eupodotis edwardsit ; Turki, tighdar or tighdiri. 

* Erskine noting (Mems. p. 321), that the bustard is common in the Dakkan where 
it is bigger than a turkey, says it is called #ghdar and suggests that this is a corruption 
of taghdag. The uses of both words are shewn by Babur, here, and in the next 
following, account of the chars. Cf. G. of I. i, 260 and E. D. Ross Ac. Nos. 36, 40. 

5 Sypheotis bengalensis and S. aurtta, which are both smaller than Of¢is houbara 
(taighdiri). In Hindustan S. aurita is known as Jikh which name is the nearest 
approach I have found to Babur’s [daa] lakha. 

® Jerdon mentions (ii, 615) that this bird is common in Afghanistan and there 
called dugdaor (tiighdar, tighdiri). 

’ Cf. Appendix B, since I wrote which, further information has made it fairly safe 
to say that the Hindistan éaghri-gara is Pterocles exustus, the common sand- 
grouse and that the one of f. 49 is Prerocles arenarius, the larger or black-bellied 
sand-grouse. P. exustus is said by Yule (H. J. s.2. Rock-pigeon) to have been 
miscalled rock-pigeon by Anglo-Indians, perhaps because its flight resembles the 
pigeon’s. This accounts for Erskine’s rendering (p. 321) éaghri-gara here by rock- 

8 Leptoptilus dubius, Hind. hargila. Hindistanis call it pir-¢-ding (Erskine) and 
peda dhauk (Blanford), both names referring, perhaps, to its pouch. It is the 
adjutant of Anglo-India. Cf. f. 235. 

932 AH.—OCT. 181TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 499 

were thrown to it, it never failed to catch it in its bill. Once it 
swallowed a six-nailed shoe, another time a whole fowl, wings 
and feathers, all right down. 

The saras (Grus antigone) is another. Turks in Hindistan 
call it ¢iwa-tirnd (camel-crane). It may be smaller than the 
ding but its neck is rather longer. Its head is quite red. People 
keep this bird at their houses ; it becomes very tame. 

The sanek? is another. In stature it approaches the sa@ras, 
but its bulk is less. It resembles the /ag-lag (Czconia alba, the 
white stork) but is much larger ; its bill is larger and is black. 
Its head is iridescent, its neck white, its wings partly-coloured ; 
the tips and border-feathers and under parts of the wings are 
white, their middle black. 

Another stork (dag-/ag) has a white neck and all other parts 
black. It goes to those countries (Tramontana). It is rather 
smaller than the /ag-lag (Czconza alba). A Hindistani calls it 
yak-rang (one colour ?). 

Another stork in colour and shape is exactly like the storks 
that go to those countries. Its bill is blacker and its bulk much 
less than the /ag-/ag’s (Czconia alba).3 

Another bird resembles the grey heron (a#gar) and the /ag- 
lag ; but its bill is longer than the heron’s and its body smaller 
than the white stork’s (/ag-/ag). 

Another is the large duzak*4 (black ibis). In bulk it may 
equal the buzzard (Turki, sar). The back of its wings is white. 
It has a loud cry. 

The white duzak5 is another. Its head and bill are black. 

* only when young (Blanford, ii, 188). 

2 Elph. MS. mank:s& or mankia@; Wai. MS. m:nk. MHaughton’s Bengali 
Dictionary gives two forms of the name mdanek-jur and mdnak-yoi. It is Dissura 
episcopus, the white-necked stork (Blanford iv, 370, who gives manik-jor amongst its 
Indian names). Jerdon classes it (ii, 737) as Czconia leucocephala. It is the beef- 
steak bird of Anglo-India. 

3 Ciconia nigra (Bianford, iv, 369). 

4 Under the Hindistani form, d#za, of Persian duzak the birds Babur mentions as 
éuzak can be identified. The large one is /nocotis papillosus, biuza, kala buza, black 
curlew, king-curlew. The bird it equals in size is a buzzard, Turki sa (not Persian 
sar, starling). The king-curlew has a large white patch on the inner lesser and 
marginal coverts of its wings (Blanford, iv, 303). This agrees with Babur’s statement 
oo im the wings of the large duzak. Its length is 27 inches, while the starling’s is 
9 inches. 

3 [bis melanocephala, the white ibis, Pers. safed buzak, Bengali sabut biza. It is 
_ 30 inches long. 

Fol. 2804. 

Fol. 281. 


It is much larger than the one that goes to those countries, but 
smaller than the Hindiistan duzak.? 

The gharm-pai 3 (spotted-billed duck) is another. It is larger 
than the sana biarchin4 (mallard). The drake and duck are of 
one colour. It is in Hashnagar at all seasons, sometimes it goes 
into the Lamghanat. Its flesh is very savoury. 

The shah-murgh (Sarcidiornis melanonotus,comb duck or nukia) 
is another. It may bea little smaller than a goose. It has a 
swelling on its bill; its back is black; its flesh is excellent eating. 

The summaj is another. It is about as large as the dargut 
(Aquila chrysaetus, the golden eagle). 

The (T.) a/a-gargha of Hindistan is another (Corvus cornix, 
the pied crow). This is slenderer and smaller than the a/a@- 
gargha of those countries (Tramontana). Its neck is partly 

Another Hindistan bird resembles the crow (T. garcha, 
C. splendens) and the magpie (Ar. ‘agga). In the Lamghanat 
people call it the jungle-bird (P. murgh-t-jangal)5 Its head 
and breast are black ; its wings and tail reddish; its eye quite 
red. Having a feeble flight, it does not come out of the jungle, 
whence its name. 

The great bat (P. shapara)® is another. People call it (Hindi) 
chumgadur. \t is about as large as the owl (T. yapalag, Otus 
brachyotus),and has a head like a puppy’s. When it is thinking 
of lodging for the night on a tree, it takes hold of a branch, turns 
head-downwards, and so remains, It has much singularity. 

The magpie (Ar. ‘agga)is another. People call it (H.?) mata 
(Dendrocitta rufa, the Indian tree-pie). It may be somewhat 

* Perhaps, Plegadis falcinellus, the glossy ibis, which in most parts of India is 
a winter visitor. Its length is 25 inches. 

* Erskine suggests that this is Platalea leucorodia, the chamach-biza, spoon-bill. 
It is 33 inches long. 

3 Anas poecilorhyncha. The Hai. MS. writes gharm-pai, and this is the Indian 
name given by Blanford (iv, 437). 

* Anas boschas. Dr. Ross notes (No. 147), from the Sanglakh, that sina is the 
drake, birchin, the duck and that it is common in China to call a certain variety of 
bird by the combined sex-names. Something like this is shewn by the uses of dagha 
and maral g.v. Index. 

5 Centropus rufipennis, the common coucal (Yule’s H.J. s.2. Crow-pheasant) ; 
H. makokha, Cuculus castaneus (Buchanan, quoted by Forbes). 

© Pleropus edwardstt, the flying-fox. The inclusion of the bat here amongst birds, 
may be a clerical accident, since on f.136 a flying-fox is not written of as a bird. 


932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 501 

less than the ‘agga (Pica rustica), which moreover is pied black 
and white, while the mazda is pied brown and black." 

Another is a small bird, perhaps of the size of the(T.) sandiilach.? 
It is of a beautiful red with a little black on its wings. 

The karcha3 is another ; it is after the fashion of a swallow 
(T. garlighdch), but much larger and quite black. 

The kiil+ (Eudynamys orientalis, the koel) is another. It may 
be as large as the crow (P. z@g) but is much slenderer. It has 
a kind of song and is understood to be the bulbul of Hindustan. 
Its honour with Hindistanis is as great as is the bulbul’s. It 
always stays in closely-wooded gardens. 

Another bird is after the fashion of the (Ar.) shigarriak (Cissa 
chinensis, the green-magpie). It clings to trees, is perhaps as 
large as the green-magpie, and is parrot-green (Gecznus striolatus, 
the little green-woodpecker ?). 

(k. Fauna of Hindustan :—Aquatic animals.) 

One is the water-tiger (P. shir-abi, Crocodilus palustris).5 This 
is in the standing-waters. It is like a lizard (T. gi/@s).© People 
say it carries off men and even buffaloes. 

* Babur here uses what is both the Kabul and Andijan name for the magpie, 
Ar. ‘agga (Oates, i, 31 and Scully’s Voc.), instead of T. séghtzghdn or P. dam-sicha 

2 The Pers. trs. writes sdndilach mamila, mamula being Arabic for wag-tail. 
De Courteille’s Dictionary describes the séxdéi/ach as small and having a long tail, 
the cock-bird green, the hen, yellow. The wag-tail suiting this in colouring is 
Motacilla borealis (Oates, ii, 294; syn. Budytes viridis, the green wag-tail) ; this, as 
a migrant, serves to compare with the Indian ‘“‘ little bird”, which seems likely to be 
a red-start. ; 

3 This word may represent Scully’s £¢rzch and be the Turki name for a swift, 
perhaps Cyfselus affinis. 

4 This name is taken from its cry during the breeding season (Yule’s H.J. 
5.2. Koel). 

5 Babur’s distinction between the three crocodiles he mentions seems to be that 
of names he heard, shir-bi, styah-sadr, and gharial. 

© In this passage my husband finds the explanation of two somewhat vague 
statements of later date, one made by Abii’l-fazl (A. A. Blochmann, p. 65) that 
Akbar called the 4i/as (cherry) the shah-a/i (king-plum), the other by Jahangir that 
this change was made because 47/a@s means lizard (_Jahangir’s Memoirs, R. & B. i, 116). 
What Akbar did is shewn by Babur ; it was to reject the Perstaz name fi/as, cherry, 
because it closely resembled Zuri gilas, lizard. There is a lizard Stellio Lehmanni 
of Transoxiana with which Babur may well have compared the crocodile’s appearance 
(Schuyler’s 7urkzstan, i, 383). Akbar in Hindistan may have had Varanus salvator 
(6 ft. long) in mind, if indeed he had not the great lizard, a/ /agarto, the alligator 
itself in his thought. The name 4i/as evidently was banished only from the Court 
circle, since it is still current in Kashmir (Blochmann /.c. p. 616); and Speede 
(p. 201) gives Zeeras, cherry, as used in India. 

Fol. 2814. 

Fol. 282. 


The (P.) s¢ya@h-sar (black-head) is another. This also is like 
a lizard. It is in all rivers of Hindistan. One that was taken 
and brought in was about 4-5 gari (ctr. 13 feet) long and as 
thick perhaps as a sheep. It is said to grow still larger. Its 
snout is over half a yard long. It has rows of small teeth in its 
upper and lower jaws. It comes out of the water and sinks into» 
the mud (dd7¢@). 

The (Sans.) g[h]larial (Gavialus gangeticus) is another.’ It is 
said to grow large; many in the army saw it in the Sart (Gogra) 
river. It is said to take people ; while we were on that river's 
banks (934-935 A.H.), it took one or two slave-women (da@dik), 
and it took three or four camp-followers between Ghazipir and 
Banaras. In that neighbourhood I saw one but from a distance 
only and not quite clearly. 

The water-hog (P. khak-abi, Platanista gangetica, the porpoise) 
is another. This also is in all Hindistan rivers. It comes up 
suddenly out of the water ; its head appears and disappears ; it 
dives again and stays below, shewing its tail. Its snout is as 
long as the szy@h-sar’s and it has the same rows of small teeth. 
Its head and the rest of its body are fish-like. When at playin 
the water, it looks like a water-carrier’s bag (sashak). Water- 
hogs, playing in the Sari, leap right out of the water ; like fish, 
they never leave it. 

Again there is the kalah (or galah)-fish [daligh]).2 Two bones 

* This name as now used, is that of the purely fish-eating crocodile. [In the 
Turki text Babur’s account of the ghavida/ follows that of the porpoise ; but it is grouped 
here with those of the two other crocodiles. ] 

* As the Hai. MS. and also I.O. 216 f. 137 (Pers. trs.) write Aa/ah (galah)-fish, 
this may be a large cray-fish, One called by a name approximating to ga/ah-fish is 
found in Malayan waters, wz. the galah-prawn (hadang) (cf. Bengali sula-chingri, 
gila-prawn, Haughton). Galak and giila may express lament made when the fish is 
caught (Haughton pp. 931, 933, 952) ; or if kalah be read, this may express scolding. 
Two good MSS. of the Wag7‘at-c-baburi (Pers. trs.) write Aaka ; and their word 
cannot but have weight. Erskine reproduces aka but offers no explanation of it, 
a failure betokening difficulty in his obtaining one. My husband suggests that Aaka 
may represent a stuttering sound, doing so on the analogy of Vullers’ explanation of 
the word,— Vir ridiculus et facetus gui simul balbutiat ; and also he inclines to take 
the fish to be a crab (Aakra). Possibly Aaka is a popular or vulgar name for a cray- 
fish ora crab, Whether the sound is lament, scolding, or stuttering the fisherman 
knows! Shaikh Zain enlarges Babur’s notice of this fish; he says the bones are 
prolonged (dar dwarda) from the ears, that these it agitates at time of capture, making 
a noise like the word 4aka by which it is known, that it is two wajad (18 in.) long, its 
flesh surprisingly tasty, and that it is very active, leaping a gaz (cér. a yard) out of the 

water when the fisherman’s net is set to take it. For information about the Malayan 
fish, I am indebted to Mr. Cecil Wray. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 503 

each about 3 inches (az/z#) long, come out in a line with its ears ; 

these it shakes when taken, producing an extraordinary noise, 

whence, seemingly, people have called it alah [or galah|. 

The flesh of Hindistan fishes is very savoury ; they have no 
odour (a7d@) or tiresomeness.* They are surprisingly active. On 
one occasion when people coming, had flung a net across a stream, 
leaving its two edges half a yard above the water, most fish passed 
by leaping a yard above it. In many rivers are little fish which 
fling themselves a yard or more out of the water if there be harsh 
noise or sound of feet. 

The frogs of Hindistan, though otherwise like those others 
(Tramontane), run 6 or 7 yards on the face of the water.? 

(1. Vegetable products of Hindistan: Fruits.) 

The mango (P. anxdah) is one of the fruits peculiar to Hindistan. 
Hindistanis pronounce the 4 in its name as though no vowel 
followed it (ze. Sans. avd) ;3 this being awkward to utter, some 
people call the fruit [P.] zaghzak+ as Khwaja Khusrau does :— 

Naghzak-i ma (var. khwash| naghz-kun-i bustan, 

Naghztarin mewa [var. na‘mat)-t-Hindistan.$ 
Mangoes when good, are very good, but, many as are eaten, few 
are first-rate. They are usually plucked unripe and ripened in 
the house. Unripe, they make excellent condiments (g@77q), are 
good also preserved in syrup.®° Taking it altogether, the mango 
is the best fruit of Hindistan. Some so praise it as to give it 
preference over all fruits except the musk-melon (T. gdwzz), but 

* T. giytiniighi, presumably referring to spines or difficult bones ; T. giz, however, 
means a scabbard [Shaw]. 

2 One of the common frogs is a small one which, when alarmed, jumps along the 
surface of the water (G. of I. i, 273). 

3 And and anbah (pronounced amb and ambah) are now less commonly used names 

than @m. It is an interesting comment on Babur’s words that Abi’l-fazl spells and, 
letter by letter, and says that the 4 is quiescent (Ayiv 28 ; for the origin of the word 
mango, vzde Yule’s H.J. s.7.). 

* A corresponding diminutive would be fairling. 

5 The variants, entered in parenthesis, are found in the Bib. Ind. ed. of the 
Ayin-i-akbari p. 75 and in a (bazar) copy of the Quranw’s-sa‘dain in my husband’s 
possession. As Amir Khusrau was a poet of Hindistan, either Ahwash (khwesh) [our 
own] or ma [our] would suit his meaning. The couplet is, literally :— 

Our fairling, [z.e. mango] beauty-maker of the garden, 
Fairest fruit of Hindistan. 

© Daulat Khan Vasuf-khail Ludi in 929 AH. sent Babur a gift of mangoes preserved 
in honey (2% loco p. 440). 

Fol. 2824. 

Fol. 283. 


such praise outmatches it. It resembles the kardz peach.* It 
ripens in the rains. It is eaten in two ways: one is to squeeze 
it to a pulp, make a hole in it, and suck out the juice,—the other, 
to peel and eat it like the kardz peach. Its tree grows very large* 
and has a leaf somewhat resembling the peach-tree’s. The 
trunk is ill-looking and ill-shaped, but in Bengal and Gujrat is 
heard of as growing handsome (£4i0).3 

The plantain (Sans. hela, Musa saptentum) is another4 An 
‘Arab calls it mauz.5 Its tree is not very tall, indeed is not to 
be called a tree, since it is something between a grass and a tree. 
Its leaf is a little like that of the amdan-gara® but grows about 
2 yards (gari) long and nearly one broad. Out of the middle of 
its leaves rises, heart-like, a bud which resembles a sheep’s heart. 
As each leaf (petal) of this bud expands, there grows at its base 
a row of 6 or 7 flowers which become the plantains. These 
flowers become visible with the lengthening of the heart-like 
shoot and the opening of the petals of the bud. The tree is 
understood to flower once only.?7 The fruit has two pleasant 
qualities, one that it peels easily, the other that it has neither stone 
nor fibre.® It is rather longer and thinner than the egg-plant 
(P. dadanjan ; Solanum melongena). It is not very sweet; the 
Bengal plantain (z.e. chini-champa) is, however, said to be very 

* I have learned nothing more definite about the word 4daraz than that it is the 
name of a superior kind of peach (Ghiyasw’l-lughat). 

* The preceding sentence is out of place in the Turki text ; it may therefore be 
a marginal note, perhaps not made by Babur. 3 

3 This sentence suggests that Babur, writing in Agra or Fathpir did not there see 
fine mango-trees, 

* See Yule’s H.J. on the plantain, the banana of the West. 

5 This word is a descendant of Sanscrit mocha, and parent of musa the botanical 
name of the fruit (Yule). 

° Shaikh Effendi (Kunos), Zenker and de Courteille say of this only that it is the 
name ofa tree. Shaw gives a name that approaches it, dryman, a grass, a weed ; 
Scully explains this as Artemisia vulgaris, wormwood, but Roxburgh gives no 
Artemisia having a leaf resembling the plantain’s. Scully has aramadan, unexplained, 
which, like amdn-gara, may refer to comfort in shade. Babur’s comparison will be 
with something known in Transoxiana. Maize has general resemblance with the 
plantain. So too have the names of the plants, since mocha and mauz stand for the 
plantain and (Hindi) mxka’z for maize. These incidental resemblances bear, however 
lightly, on the question considered in the Ency. Br. (art. maize) whether maize was 
early in Asia or not; some writers hold that it was; if Babur’s amdan-gara@ were 
maize, maize will have been familiar in Transoxiana in his day. 

7 Abi’l-fazl mentions that the plantain-tree bears no second crop unless cut down 
to the stump. 

® Babur was fortunate not to have met with a seed-bearing plantain. 

a ore 



932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 505 

sweet. The plantain is a very good-looking tree, its broad, 
broad, leaves of beautiful green having an excellent appearance. 

The anbli (H. zmli, Tamarindus indica, the tamarind) is 
another. By this name (azd/z) people call the khurma-c-hind 

(Indian date-tree)." It has finely-cut leaves (leaflets), precisely. 

like those of the (T.) daz@, except that they are not so finely-cut.? 
It is a very good-looking tree, giving dense shade. It grows wild 
in masses too. 

The (Beng.) mahuwa (Bassia latifolia) is another.3 People 
call it also (P.) gul-chikan (or chigan, distilling-flower). This also 
is a very large tree. Most of the wood in the houses of Hindi- 
stanis is from it. Spirit (‘avagq) is distilled from its flowers,+ not 
only so, but they are dried and eaten like raisins, and from them 
thus dried, spirit is also extracted. The dried flowers taste just 
like k¢shmish ;5 they have an ill-flavour. The flowers are not bad 
in their natural state®; they are eatable. The mahuwa grows 
wild also. Its fruit is tasteless, has rather a large seed with a 
thin husk, and from this seed, again,” oil is extracted. 

The mimusops (Sans. khirni, Mimusops kaukz) is another. Its 
tree, though not very large, isnot small. The fruit is yellow and 

* The ripe ‘‘dates” are called P. ¢amar-i Hind, whence our tamarind, and 
Tamarindus Indica. 

? Sophora alopecurotdes, a leguminous plant (Scully). 

3 Abi’l-fazl gives galaunda as the name of the ‘fruit ” [wzewa],—Forbes, as that 
of the fallen flower. Cf. Brandis p. 426 and Yule’s H.J. s.7. Mohwa. 

4 Babur seems to say that spirit is extracted from both the fresh and the dried 
flowers. The fresh ones are favourite food with deer and jackals ; they have a sweet 
spirituous taste. Erskine notes that the spirit made from them was well-known in 
Bombay by the name of Moura, or of Parsi-brandy, and that the farm of it was 
a considerable article of revenue (p. 325 n.). Roxburgh describes it as strong and 
intoxicating (p. 411). 

5 This is the name of a green, stoneless grape which when dried, results in a raisin 
resembling the sultanas of Europe (/ahkdngir’s Memoirs and Yule’s H.J. 5.7. ; Griffiths’ 
Journal of Travel pp. 359, 388). 

© Ail, lit. the ad/ of the flower. The Persian translation renders aa#/ by 6% which 
may allow both words to be understood in their (root) sense of dezzg, z.e. natural 
state. De Courteille translates by guand la fleur est fraiche (ii, 210) ; Erskine took 
ba to mean smell (AZemoirs p. 325), but the a#/ it translates, does not seem to have 
this meaning. For reading a#/ as ‘‘the natural state”, there is circumstantial 
support in the flower’s being eaten raw (Roxburgh). The annotator of the Elphin- 
stone MS. [whose defacement of that Codex has been often mentioned], has added 
points and /ashdid to the ad/-i (z.e. its awl), so as to produce awwali (first, f. 235). 
Against this there are the obvious objections that the Persian translation does not 
reproduce, and that its 4% does not render awwa/i ; also that a#/-z is a noun with its 
enclitic genitive yd (7). 

7 This word seems to be meant to draw attention to the various merits of the 
mahuwa tree. 

Fol. 2836. 

Fol. 284. 


thinner than the red jujube (T. chikda, Eleagnus angustifolia). 
It has just the grape’s flavour, but a rather bad after-taste ; it 
is not bad, however, and is eatable. The husk of its stone 
is thin. 

The (Sans.) aman (Eugenia jambolana)* is another. Its leaf, 
except for being thicker and greener, is quite like the willow’s 
(T. zal). The tree does not want for beauty. Its fruit is like 
a black grape, is sourish, and not very good. 

The (H.) kamrak (Beng. kamrunga, Averrhoa carambola) is 
another. Its fruit is five-sided, about as large as the ‘az-ali? 
and some 3 inches long. It ripens to yellow ; gathered unripe, 
it is very bitter ; gathered ripe, its bitterness has become sub- 
acid, not bad, not wanting in pleasantness.3 

The jack-fruit (H. kadhil, B. kanthal, Artocarpus integrifolta) 
is another.4 This is a fruit of singular form and flavour ; it looks 
like a sheep’s stomach stuffed and made into a haggis (gia) ;5 
and it is sickeningly-sweet. Inside it are filbert-like stones ® 
which, on the whole, resemble dates, but are round, not long, 
and have softer substance; these are eaten. The jack-fruit is 
very adhesive ; for this reason people are said to oil mouth and 
hands before eating of it. It is heard of also as growing, not 
only on the branches of its tree, but on trunk and root too.7 One 
would say that the tree was all hung round with haggises.® 

The monkey-jack (H. dadhal, B. burhul, Artocarpus lacoocha) 
is another. The fruit may be of the size of a quince (var. apple). 

* Erskine notes that this is not to be confounded with E. samd#, the rose-apple 
(Memoirs p. 325n.). Cf. Yule’s H.J. s.2. Jambu. 

2 var. ghat-ali, ghab-ali, ghain-alu, shaft-alm. Scully enters ‘ain-a/i (true-plum?) 
unexplained. The samrak fruit is 3in. long (Brandis) and of the size of a lemon 
(Firminger) ; dimensions which make Babur’s 4 ai/zk (hand’s-thickness) a slight excess 
only, and which thus allow az/zk, with its Persion translation, amgusht, to be approxi- 
mately an inch, 

3 Speede, giving the fruit its Sanscrit name hamarunga, says it is acid, rather 
pleasant, something like an insipid apple ; also that its pretty pink blossoms grow on 
the trunk and main branches (i, 211). 

4 Cf. Yule’s H.J.s.2. jack-fruit. In a Calcutta nurseryman’s catalogue of 1914 AD. 
three kinds of jack-tree are offered for sale, viz. ‘‘ Crispy or Khaja, Soft or Neo, 
Rose-scented ” (Seth, Feronia Nursery). 

5 The gifa is a sheep’s stomach stuffed with rice, minced meat, and spices, and 
boiled as a pudding. The resemblance of the jack, as it hangs on the tree, to the 
haggis, is wonderfully complete (Erskine). 

© These when roasted have the taste of chestnuts. 

7 Firminger (p. 186) describes an ingenious method of training. 

8 For a note of Humayin’s on the jack-fruit see Appendix O. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 81H 1526 AD. 507 

Its smell is not bad.* Unripe it is a singularly tasteless and 
empty? thing ; when ripe, it is not so bad. It ripens soft, can 
be pulled to pieces and eaten anywhere, tastes very much like 
a rotten quince, and has an excellent little austere flavour. 

The lote-fruit (Sans. der, Zizyphus jujuba) is another. Its 
Persian name is understood to be kanar.3 It is of several kinds : 
of one the fruit is larger than the plum (a/écha) +4; another is 
shaped like the Husaini grape. Most of them are not very good; 
we saw one in Bandir (Gialiar) that was really good. The lote- 
tree sheds its leaves under the Signs Saur and /auzd (Bull and 
Twins), burgeons under Savatan and Asad (Crab and Lion) which 
are the true rainy-season,—then becoming fresh and green, and 
it ripens its fruit under Da/i and Haut (Bucket ze. Aquarius, and 

The (Sans.) Laratinda (Carissa carandas, the corinda)is another. 
It grows in bushes after the fashion of the (T.) chika of our 
country,> but the chika grows on mountains, the £aradnda on the 
plains. In flavour it is like the rhubarb itself,° but is sweeter and 
less juicy. 

The (Sans.) paniyala (Flacourtia cataphracta)7 is another. It 
is larger than the plum (@/icha) and like the red-apple unripe.® 
It is a little austere and is good. The tree is taller than the 
pomegranate’s; its leaf is like that of the almond-tree but 

* aid-i-yamdan aimas. It is somewhat curious that Babur makes no comment on 
the odour of the jack itself. : 
ce bush, English bosh (Shaw). The Persian translation inserts no more about this 


3 Steingass applies this name to the plantain. 

4 Erskine notes that ‘‘ this is the bullace-plum, small, not more than twice as large 
as the sloe and not so high-flavoured ; it is generally yellow, sometimes red.” Like 
Babur, Brandis enumerates several varieties and mentions the seasonal changes of the 
tree (p. 170). 

5 This will be Kabul, probably, because Transoxiana is written of by Babur 
usually, if not invariably, as ‘‘that country”, and because he mentions the chikda 
(2.e. chtka?), under its Persian name szjza, in his Description of Kabul (f. 1296). 

° P. mar manjan, which I take to refer to the viwajlar of Kabul. (Cf. f. 1298, 
where, however, (note 5) are corrigenda of Masson’s rawash for riwdG7, and his third 
to second volume.) Kehr’s Codex contains an extra passage about the sarain da, 
viz. that from it is made a tasty fritter-like dish, resembling a rhubarb-fritter 
(Ilminsky, p. 369). 

7 People call it (P.) Aa/asa also (Elph. MS. f. 236, marginal note). 

8 Perhaps the red-apple of Kabul, where two sorts are common, both rosy, one 
very much so, but much inferior to the other (Griffith’s Journal of Travel p. 388). 

Fol. 2846. 

Fol. 285. 


The (H.) gitlar (Ficus glomerata, the clustered fig) * is another. 
The fruit grows out of the tree-trunk, resembles the fig (P. anyer), 
but is singularly tasteless. 

The (Sans.) a@mla (Phyllanthus emblica, the myrobalan-tree) is 
another. This also is a five-sided fruit.? It looks like the un- 
blown cotton-pod. It is an astringent and ill-flavoured thing, 
but confiture made of it is not bad. It is a wholesome fruit. Its 
tree is of excellent form and has very minute leaves. 

The (H.) chériinjt (Buchanania latyfolia)3 is another. This 
tree had been understood to grow in the hills, but I knew later 
about it, because there were three or four clumps of it in our 
gardens. It is much like the mahuwd. Its kernel is not bad, 
a thing between the walnut and the almond, not bad! rather 
smaller than the pistachio and round ; people put it in custards 
(P. palida) and sweetmeats (Ar. halwa). 

The date-palm (P. khurma, Phenix dactylifera) is another. 
This is not peculiar to Hindiistan, but is here described because 
it is not in those countries (Tramontana). It grows in Lamghan 
also. Its branches (ze. leaves) grow from just one place at its 
top; its leaves (ze. leaflets) grow on both sides of the branches 
(midribs) from neck (daz) to tip; its trunk is rough and ill- 
coloured ; its fruit is like a bunch of grapes, but much larger. 
People say that the date-palm amongst vegetables resembles an 
animal in two respects: one is that, as, if an animal’s head be 
cut off, its life is taken, so it is with the date-palm, if its head is 
cut off, it dries off; the other is that, as the offspring of animals 
is not produced without the male, so too with the date-palm, it 
gives no good fruit unless a branch of the male-tree be brought 
into touch with the female-tree. The truth of this last matter 
is not known (to me). The above-mentioned head of the date- 
palm is called its cheese. The tree so grows that where its leaves 
come out is cheese-white, the leaves becoming green as they 
lengthen. This white part, the so-called cheese, is tolerable 
eating, not bad, much like the walnut. People make a wound in 

* Its downy fruit grows in bundles from the trunk and large branches (Roxburgh). 

* The reference by ‘‘also” (am) will be to the kamrak (f. 2836), but both 
Roxburgh and Brandis say the am/a is six striated. 

: reer and Bengali name for the chiriinji-tree is Jzya/a (Roxburgh p. 363). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 509 

the cheese, and into this wound insert a leaf(let), in such a way 
that all liquid flowing from the wound runs down it.*. The tip 
of the leaflet is set over the mouth of a pot suspended to the tree 
in such a way that it collects whatever liquor is yielded by the 
wound. This liquor is rather pleasant if drunk at once; if drunk 
after two or three days, people say it is quite exhilarating 
_ (katfiyat). Once when I had gone to visit Bari,? and made an 
excursion to the villages on the bank of the Chambal-river, we 
met in with people collecting this date-liquor in the valley-bottom. 
A good deal was drunk ; no hilarity was felt ; much must be 
drunk, seemingly, to produce a little cheer. 

The coco-nut palm (P. xargil, Cocos nucifera) is another. An 
‘Arab gives it Arabic form 3 and says nazvjil ; Hindiistan people 
say zalir, seemingly by popular error.4 Its fruit is the Hindi- 
nut from which black spoons (gara@ gashiiq) are made and the 
larger ones of which serve for guitar-bodies. The coco-palm has 
general resemblance to the date-palm, but has more, and more 
glistening leaves. Like the walnut, the coco-nut has a green 
outer husk ; but its husk is of fibre on fibre. All ropes for ships 
and boats and also cord for sewing boat-seams are heard of as 
made from these husks. The nut, when stripped of its husk, near 
one end shews a triangle of hollows, two of which are solid, the 
third a nothing (dzsh), easily pierced. Before the kernel forms, 
there is fluid inside ; people pierce the soft hollow and drink 
this ; it tastes like date-palm cheese in solution, and is not bad. 

The (Sans.) tar (Borassus flabelliformis, the Palmyra-palm) is 
another. Its branches (ze. leaves) also are quite at its top. Just as 
with the date-palm, people hang a pot on it, take its juice and 
drink it. They call this liquor ¢@rz;5 it is said to be more ex- 
hilarating than date liquor. For about a yard along its branches 

* The leaflet is rigid enough to serve as a runlet, but soon wears out; for this 
reason, the usual practice is to use one of split bamboo. 

? This is a famous hunting-ground between Biana and Dhilpir, Rajpitana, visited 
in 933 AH. (f. 3304). Babur’s great-great-grandson Shah-jahan built a hunting-lodge 
there (G. of I.). 

3 Hai. MS. mz‘arrab, but the Elph. MS. maghrid, [occidentalizing]. The Hai. 
MS. when writing of the orange (z7zfra) also has maghrid. A distinction of locality 
may be drawn by maghrid. 

4 Babur’s ‘* Hindiistan people” (az/) are those neither Turks nor Afghans. 

5 This name, with its usual form ¢a@di (toddy), is used for the fermented sap of the 
date, coco, and mhdar palms also (cf. Yule’s H.J. s.2. toddy). 


Fol. 2852. 

Fol. 286. 

Fol. 286. 


(z.e. leaf-stems) ' there are no leaves; above this, at the tip of 
the branch (stem), 30 or 40 open out like the spread palm of the 
hand, all from one place. These leaves approach a yard in length. 
People often write Hindi characters on them after the fashion of 
account rolls (daftar yisinliq). 

The orange (Ar. naranj, Citrus aurantium) and orange-like 
fruits are others of Hindistan.2 Oranges grow well in the 
Lamghanat, Bajaur and Sawad. The Lamghanat one is smallish, 
has a navel,3 is very agreeable, fragile and juicy. It is not at all 
like the orange of Khurasan and those parts, being so fragile 
that many spoil before reaching Kabul from the Lamghanat 
which may be 13-14 yighach (65-70 miles), while the Astarabad 
orange, by reason of its thick skin and scant juice, carries with 
less damage from there to Samarkand, some 270-280 yighach.4 
The Bajaur orange is about as large as a quince, very juicy and 
more acid than other oranges. Khwaja Kalan once said to me, 
“We counted the oranges gathered from a single tree of this sort 
in Bajaur and it mounted up to 7,000.”__It had been always in 
my mind that the word x@ranj was an Arabic form ;5 it would 
seem to be really so, since every-one in Bajaur and Sawad says 
(P.) narang.® 

* Babur writes of the long leaf-stalk asa branch (sh@#h) ; he also seems to have 
taken each spike of the fan-leaf to represent a separate leaf. [For two omissions 
from my trs. see Appendix O.] 

* Most of the fruits Babur describes as orange-like are named in the following 
classified list, taken from Watts’ Economic Products of India :—‘** Citrus aurantium, 
narangi, Heat Ss amrit-phal; C. decumana, pumelo, shaddock, forbidden-fruit, 
sada-phal; C, medica proper, /urunj, imu; C. medica limonum, jambhira, 
karna-nebu.” Under C. aurantium Brandis enters both the sweet and the Seville 
oranges (zdrangi) ; this Babur appears to do also. 

3 kindiklik, explained in the Elph. Codex by uafwar (f. 238). This detail is omitted 
by the Persian translation. Firminger’s description (p. 221) of Aurangabad oranges 
suggests that they also are navel-oranges. At the present time one of the best 
oranges had in England is the navel one of California. 

* Useful addition is made to earlier notes on the variability of the yighdch, a 
variability depending on time taken to cover the ground, by the following passage 
from Henderson and Hume’s Lahor to Yarkand (p. 120), which shews that even in 
the last century the farsamg (the P. word used in the Persian translation of the 
Babur-nama for T. yighdch) was computed by time. ‘* All the way from Kargallik 
(Qarghaliq) to Yarkand, there were tall wooden mile-posts along the roads, at intervals 
of about 5 miles, or rather one hour’s journey, apart. On a board at the top of each 
post, or farsang as it is called, the distances were very legibly written in Turki.” 

5 ma‘rib, Elph. MS. magharrib ; (cf. f. 2856 note). 

a e. narang (Sans. ndvanga) has been changed to xdranj in the ‘Arab mouth. 
What is probably one of Humayiin’s notes preserved by the Elph. Codex (f. 238), 
appears to say—it is mutilated—that drang has been corrupted into maranj. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 511 

The lime (B. Zim, C. actda) is another. It is very plentiful, 
about the size of a hen’s egg, and of the same shape. Ifa person 
poisoned drink the water in which its fibres have been boiled, 
danger is averted.” 

The citron (P. turunj,? C. medica) is another of the fruits 
resembling the orange. Bajauris and Sawadis call it da/ang and 
hence give the name da@/ang-marabbd to its marmalade (marabba) 
confiture. In Hindistan people call the turunj bajauri.3 There 
are two kinds of ¢wrunj : one is sweet, flavourless and nauseating, 
of no use for eating but with peel that may be good for mar- 
malade ; it has the same sickening sweetness as the Lamghanat 
turunj ; the other, that of Hindistan and Bajaur, is acid, quite 
deliciously acid, and makes excellent sherbet, well-flavoured, and 
wholesome drinking. Its size may be that of the Khusrawi melon; 
it has a thick skin, wrinkled and uneven, with one end thinner and 
beaked. It is of a deeper yellow than the orange (dranj). Its 
tree has no trunk, is rather low, grows in bushes, and has a larger 
leaf than the orange. 

The sangtara* is another fruit resembling the orange (ma@vanj). 

t The Elph. Codex has a note—mutilated in early binding—which is attested by 
its scribe as copied from Humayiin’s hand-writing, and is to the effect that once on 
his way from the Hot-bath, he saw people who had taken poison and restored them 
by giving lime-juice. 

" Erskine here notes that the same antidotal quality is ascribed to the citron by 
irgil :— 

Media fert tristes succos. tardumque saporem 
Felicis mali, quo non praesentius ullum, 

Pocula si quando saevae infecere novercae, 
Miscueruntque herbas et non innoxia verba, 
Auxilium: venit, ac membris agit atra venena. 
Georgics IT. v. 126. 
Vide Heyne’s note i, 438. E 
ee “< turunj, wrinkled, puckered ; Sans. viyapaira and H. dzjaura (Ayin 28), seed- 

3 Babur may have confused this with H. dzjaura ; so too appears to have done the 
writér (Humayiin ?) of a [now mutilated] note in the Elph. Codex (f. 238), which 
seems to say that the fruit or its name went from Bajaur to Hindistan. Is the 
country of Bajaur so-named from its indigenous orange (viyapira, whence bzjaura) ? 
The name occurs also north of Kangra. 

4 Of this name variants are numerous, saztra, santhara, samtara, etc. Watts 
classes it asa C. aurantium ; Erskine makes it the common sweet orange ; Firminger, 
quoting Ross (p. 221) writes that, as grown in the Nagpur gardens it is one of the finest 
Indian oranges, with rind thin, smooth and close. The Emperor Muhammad Shah 
is said to have altered its name to ramg-tara because of its fine colour (vazg) (Forbes). 
Speede (ii, 109) gives both names. As to the meaning and origin of the name santara 
or santra, so suggestive of Cintra, the Portuguese home of a similar orange, it may be 
said that it looks like a hill-name used in N.E. India, for there is a village in the 

Fol. 287. 


It is like the citron (¢urunj) in colour and form, but has both 
ends of its skin level ;* also it is not rough and is somewhat the 
smaller fruit. Its tree is large, as large as the apricot (aurzq), 
with a leaf like the orange’s. It is a deliciously acid fruit, making 
a very pleasant and wholesome sherbet. Like the lime it is a 
powerful stomachic, but not weakening like the orange (za@ramy). 

The large lime which they call (H.) ga/-gal? in Hindistan is 
another fruit resembling the orange. It has the shape of a goose’s 
egg, but unlike that egg, does not taper to the ends. Its skin is 
smooth like the sangtara’s ; it is remarkably juicy. 

The (H.) 7andzri lime3 is another orange-like fruit. It is orange- 
shaped and, though yellow, not orange-yellow. It smells like the 
citron (¢urunj) ; it too is deliciously acid. 

The (Sans.) sada-fal ( pha/) + is another orange-like fruit. This 
is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to 
the sickly-sweetness of the orange (”aranj). 

The amrd-fal (sic. Hai. MS.—Sans. amrit-phal)5 is another 
orange-like fruit. 

The lemon (H. £arna, C. imonum) is another fruit resembling 
the orange (wa@ranj); it may be as large as the ga/-ga/l and is also 

The (Sans.) amat-did® is another fruit resembling the orange. 

Bhutan Hills, (Western Duars) known from its orange groves as Santra-bari, Abode 
ofthe orange. To this (mentioned already as my husband’s suggestion in Mr. Crooke’s 
ed. of Yule’s H.J.) support is given by the item ‘‘Suntura, famous Nipal variety”, 
entered in Seth’s Nursery-list of 1914 (Feronia Nurseries, Calcutta). Light on the 
question of origin could be thrown, no doubt, by those acquainted with the dialects 
of the hill-tract concerned. 

* This refers, presumably, to the absence of the beak characteristic of all citrons. 

2 melter, from the Sans. root ga/, which provides the names of several lemons by 
reason of their solvent quality, specified by Babur (fra) of the amal-bid. Erskine 
notes that in his day the ga/-ga/ was known as Ai/mek (galmak ?). 

3 Sans. jambira, H. jambir, classed by Abii’l-fazl as one of the somewhat sour 
fruits and by Watts as Citrus medica limonum. : 

* Watts, C. decumana, the shaddock or pumelo; Firminger (p. 223) has C. decumana 
pyriformis suiting Babur’s “‘ pear-shaped”. What Babur compared it with will be 
the Transoxanian pear and quince (?. amrid and ézhi) and not the Indian guava and 
Bengal quince (P. amriid and H. dae/). 

5 The Turki text writes amrd. Watts classes the amrit-phal as a C. aurantium. 
This supports Erskine’s suggestion that it is the mandarin-orange. Humayin 
describes it in a note which is written pell-mell in the text of the Elph. Codex and 
contains also descriptions of the £dmz/a and santara oranges ; it can be seen translated 
in Appendix O. 

° So spelled in the Turki text and also in two good MSS. of the Pers. trs. I.O. 
217 and 218, but by Abii’l-fazl ama/-dit. Both P. did and P. éi¢ mean willow and 
cane (ratan), so that ama/-bid (dit) can mean acid-willow and acid-cane. But as 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 513 

After three years (in Hindiistan), it was first seen to-day.1_ They 
say a needle melts away if put inside it,? either from its acidity 
or some other property. It is as acid, perhaps, as the citron and 
lemon (turunj and limi).3 

(m. Vegetable products of Hindistan :—Flowers.) 

In Hindistan there is great variety of flowers. One is the (D.) 
jastin (Hibiscus rosa sinensis), which some Hindistanis call 
(Hindi) gazhal4 *It is not a grass (gzya@h) ; its tree (is in stems 
like the bush of the red-rose ; it) is rather taller than the bush 
of the red-rose.5* The flower of the as is fuller in colour than 
that of the pomegranate, and may be of the size of the red-rose, 
but, the red-rose, when its bud has grown, opens simply, whereas, 
when the 7aszu-bud opens, a stem on which other petals grow, 
is seen like a heart amongst its expanded petals. Though the 
two are parts of the one flower, yet the outcome of the lengthening 
and thinning of that stem-like heart of the first-opened petals 
gives the semblance of two flowers.®° It is not a common matter. 
The beautifully coloured flowers look very well on the tree, but 

Babur is writing of a fruit like an orange, the cane that bears an acid fruit, Calamus 
rotang, can be left aside in favour of Cztrus medica acidissima. Of this fruit the 
solvent property Babur mentions, as well as the commonly-known service in cleansing 
metal, link it, by these uses, with the willow and suggest a ground for understanding, 
o Erskine did, that ama/-did meant acid-willow ; for willow-wood is used to rub rust 
off metal. 

* This statement shows that Babur was writing the Description of Hindistan in 
935 AH. (1528-9 AD.), which is the date given for it by Shaikh Zain. 

? This story of the needle is believed in India of all the citron kind, which are hence 
called s#i-ga/ (needle-melter) in the Dakhin (Erskine). Cf. Forbes, p. 489 s.x. 
sii-gal. a 

3 Erskine here quotes information from Abii’l-fazl (Ayim 28) about Akbar’s 
encouragement of the cultivation of fruits. 

4 Hindustani (Urdu) gardai. Many varieties of Hibiscus (syn. Althea) grow in 
India ; some thrive in Surrey gardens ; the jasé# by name and colour can be taken 
as what is known in Malayan, Tamil, etc., as the shoe-flower, from its use in darkening 
leather (Yule’s H.J.). 

5 I surmise that what I have placed between asterisks here belongs to the next- 
following plant, the oleander. For though the branches of the jasaz grow vertically, 
the bush is a dense mass upon one stout trunk, or stout short stem. The words placed 
in parenthesis above are not with the Haidarabad but are with the Elphinstone Codex. 
There would seem to have been a scribe’s skip from one ‘‘ rose” to the other. As 
has been shewn repeatedly, this part of the Babur-nama has been much annotated; in 
the Elph. Codex, where only most of the notes are preserved, some are entered by 
the scribe pell-mell into Babur’s text. The present instance may be a case of a 
marginal note, added to the text in a wrong place. 

®° The peduncle supporting the plume of medial petals is clearly seen only when the 

pede first. The plumed Hibiscus is found in florists’ catalogues described as 
ouble ”. 

Fol. 2874. 

Fol. 288. 


they do not last long; they fade in just one day. The jasun 
blossoms very well through the four months of the rains ; it seems 
indeed to flower all through the year ; with this profusion, how- 
ever, it gives no perfume. 

The (H.) hanir (Nerium odorum, the oleander)* is another. It 
grows both red and white. Like the peach-flower, it is five 
petalled. It is like the peach-bloom (in colour ?), but opens 14 
or I5 flowers from one place, so that seen from a distance, they 
look like one great flower. The oleander-bush is taller than the 
rose-bush. The red oleander has a sort of scent, faint and agree- 
able. (Like the 7aszin,) it also blooms well and profusely in the 
rains, and it also is had through most of the year. 

The (H.) (kitira) (Pandanus odoratissimus, the screw-pine) is 
another.? It hasa very agreeable perfume. Musk has the defect 
of being dry ; this may be called moist musk—a very agreeable 
perfume. The tree’s singular appearance notwithstanding, it has 
flowers perhaps 14 to 2 garish (134 to 18 inches) long. It has 
long leaves having the character of the reed (P.) gharau*+ and 
having spines. Of these leaves, while pressed together bud-like, 
the outer ones are the greener and more spiny ; the inner ones 
are soft and white. In amongst these inner leaves grow things 
like what belongs to the middle of a flower, and from these 
things comes the excellent perfume. When the tree first comes 
up not yet shewing any trunk, it is like the bush (dz¢a) of the 
male-reed,5 but with wider and more spiny leaves. What serves 
it for a trunk is very shapeless, its roots remaining shewn. 

* This Anglo-Indians call also rose-bay. A Persian name appears to be zahr-giyah, 
poison-grass, which makes it the more probable that the doubtful passage in the 
previous description of the asin belongs to the rod-like oleander, known as the 
poison-grass. The oleander is common in river-beds over much country known to 
Babur, outside India. 

* Roxburgh gives a full and interesting account of this tree. 

3 Here the Elph. Codex, only, has the (seeming) note, ‘‘ An ‘Arab calls it Adzi” 
(or Aawz). This fills out Steingass’ part-explanation of 4a@wi, ‘‘ the blossom of the 
fragrant palm-tree, arma¢” (p. 1010), and of armat, ‘fa kind of date-tree with 
a fragrant blossom” (p. 39), by making armat and kawi seem to be the Pandanus 
and its flower. 

_ * Calamus scriptorius (Vullers ii, 607. H.B.). Abi’l-fazl compares the leaves to 
Jawari, the great millet (Forbes); Blochmann (A. A. p. 83) translates jawari by 
maize (juwdarda, Forbes). 

5’ T. airkak-gumiish, a name Scully enters unexplained. Under ga#miish (reed) he 

enters drundo madagascarensis ; Babur’s comparison will be with some Transoxanian 
Arundo or Calamus, presumably. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 515 

The (P.) ya@sman (jasmine) is another ; the white they call (B.) 
champa.* \t is larger and more strongly scented than our 

(x. Seasons of the year.) 

Again:—whereas there are four seasons in those countries,” 
there are three in Hindiistan, namely, four months are summer ; 
four are the rains; four are winter. The beginning of their 
months is from the welcome of the crescent-moons.3 Every 
three years they add a month to the year ; if one had been added 

to the rainy season, the next is added, three years later, to the 

winter months, the next, in the same way, to the hot months. 
This is their mode of intercalation.4 (Chazt, Baisakh, Jeth and 
- Asarh) are the hot months, corresponding with the Fish, (Ram, 
Bull and Twins; Sdwan, Bhadon, Kiar and Katik) are the 
rainy months, corresponding with the Crab, (Lion, Virgin and 
Balance ; Aghan, Pus, Magh and Phalgun) are the cold months, 
corresponding with the Scorpion, (Archer, Capricorn, and Bucket 
or Aquarius). 

The people of Hind, having thus divided the year into three 
seasons of four months each, divide each of those seasons by 
taking from each, the two months of the force of the heat, rain,5 
and cold. Of the hot months the last two, ze. Jeth and Asarh 
are the force of the heat ; of the rainy months, the first two, ze. 
Sawan and Bhadon are the force of the rains ; of the cold season, 
the middle two, ze. Pas and Magh are the force of the cold. By 
this classification there are six seasons in Hindistan. 

* Champa seems to have been Babur’s word (Elph. and Hai. MSS.), but is the 
(B.) name for Michelia champaka; the Pers. translation corrects it by (B.) chaméeli, 
(yasman, jasmine). 

? Here, ‘‘ outside India” will be meant, where Hindi rules do not prevail. 

3 Hind ailari-ning tbtida-st hilal ailar-ning istigbal-din dir. The use here of 
estigbal, welcome, attracts attention ; does it allude to the universal welcome of lighter 
nights? or is it reminiscent of Muhammadan welcome to the Moon’s crescent in 
Shawwal ? 

4 For an exact statement of the intercalary months wzde Cunningham’s /udian Eras, 
p. 91. In my next sentence (sfra) the parenthesis-marks indicate blanks left on the 
page of the Hai. MS. as though waiting for information. These and other similar 
blanks make for the opinion that the Hai. Codex is a direct copy of Babur’s draft 

5 The sextuple division (77#w) of the year is referred to on f. 284, where the Signs 
Crab and Lion are called the season of the true Rains. 

Fol. 2886. 

Fol. 289. 


(0. Days of the week.) 

To the days also they have given names :—! (Sanichar is 
Saturday ; Radi-bar is Sunday ; Som-war is Monday ; Mangal- 
war is Tuesday: Budh-bar is Wednesday; Srihaspat-bar zs 
Thursday ; Shukr-bar is Friday). 

(p. Divisions of time.) 

As in our countries what is known by the (Turki) term £icha- 
gundiz (a day-and-night, nycthemeron) is divided into 24 parts, 
each called an hour (Ar. sé‘a¢), and the hour is divided into 60 
parts, each called a minute (Ar. dagiga), so that a day-and-night 

(Authors note on the dagiga.) The dagiga is about as long as six repetitions 
of the /a¢zha with the Bismzllazh, so that a day-and-night is as long as 8640 
repetitions of the /atzha with the Bzsmzllah. 

consists of 1440 minutes,—so the people of Hind divide the night- 
and-day into 60 parts, each called a (S.) g@hari2 They also 
divide the night into four and the day into four, calling each part 
a (S.) pahr (watch) which in Persian is a fas. A watch and 
watchman (fas u pashan) had been heard about (by us) in those 
countries (Transoxania), but without these particulars. Agreeing 
with the division into watches, a body of g’harialis3 is chosen 
and appointed in all considerable towns of Hindistan. They 
cast a broad brass (plate-) thing,4 perhaps as large as a tray 
(tabaq) and about two hands’-thickness ; this they calla g’harial 
and hang up in a high place (dir éuland yir-da). Also they have 
a vessel perforated at the bottom like an hour-cup5 and filling 

* Babur appears not to have entered either the Hindi or the Persian names of the 
week :—the Hai. MS. has a blank space; the Elph. MS. had the Persian names 
only, and Hindi ones have been written in above these ; Kehr has the Persian ones 
only ; Ilminsky has added the Hindi ones. (The spelling of the Hindi names, in my 
translation, is copied from Forbes’ Dictionary.) 

* The Hai. MS. writes gari and garia/. The word now stands for the hour of 
60 minutes. : 
an at — The name is applied also to an alligator Lacertus gangeticus 


4 There is some confusion in the text here, the Hai. MS. reading érénj-din tishi (?) 
nima guitbtirlar—the Elph. MS. (f. 2406) déring-din bir yassi nima guiubturlar. 
The Persian translation, being based on the text of the Elphinstone Codex reads az 
biring yak chis pahni rekhta and. The word ¢ishi of the Hai. MS. may represent 
tasht plate or ya@ssi, broad ; against the latter however there is the sentence that follows 
and gives the size. 

5 Here again the wording of the Hai. MS. is not clear; the sense however is 
obvious. Concerning the clepsydra vide A. A. Jarrett, ii, 15 and notes; Smith’s 
Dictionary of Antiquities; Yule’s H.J. s.x. Ghurry. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 517 

in one ¢hari (z.e.24 minutes). The garialis put this into water 
and wait till it fills. For example, they will put the perforated 
cup into water at day-birth ; when it fills the first time, they strike 
the gong once with their mallets ; when a second time, twice, and 
so on till the end of the watch. They announce the end of a 
watch by several rapid blows of their mallets. After these they 
pause ; then strike once more, if the first day-watch has ended, 
twice if the second, three times if the third, and four times if the 
fourth. After the fourth day-watch, when the night-watches 
begin, these are gone through in the same way. It used to be 
the rule to beat the sign of a watch only when the watch ended; 
so that sleepers chancing to wake in the night and hear the sound 
of a third or fourth 2’hari, would not know whether it was of the 
second or third night-watch. I therefore ordered that at night 
or on a cloudy day the sign of the watch should be struck after 
that of the g’/ari, for example, that after striking the third ¢’hari 
of the first night-watch, the g’haridlis were to pause and then 
strike the sign of the watch, in order to make it known that this 
third ¢’harz was of the first night-watch,—and that after striking 
four g’haris of the third night-watch, they should pause and then 

_ strike the sign of the third watch, in order to make it known that 

this fourth ¢’avi was of the third night-watch. It did very well ; 
anyone happening to wake in the night and hear the gong, would 
know what g’fari of what watch of night it was. 

Again, they divide the g’/ari into 60 parts, each part being 

called a pal ;* by this each night-and-day will consist of 3,500 pads. 

(Author's note on the pal.) They say the length of a fa/ is the shutting and 
opening of the eyelids 60 times, which in a night-and-day would be 216,000 
shuttings and openings of the eyes. Experiment shews that a fal is about 
equal to 8 repetitions of the Oul-huwa-allah? and Bismzllah; this would be 
28,000 repetitions in a night-and-day. 

(g. Measures.). 

The people of Hind have also well-arranged measures :—3 
8 ratis = 1 masha; 4 masha = \ tank = 32 ratis; 5 masha = 
I mzsqal = 40 ratis ; 12 masha=1 tila=96 ratis ; 14 tila=1 ser. 

* The table is :—60 dzpals = 1 pal; 60 pals =1 g’hari (24m.); 60 g’hari or 
8 pahr = one din-rat (nycthemeron). 

? Qoran, cap. CXII, which is a declaration of God’s unity. 

3 The (S.) vati = 8 rice-grains (Eng. 8 barley-corns); the (S.) md@sha is a kidney- 

bean ; the (P.) ¢an& is about 2 0z. ; the (Ar.) mzsga/ is equal to 40 ratis ; the (S.) tala 
is about 145 oz. ; the (S.) sev is of various values (Wilson’s Glossary and Yule’s H.J.). 

Fol. 2898. 

Fol. 290. 


This is everywhere fixed :—40 ser = 1 manban; 12 manban = 
I mani; 100 mani they call a minasa.* 
Pearls and jewels they weigh by the ¢ank. 

(r. Modes of reckoning.) 

The people of Hind have also an excellent mode of reckoning : 
100,006 they call a dak; 100 daks, a kriir; 100 krirs, an arb; 
100 arbs,1 karb; 100 karbs, 1 nil; 100 nils, 1 padam ; 100 padams, 
I sang. The fixing of such high reckonings as these is proof of 
the great amount of wealth in Hindistan. 

(s. Hindi inhabitants of Hindustan.) 

Most of the inhabitants of Hindistan are pagans; they call 
a pagan a Hindi. Most Hindi believe in the transmigration 
of souls. All artisans, wage-earners, and officials are Hindiis. In 
our countries dwellers in the wilds (z.e. nomads) get tribal names; 
Fol. 2904. here the settled people of the cultivated lands and villages get 
tribal names.? Again :—every artisan there is follows the trade 
that has come down to him from forefather to forefather. 

(4. Defects of Hindistan.) 

Hindustan is a country of few charms. Its people have no 
good looks; of social intercourse, paying and receiving visits there 
is none; of genius and capacity none; of manners none; in 
handicraft and work there is no form or symmetry, method or 
quality ; there are no good horses, no good dogs, no grapes, musk- 
melons or first-rate fruits, no ice or cold water, no good bread or 
cooked food in the éé@za@rs, no Hot-baths, no Colleges, no candles, 
torches or candlesticks. 

In place of candle and torch they have a great dirty gang they 
call lamp-men (dwatz), who in the left hand hold a smallish 
wooden tripod to one corner of which a thing like the top of 

* There being 40 Bengal sevs to the »an, Babur’s word mdandan seems to be another 
name for the man or maund. I have not found mandban or minasa. At first sight 
manban might be taken, inthe Hai. MS. for (T.) batman, a weight of 13 or 15 lbs., 
but this does not suit. Cf. f. 167 note to 6a¢man and f. 1736 (where, however, in the 
note f, 157 requires correction to f. 167). For Babur’s table of measures the Pers. 

trs. has 40 sers=1 man; 12 mans =1 mani; 100 mani they call minasa (217, 
f. 2014, 1. 8). 

? Presumably these are caste-names. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 519 

a candlestick is fixed, having a wick in it about as thick as the 
thumb. In the right hand they hold a gourd, through a narrow 
slit made in which, oil is let trickle in‘'a thin thread when the 
wick needs it. Great people keep a hundred or two of these 
lamp-men. This is the Hindistan substitute for lamps and 
candlesticks! Iftheir rulers and begs have work at night needing 
candles, these dirty lamp-men bring these lamps, go close up and 
there stand. 

Except their large rivers and their standing-waters which flow 
in ravines or hollows (there are no waters). There are no 
running-waters in their gardens or residences (‘cmdaratlar).* 
These residences have no charm, air (Zawd), regularity or 

Peasants and people of low standing go about naked. They 
tie on a thing called /ungita,? a decency-clout which hangs two 
spans below the navel. From the tie of this pendant decency- 
clout, another clout is passed between the thighs and made fast 
behind. Women also tie ona cloth (/uzg), one-half of which goes 
round the waist, the other is thrown over the head. 

(u. Advantages of Hindustan.) 

Pleasant things of Hindiistan are that it is a large country and 
has masses of gold and silver. Its air in the Rains is very fine. 
Sometimes it rains 10, 15 or 20 times a day ; torrents pour down 
all at once and rivers flow where no water had been. While it 
rains and through the Rains, the air is remarkably fine, not to be 
surpassed for healthiness and charm. The fault is that the air 
becomes very soft and damp. A bow of those (Transoxanian) 
countries after going through the Rains in Hindistan, may not 
be drawn even ; it is ruined; not only the bow, everything is 
affected, armour, book, cloth, and utensils all ; a house even does 

* The words in parenthesis appear to be omitted from the text ; to add them brings 
Babur’s remark into agreement with others on what he several times makes note of, 
viz. the absence not only of irrigation-channels but of those which convey ‘‘ running- 
waters” to houses and gardens. Such he writes of in Farghana ; such are a well- 
known charm ¢.g. in Madeira, where the swift current of clear water flowing through 
the streets, turns into private precincts by side-runlets. 

* The Hai. MS. writes /ungata-dik, like a lungita, which better agrees with Babur’s 
usual phrasing. Persian for a cloth passed between the loins, isan equivalent 

of S. achote. Babur’s use of it (2fra) for the woman’s (P.) chaddar or (S.) sari does 
not suit the Dictionary definition of its meaning. 

Fol. 291. 

Fol. 2916. 

Fol. 292. 


not last long. Not only in the Rains but also in the cold and 
the hot seasons, the airs are excellent ; at these times, however, 

the north-west wind constantly gets up laden with dust and earth. 

It gets up in great strength every year in the heats, under the 

Bull and Twins when the Rains are near ; so strong and carrying 

so much dust and earth that there is no seeing one another. 

People call this wind Darkener of the Sky (H. @nudhi). The 

weather is hot under the Bull and Twins, but not intolerably 

so, not so hot as in Balkh and Qandahar and not for half 
so long. 

Another good thing in Hindistan is that it has unnumbered 
and endless workmen of every kind. There isa fixed caste (jam‘Z) 
for every sort of work and for every thing, which has done that 
work or that thing from father to son till now. Mulla Sharaf, 
writing in the Zafar-nama about the building of Timir Beg’s 
Stone Mosque, lays stress on the fact that on it 200 stone-cutters 
worked, from Azarbaijan, Fars, Hindiistan and other countries. 
But 680 men worked daily on my buildings in Agra and of Agra 
stone-cutters only ; while 1491 stone-cutters worked daily on my 
buildings in Agra, Sikri, Biana, Dilpir, Gialiar and Kiil. In 
the same way there are numberless artisans and workmen of 
every sort in Hindistan. 

(v. Revenues of Hindiistan.) 

The revenue of the countries now held by me (935 AH.— 
1528 AD.) from Bhira to Bihar is 52 &rars,t as will be known in 
detail from the following summary? Eight or nine £rars of this 

* When Erskine published the Memoirs in 1826 ap. he estimated this sum at 
1} millions Sterling, but when he published his History of India in 1854, he had made 
further research into the problem of Indian money values, and judged then that Babur’s 
revenue was 44,212,000, 

* Erskine here notes that the promised details had not been preserved, but in 
1854 AD. he had found them in a ‘‘ paraphrase of part of Babur”, manifestly in 
Shaikh Zain’s work. He entered and discussed them and some matters of money- 
values in Appendices D. and E. of his Héstory of India, vol. I. Ilminsky found 
them in Kehr’s Codex (C. ii, 230). The scribe of the Elph. MS. has entered the 
revenues of three sarkdrs only, with his usual quotation marks indicating something 
extraneous or doubtful. The Hai. MS. has them in contents precisely as I have 
entered them above, but with a scattered mode of setting down. They are in Persian, 
presumably as they were rendered to Babur by some Indian official. This official 
statement will have been with Babur’s own papers; it will have been copied by 
Shaikh Zain into his own paraphrase. It differs slightly in Erskine’s and again, in 
de Courteille’s versions. I regret that I am incompetent to throw any light upon the 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 521 

are from parganas of rais and rajas who, as obedient from of 
old, receive allowance and maintenance. 


Sarkars. Kris. | Laks. | Tankas. 
Trans-sutluj ge ai pales Sialkit, ete etc. 3 33 15,989 
Sihrind I 29 31,985 
Hisar-firtiza . I 30 755174 
The capital Dihli and Mian-di-ab . 3 69 50,254 
Miwat, not included in Sikandar’s time . I 69 81,000 
Biana : : : ; ; : v ; I 44 14,930 
Agra : . ‘ ? ; ; 29 76,919 
Mian-wilayat (Midlands) : : 2 gI 19 
Giualiar . 2 23 57,450 
Kalpi and Sehonda (Seondha) 4 28 55950 
Qanauyj . 5 ‘ I 36 | 63,358 
Sambhal . ’ I 38 44,000 
Laknir and Baksar_ ; ‘ n 5 I 39 82,433 
Khairabad . y : ; 12 65,000 
Aid (Oude) and Bahraj (Baraich) . I 17 1,369 
Junpir . 4 o | 88,333 
one and Manikpar ‘ 4 ; ‘ ‘ I 63 27,282 
Bihar ; , : 3 i : ‘ ; ; 4 5 60,000 
Sarwar I 55 17,5064 
Saran I 10 18,373 
Champaran ; ; : : é : ; I 90 | 86,060 
Kandla . ; ; 43 30,300 
Tirhut from Raja Rup- narain’s tribute, silver ‘ 2 55,000 
black “i i.e. copper) 27 50,000 
Rantanbhir from Bili, Chatsii, and Malarna. ; 20 | 00,000 
Nagitr . ; , : -{— ae — 
Raja Bikramajit i in Rantanbhir : -| — a as 
Kalanjari . : ‘ -| — -- 
Raja Bir- sang-deo (or, Sang only) — — — 
Raja Bikam-deo_ ‘ . jo — — 
Raja Bikam-chand . ‘ ; . ‘ p | o— — — 

* So far as particulars and details about the land and people 
of the country of Hindiistan have become definitely known, they 
have been narrated and described ; whatever matters worthy of 
record may come to view hereafter, I shall write down. 

question of its values and that I must leave some uncertain names to those more 
expert than myself. Cf. Erskine’s Appendices /.c. and Thomas’ Revenue resources 
of the Mughal Empire. For a few comments see App. P. 

* Here the Turki text resumes in the Hai. MS. 

Fol, 292d. 

Fol. 293. 

Fol. 294. 



(a. Distribution of treasure in Agra.) 

(May 12th) On Saturday the 29th? of Rajab the examination 
and distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humayin 
were given 70 laks from the Treasury, and, over and above this, 
a treasure house was bestowed on him just as it was, without 
ascertaining and writing down its contents. To some begs 
10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to others.3 Suitable money-gifts 
were bestowed from the Treasury on the whole army, to every 
tribe there was, Afghan, Hazara, ‘Arab, Bilich efc. to each 
according to its position. Every trader and student, indeed every 
man who had come with the army, took ample portion and share 
of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went 
a mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to 
Kamran, 15 laks to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, while to ‘Askari, 
Hindal and indeed to the whole various train of relations and 
younger children 4 went masses of red and white (gold and silver), 
of plenishing, jewels and slaves. Many gifts went to the begs 
and soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts (saugha?) 
were sent for the various relations in Samarkand, Khurasan, 
Kashghar and ‘Iraq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand 
and Khurasan went offerings vowed to God (nugir) ; so too to 

* Elph. MS. f. 2436; W. i. B. I.O. 215 has not the events of this year (as to which 
omission vide note at the beginning of 932 AH. f. 2516) and 217 f. 203; Mems. 
p. 334; Ilminsky’s imprint p. 380; A/éms. ii, 232. 

* This should be 30th if Saturday was the day of the week (Gladwin, Cunningham 
and Babur’s narrative of f. 269). Saturday appears likely to be right ; Babur entered 
Agra on Thursday 28th ; Friday would be used for the Congregational Prayer and 
preliminaries inevitable before the distribution of the treasure. The last day of 
Babur’s narrative 932 AH. is Thursday Rajab 28th ; he would not be likely to mistake 
between Friday, the day of his first Congregational prayer in Agra, and Saturday. It 
must be kept in mind that the Description of Hindustan is an interpolation here, and 
that it was written in 935 AH., three years later than the incidents here recorded. 
The date Rajab 29th may not be Babur’s own entry; or if it be, may have been 
made oi the interpolation of the dividing mass of the Descriftion and made 

3 Erskine estimated these sums as ‘‘ probably £56,700 to Humayin; and the 
smaller ones as £8, roo, £6,480, £5,670 and £4,860 respectively ; very large sums — 
for the age” (Z/istory of India, i. 440 n. and App. E.) 

* These will be his daughters. Gul-badan gives precise details of the gifts to the 
family circle (Humdyiin-nama f. 10). 

5 Some of these slaves were Sl. Ibrahim’s dancing-girls (Gul-badan, 78.). 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 1o OCT. 8rH 1526 AD. 523 

Makka and Madina. We gave one shahrukhi for every soul 
in the country of Kabul and the valley-side * of Varsak, man and 
woman, bond and free, of age or non-age.? 

(6. Disaffection to Babur.) 

On our first coming to Agra, there was remarkable dislike and 
hostility between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers 
running away in fear of our men. Delhi and Agra excepted, 
not a fortified town but strengthened its defences and neither 
was in obedience nor submitted. Qasim Sambhali was in 
Sambhal; Nizam Khan was in Biana; in Miwat was Hasan 
Khan Miwati himself, impious mannikin! who was the sole 
leader of the trouble and mischief3 Muhammad Zaztuxz was in 
Dilptr; Tatar Khan Sa@rang-khani+ was in Gualiar; Husain 
Khan Nuhani was in Rapri; Qutb Khan was in Itawa (Etawa) ; 
‘Alam Khan (K@/f7) was in Kalpi. Qanauj and the other side 
of Gang (Ganges) was all held by Afghans in independent 
hostility,5 such as Nasir Khan Vuhani, Ma‘raf Farmili and a 
crowd of other amirs. These had been in rebellion for three or 
four years before Ibrahim’s death and when I defeated him, 
were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At 
the present time they were lying two or three marches on our 
side of Qanauj and had made Bihar Khan the son of Darya Khan 
Nuhaniz their padshah, under the style Sultan Muhammad. 
Marghib the slave was in Mahawin (J/uttra ?); he remained there, 
thus close, for some time but came no nearer. 

t Ar, sada. Perhaps it wasa station ofa hundred men. Varsak is in Badakhshan, 
on the water flowing to Taliqan from the Khwaja Muhammad range. Erskine read 
(p. 335) sada Varsak as sadiir rashk, incentive to emulation ; de C. (ii, 233) translates 
sada conjecturally by circonscription. Shaikh Zain has Varsak and to the recipients 
of the gifts adds the ‘‘Khwastis, people noted for their piety” (A.N. trs. H.B. 
i, 248 n.). The gift to Varsak may well have been made in gratitude for hospitality 
received by Babur in the time of adversity after his loss of Samarkand and before his 
return to Kabul in 920 AH. 

? circa 10d. or 11d. Babur left himself stripped so bare by his far-flung largess 
that he was nick-named Qalandar (Firishta). 

3 Badayini says of him (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 340) that he was 2afir kalima-gi, a pagan 
making the Muhammadan Confession of Faith, and that he had heard of him, in 
Akbar’s time from Bairam Khan-i-khanan, as kingly in appearance and poetic in 
temperament. He was killed fighting for Rana Sanga at Kanwaha. 

4 This is his family name. 

5 z.e. not acting with Hasan A/iwaii. 

Fol. 2940. 

Fol. 295. 


(c. Discontent in Babur’s army.) 

It was the hot-season when we came to Agra. All the 
inhabitants (Aha/aig) had run away in terror. Neither grain for 
ourselves nor corn for our horses was to be had. The villages, 
out of hostility and hatred to us had taken to thieving and 
highway-robbery ; there was no moving on the roads. There 
had been no chance since the treasure was distributed to send 
men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover 
the year was a very hot one; violent pestilential winds struck 
people down in heaps together ; masses began to die off. 

On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves 
became unwilling to stay in Hindistan, indeed set their faces for 
leaving it. It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they 
speak of such matters ; even if they do so, this man (Babur) has 
enough sense and reason to get at what is honest or what is 
mutinous in their representations, to distinguish between loss 
and gain. But as this man had seen his task whole, for himself, 
when he resolved on it, what taste was there in their reiterating 
that things should be done differently? What recommends 
the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little standing 
(kichik karim)? Here is a curious thing :—This last time of 
our riding out from Kabul, a few men of little standing had just 
been made begs ; what I looked for from them was that if I 
went through fire and water and came out again, they would 
have gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come 
out, that wherever I went, there at my side would they be,—not 
that they would speak against my fixed purpose, not that they 
would turn back from any task or great affair on which, all 
counselling, all consenting, we had resolved, so long as that 
counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs behaved, 
Secretary Ahmadi and Treasurer Wali behaved still worse. 
Khwaja Kalan had done well in the march out from Kabul, in 
Ibrahim’s defeat and until Agra was occupied ; he had spoken 
bold words and shewn ambitious views. But a few days after 
the capture of Agra, all his views changed,—the one zealous for 
departure at any price was Khwaja Kalan.* 

_* Gul-badan says that the Khwaja several times asked leave on the ground that 
his constitution was not fitted for the climate of Hindiistan; that His Majesty was 
not at all, at all, willing for him to go, but gave way at length to his importunity. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 525 

(d. Babur calls a council.) 

When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I 
summoned all the begs and took counsel. Said I, “There is no 
supremacy and grip on the world without means and resources; 
without lands and retainers sovereignty and command (padshahlig 
uz amirliqg) are impossible. By the labours of several years, by 
encountering hardship, by long travel, by flinging myself and 
the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we, through God’s 
grace, beat these masses of enemies in order that we might take 
their broad lands. And now what force compels us, what 
necessity has arisen that we should, without cause, abandon 
countries taken at such risk of life? Was it for us to remain in 
Kabul, the sport of harsh poverty ? Henceforth, let no well- 
wisher of mine speak of such things! But let not those turn 
back from going who, weak in strong persistence, have set their 
faces to depart!” By these words, which recalled just and 
reasonable views to their minds, I made them, willy-nilly, quit 
their fears. 

(e. Khwaja Kalan decides to leave Hindistan.) 

As Khwaja Kalan had no heart to stay in Hindistan, matters 
were settled in this way :—As he had many retainers, he was to 
convoy the gifts, and, as there were few men in Kabul and 
Ghazni, was to keep these places guarded and victualled. 
I bestowed on him Ghazni, Girdiz and the Sultan Mas‘idi Hazara, 
gave also the Hindistan pargana of Ghiram,' worth 3 or 
4 laks. It was settled for Khwaja Mir-i-miran also to go to 
Kabul ; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the 
custody of Mulla Hasan the banker (sarraf) and Tika? Hindi. 

Loathing Hindistan, Khwaja Kalan, when on his way, had 
the following couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence 
(‘¢marati) in Dihli :-— 

If safe and sound I cross the Sind, 

Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind ! 
It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly- 
jesting verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure 

t in Patiala, about 25 miles s.w. of Ambala. 
? Shaikh Zain, Gul-badan and Erskine write Nau-kar. It was now that Khwaja 
Kalan conveyed money for the repair of the great dam at Ghazni (f. 139). 


Fol. 2958. 

Fol. 296. 

Fol. 2968. 


caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.t I composed 
the following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him :— 

Give a hundred thanks, Babur, that the generous Pardoner 

Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom. 

If thou (z.e. the Khwaja) have not the strength for their heats, 
If thou say, ‘‘ Let me see the cold side (y#z),” Ghazni is there.? 

(f. Accretions to Babur’s force.) 

At this juncture, Mulla Apaq was sent into Kil with royal 
letters of favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (arkash- 
band) of that neighbourhood. Shaikh Giran (G’hiran)3 came 

(Author's note on Mulla Apag.) Formerly he had been in a very low 
position indeed, but two or three years before this time, had gathered his 
elder and younger brethren into a compact body and had brought them in 
(to me), together with the Airiiq-zai and other Afghans of the banks of the 
Sind. ; 

trustfully and loyally to do obeisance, bringing with him from 
2 to 3,000 soldiers and quiver-wearers from Between-two- 
waters (Wian-di-ab). 

Yiinas-i-‘ali when on his way from Dihli to Agra4 had lost 
his way a little and got separated from Humayin ; he then met 
in with ‘Ali Khan Farmialz’s sons and train,5 had a small affair 
with them, took them prisoners and brought them in. Taking 
advantage of this, one of the sons thus captured was sent to his 
father in company with Daulat-qadam 7urk’s son Mirza Mughal 
who conveyed royal letters of favour to ‘Ali Khan. At this 
time of break-up, ‘Ali Khan had gone to Miwat; he came to 

* The friends did not meet again; that their friendship weathered this storm is 
shewn by Babur’s letter of f. 359. The Adashga says the couplet was inscribed on 
a marble tablet near the Hawz-z-khas at the time the Khwaja was in Dihli after 
bidding Babur farewell in Agra. 

* This quatrain is in the Rampir Diwdan (g.v. index). The Adséshga quotes the 
following as Khwaja Kalan’s reply, but without mentioning where the original was 
found. Cf. de Courteille, Dict. 5.2%. ¢askari. An English version is given in my 
husband’s article Some verses by the Emperor Babur (A.Q.R. January, 1911). 

You shew your gaiety and your wit, 
In each word there lie acres of charm. 
Were not all things of Hind upside-down, 
How could you in the heat be so pleasant on cold? 
It is an old remark of travellers that everything in India is the opposite of what one 
sees elsewhere. Timiir is said to have remarked it and to have told his soldiers not 
to be afraid of the elephants of India, ‘‘ For,” said he, ‘‘their trunks are empty 
sleeves, and they carry their tails in front ; in Hindustan everything is reversed ” 
(H. Beveridge zdzd.). Cf. App. Q. 
3 Badayini i, 337 speaks of him as unrivalled in music. 
4 f. 2676, 

5 aturig, which here no doubt represents the women of the family. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 527 

me when Mirza Mughil returned, was promoted, and given 
valid (?) parganas* worth 25 laks. 

(g. Action against the rebels of the East.) 

Sl. Ibrahim had appointed several amirs under Mustafa 
Farmili and Firiz Khan Sdérang-khani, to act against the rebel 
amirs of the East (Parad). Mustafa had fought them and 
thoroughly drubbed them, giving them more than one good 
beating. He dying before Ibrahim’s defeat, his younger brother 
Shaikh Bayazid—Ibrahim being occupied with a momentous 
matter ?—had led and watched over his elder brother’s men. He 
now came to serve me, together with Firiz Khan, Mahmiid Khan 
Nuhani and Qazi Jia. I shewed them greater kindness and 
favour than was their claim; giving to Firiiz Khan 1 krir, 46 daks 
and 5000 ¢ankas from Jiinpir, to Shaikh Bayazid 1 krar, 48 laks 
and 50,000 tankas from Aitid (Oude), to Mahmiid Khan 90 Zaks 
and 35,000 ¢azkas from Ghazipir, and to Qazi Jia 20 /aks.3 

(h. Gifts made to various officers.) 

It was a few days after the ‘Id of Shawwal4 that a large 
party was held in the pillared-porch of the domed building 
standing in the middle of Sl. Ibrahim’s private apartments. At 
this party there were bestowed on Humayiin a char-gad,5 a 
sword-belt,° a ¢ipachdég horse with saddle mounted in gold; on 
Chin-timir Sultan, Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza 
char-gabs, sword-belts and dagger-belts ; and to the begs and 
braves, to each according to his rank, were given sword-belts, 

dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to the number 
specified below :— 

* ‘ain parganalar. 

? Babur’s advance, presumably. 

3 The full amounts here given are not in all MSS., some scribes contenting them- 
selves with the largest item of each gift (AZemozrs p. 337). 

4 The ‘Id of Shawwal, it will be remembered, is celebrated at the conclusion of 
the Ramzan fast, on seeing the first new moon of Shawwal. In A.H. 932 it must 
have fallen about July 11th 1526 (Erskine). 

_5> A square shawl, or napkin, of cloth of gold, bestowed as a mark of rank and 
distinction (AZemoirs p. 338 n.) ; une tunigue enrichie de broderies (Mémoires, ii, 240 n. ). 

° kamar-shamshir. This Steingass explains as sword-belt, Erskine by ‘‘ sword 
with a belt”. The summary following shews that many weapons were given and 
not belts alone. There is a good deal of variation in the MSS. The Hai. MS. 
has not a complete list. The most all the lists show is that gifts were many. 

Fol. 297. 

Fol. 2976. 


2 items (7a’s) of ¢ipuichag horses with saddles. 
16 items (gadza) of poinards, set with jewels, etc. 

8 items (gaéza) of purpet over-garments. 

2 items (204) of jewelled sword-belts. 
— items (gadza) of broad daggers ( jamd’ har) set with jewels. 
25 items of jewelled hangers (4hamar). 
— items of gold-hilted Hindi knives (247d). 
51 pieces of purpet. 

On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling 
thirteen times. As outside places had been assigned to a good 
many people, they were drowned out (gharagq). 

(2. Of various forts and postings.) 

Samana (in Patiala) had been given to Muhammadi Kikil- 
dash and it had been arranged for him to make swift descent on 
Sambal (Sambhal), but Sambal was now bestowed on Humayin, 
in addition to his guerdon of Hisar-firiiza, and in his service 
was Hindi Beg. To suit this, therefore, Hindi Beg was sent 
to make the incursion in Muhammadi’s place, and with him 
Kitta Beg, Baba Qashga’s (brother) Malik Qasim and his elder 
and younger brethren, Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Giiran (G’hiran) 
with the quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (W/zan-di- 
ab). Three or four times a person had come from Qasim 
Sambali, saying, “ The renegade Biban is besieging Sambal and 
has brought it to extremity ; come quickly.” Biban, with the 
array and the preparation (Zaya@f) with which he had deserted 
us,‘ had gone skirting the hills and gathering up Afghan and 
Hindistani deserters, until, finding Sambal at this juncture ill- 
garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindi Beg and Kitta Beg and 
the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got to the 
Ahar-passage * and from there sent ahead Baba Qashga’s Malik 
Qasim with his elder and younger brethren, while they them- 
selves were getting over the water. Malik Qasim crossed, 
advanced swiftly with from 100 to 150 men—his own and his 
brethren’s—and reached Sambal by the Mid-day Prayer. Biban 
for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik Qasim and 
his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear, and 
came to grips. Biban could make no stand; he fled. Malik 
Qasim cut off the heads of part of his force, took many horses, 

* f. 2636. 
? over the Ganges, a little above Aniip-shahr in the Buland-shahr district. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 529 

a few elephants and a mass of booty. Next day when the 
other begs arrived, Qasim Samdali came out and saw them, but 
not liking to surrender the fort, made them false pretences. 
One day Shaikh Giran (G’hiran) and Hindi Beg having talked 
the matter over with them, got Qasim Samdali out to the 
presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They 
brought Qasim’s wife and dependents safely out, and sent 
Qasim (to Court).? 

Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Nizam Khan in Biana 
with royal letters of promise and threat; with these was sent 
also the following little off-hand (Persian) verse :—? 

Strive not with the Turk, o Mir of Biana! 

His skill and his courage are obvious. 

If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel, — 
What need to detail (aya) what is obvious ? 

Biana being one of the famous forts of Hindiistan, the senseless 
mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its 
strength could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we 
ordered siege apparatus to be looked to. 

Baba Quli Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and 
threat to Muhammad Zaz¢iz (in Dilpir); Muhammad Zaztin 
also made false excuses. 

While we were still in Kabul, Rana Sanga had sent an envoy 
to testify to his good wishes and to propose this plan: “If the 
honoured Padshah will come to near Dihli from that side, 
I from this will move on Agra.” But I beat Ibrahim, I took 
Dihli and Agra, and up to now that Pagan has given no sign 
soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to 
Kandar3 a fort in which was Makan’s son, Hasan by name. 
This Hasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times, 
but had not shewn himself. We had not been able to detach 
reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about—Atawa 
(Etawa), Dilpir, and Biana—had not yet surrendered, and 
the Eastern Afghans were seated with their army in obstinate 
rebellion two or three marches on the Agra side of Qanij, my 
mind was not quite free from the whirl and strain of things 

* A seeming omission in the text is made good in my translation by Shaikh Zain’s 
help, who says Qasim was sent to Court. 

* This quatrain is in the Rampiir Diwaz. It appears to pun on Bianaand bi(y Jan. 

$ Kandar is in Rajpiittana ; Abii’l-fazl writes Kuhan-dar, old habitation. 

Fol. 298. 

Fol. 2988. 

| ae 
ws a u 


close at hand. Makan’s Hasan therefore, becoming helpless, 
had surrendered Kandar two or three months ago. 

Husain Khan (Vuanz) became afraid in Rapri, and he 
abandoning it, it was given to Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang. 

To Qutb Khan in Etawa royal letters of promise and threat 
had been sent several times, but as he neither came and saw me, 
nor abandoned Etawa and got away, it was given to Mahdi 
Khwaja and he was sent against it with a strong reinforcement 
of begs and household troops under the command of Muhammad 
Sl. Mirza, Sl. Muhammad Dz/daz, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang 
and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz the Master of the Horse. Qanij was given to 
Sl. Muhammad Dz/daz; he was also (as mentioned) appointed 
against Etawa; so too were Firiz Khan, Mahmid Khan, 
Shaikh Bayazid and Qazi Jia, highly favoured commanders to 
whom Eastern parganas had been given. 

Fol. 299. Muhammad Zazt¢in, who was seated in Dilpir, deceived us 
and did not come. We gave Dilpir to SI. Junaid Barlas and 
reinforced him by appointing ‘Adil Sultan, Muhammadi 
Kikildash, Shah Manstr Bar/as, Qitliq-qadam, Treasurer 
Wali, Jan Beg, ‘Abdu’l-lah, Pir-quli, and Shah Hasan Varagz 
(or Baragi), who were to attack Dilpir, take it, make it over to 
Sl. Junaid Barlas and advance on Biana. 

(7. Plan of operations adopted.) 

These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amirs * and 
the Hindistan amirs, and tossed the following matters in 
amongst them :—The various rebel amirs of the East, that is to 
say, those under Nasir Khan Vuhani and Ma‘rif Farmiilz, have 
crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to 50,000 men, taken Qanij, 
and now lie some three miles on our side of the river. The 
Pagan Rana Sanga has captured Kandar and is in a hostile and 
mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems 
expedient to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since 
the task of the forts near-by is easy; when the great foes are 
got rid of, what road will remain open for the rest? Rana 
Sanga is thought not to be the equal of the rebels. 

* This is the first time Babur’s begs are called amirs in his book; it may be by 
a scribe’s slip. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 531 

To this all replied unanimously, “Rana Sanga is the most 
distant, and it is not known that he will come nearer; the 
enemy who is closest at hand must first be got rid of. We are 
for riding against the rebels.” Humayin then represented, 
“What need is there for the Padshah to ride out? This service 
I will do.” This came as a pleasure to every-one ; the Turk and 
Hind amirs gladly accepted his views ; he was appointed for the 
East. A Kabuli of Ahmad-i-qasim’s was sent galloping off to 
tell the armies that had been despatched against Dilpir to join 
Humayin at Chandwar ;* also those sent against Etawa under 
Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad SI. M. were ordered to join him. 

(August 21st) Humayiin set out on Thursday the 13th of 
Zi’1-qa‘da, dismounted at a little village called Jilisir (Jalesar) 
some 3 kurohs from Agra, there stayed one night, then moved 
forward march by march. 

(k. Khwaja Kalan’s departure.) 

(August 28th) On Thursday the 20th of this same month, 
Khwaja Kalan started for Kabul. 

(2. Of gardens and pleasaunces.) 

One of the great defects of Hindiistan being its lack of 
running-waters,? it kept coming to my mind that waters should 
be made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might 
settle down, also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly 
and symmetrical way. With this object in view, we crossed the 
Jiin-water to look at garden-grounds a few days after entering 
Agra. Those grounds were so bad and unattractive that we 
traversed them with a hundred disgusts and repulsions. So 
ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a 
Char-bagh in them passed from my mind, but needs must! as 
there was no other land near Agra, that same ground was taken 
in hand a few days later. 

The beginning was made with the large well from which water 
comes for the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where 

* Chandwar is on the Jumna, between Agra and Etawah. 

? Here dgar-sular will stand for the waters which flow—sometimes in marble 

channels—to nourish plants and charm the eye, such for example as beautify the 
Taj-mahal pleasaunce. 

Fol. 2996. 

Fol. 300. 

Fol. 3006. 


the tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that 

came the large tank with its enclosure ; after that the tank and 
talar* in front of the outer (?) residence? ; after that the private- 
house (kAz/wat-khana) with its garden and various dwellings ; 
after that the Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly 
Hind, plots of garden3 were seen laid out with order and 
symmetry, with suitable borders and parterres in every corner, 
and in every border rose and narcissus in perfect arrangement. 

(m. Construction of a chambered-well.) 

Three things oppressed us in Hindistan, its heat, its violent 
winds, its dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for 
in it, what is known of dust and wind? and in the heats it is so 
chilly that one is almost cold. The bath-room in which the 
heated tank is, is altogether of stone, the whole, except for the 
izara (dado?) of white stone, being, pavement and roofing, of 
red Biana stone. 

Khalifa also and Shaikh Zain, Yiinas-i-‘ali and whoever got 
land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and orderly 
gardens with tanks, made running-waters also by setting up 
wheels like those in Dipalpir and Lahor. The people of Hind 
who had never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus 
laid out, called the side of the Jin where (our) residences were, 

In an empty space inside the fort, which was between 
Ibrahim’s residence and the ramparts, I ordered a large 
chambered-well (zw@zz) to be made, measuring 10 by 10,4 a large 

* Index s.z. The ddr is raised on pillars and open in front; it serves often for an 
Audience-hall (Erskine). 

2 tash ‘imarat, which may refer to the extra-mural location of the house, or 
contrast it with the inner £Az/wat-khadna, the women’s quarters, of the next sentence. 
The point is noted as one concerning the use of the word ask (Index s.2.). I have 
found no instance in which it is certain that Babur uses /a@sh, a stone or rock, as an 
adjective. On f. 301 he writes tashdin ‘imdarat, house-of-stone, which the Persian 
text renders by ‘imdrat-i-sangin. Wherever ¢ash can be translated as meaning 
outer, this accords with Babur’s usual diction. 

3 baghcha (Index s.n.). That Babur was the admitted pioneer of orderly gardens 
in India is shewn by the 30th Ayin, On Perfumes :—‘‘ After the foot-prints of 
Firdaus-makani (Babur) had added to the glory of Hindistan, embellishment by 
avenues and landscape-gardening was seen, while heart-expanding buildings and the 
sound of falling-waters widened the eyes of beholders.” 

4 Perhaps gaz, each somewhat less than 36 inches. 

932 AH.—OCT. 18rH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 533 

well with a flight of steps, which in Hindistan is called a waz." 
This well was begun before the Char-bagh?; they were busy 
digging it in the true Rains (‘ai dishkal, Sawan and Bhadon) ; 
it fell in several times and buried the hired workmen; it was 
finished after the Holy Battle with Rana Sanga, as is stated in 
the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of its 
completion. It is a complete wai, having a three-storeyed 
house in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of 
which opens on the descending steps, at intervals of three steps 
from one another. When the water is at its lowest, it is one 
step below the bottom chamber ; when it rises in the Rains, it 
sometimes goes into the top storey. In the middle storey an 
inner chamber has been excavated which connects with the 
domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The 
top storey is a single room, reached from two sides by 5 or 6 
steps which lead down to it from the enclosure overlooked from 
the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the stone 
inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well 
is another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the 
first, and into which water comes from that first one when the 
bullock turns the wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. 
This second well also is fitted with a wheel, by means of which 
water is carried along the ramparts to the high-garden. A stone 
building (¢@shdin ‘tmarat) stands at the mouth of the well and 
there is an outer (?) mosque 3 outside (¢ashgari) the enclosure in 
which the well is. The mosque is not well done; it is in the 
Hindistani fashion. 
(n. Humayiin’s campaign.) 

At the time Humayin got to horse, the rebel amirs under 
Nasir Khan Nuhani and Ma'‘rif Farmilz were assembled at 
Jajmai.4 Arrived within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out 

* The more familiar Indian name is éao/z. Such wells attracted Peter Mundy’s 
attention ; Yule gives an account of their names and plan (Mundy’s 7ravels in Asia, 
Hakluyt Society, ed. R. C. Temple, and Yule’s Hodson Jobson s.n. Bowly). Babur’s 
account of his great wdimz is not easy to translate; his interpreters vary from one 
another ; probably no one of them has felt assured of translating correctly. 

* 7.e€. the one across the river. 

% tash masjid ; this, unless some adjectival affix (e.g. diz) has been omitted by the 
scribe, I incline to read as meaning extra, supplementary, or outer, not as ‘‘ mosque- 
of-stone ”. 

4 or Jajmawa, the old name for the sub-district of Kanhpir (Cawnpur). 

Fol. 301. 

Fol. 3014. 


Mimin Ataka for news; it became a raid for loot; Mimin 
Ataka was not able to bring even the least useful information. 
The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but fled and 
got away. After Mimin Ataka, Qusm-nai (?) was sent for news, 
with Baba Chuhra‘ and Bijka; they brought it of the breaking- 
up and flight of the rebels. Humayiin advancing, took Jajmat 
and passed on. Near Dilmai? Fath Khan Sarwani came and 
saw him, and was sent to me with Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad 
Sl. Mirza. 

(0. News of the Atzbegs.) 

This year ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Khan (Adzdeg) led an army out of 
Bukhara against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 
10 to 15 peasants whom he overcame and killed ; then having 
taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or 50 days,3 he went on to 
Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40 Red-heads ( Qzzi/-bash) 

_ who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the peasantry however 

scattered them and opened the Gate to the Aiizbeg who entering, 
killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against Titis and 
Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him 
in. Tus he besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, 
did not keep those terms, but killed every man of name and 
made their women captive. 

(p. Affairs of Gujrat.) 

In this year Bahadur Khan,—he who now rules in Gujrat in 
the place of his father Sl. Muzaffar Gajrati—having gone to 
Sl. Ibrahim after quarrel with his father, had been received 
without honour. He had sent dutiful letters to me while I was 
near Pani-pat; I had replied by royal letters of favour and 
kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of coming, 
but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrahim’s army towards 
Gujrat. Meantime his father Sl. Muzaffar had died (Friday 
Jumada II. 2nd AH.—March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother 
Sikandar Shah who was Sl. Muzaffar’s eldest son, had become 

* 2.é. of the Corps of Braves. 

* Dilmaii is on the left bank of the Ganges, s.e. from Bareilly (Erskine). 

3 Marv-ning bundi-ni baghlab, which Erskine renders by ‘‘ Having settled the 
revenue of Merv”, and de Courteille by, ‘‘ 4prés avoir occupé Merv.” Were the 
year’s revenues compressed into a 40 to 50 days collection ? 

932 AH.—OCT. 18TH 1525 To OCT. 8TH 1526 AD. 535 

ruler in their father’s place and, owing to his evil disposition, 
had been strangled by his slave ‘Imadu’l-mulk, acting with 
others (Sha‘ban 14th—May 25th). Bahadur Khan, while he 
was on his road for Gujrat, was invited and escorted to sit in 
his father’s place under the style Bahadur Shah (Ramzan 26th— 
July 6th). He for his part did well ; he retaliated by death on 
‘Imadu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and killed some 
others of his father’s begs.* People point at him as a dread- 
naught (2 6@%) youth and a shedder of much blood. 

* z.é. those who had part in his brother’s murder. Cf. Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s 
Zabagat-t-akbari and the Mirat-t-sikandari (trs. History of Gujrat E. C. Bayley). 

Fol. 302. 

Fol. 3024, 

933 AH.—OCT. 87H 1526 to SEP. 277TH 1527 AD." 

(a. Announcement of the birth of a son.) 

In Muharram Beg Wais brought the news of Fariq’s birth; 
though a foot-man had brought it already, he came this month 
for the gift to the messenger of good tidings.? The birth must 
have been on Friday eve, Shawwal 23rd (932 AH._August 2nd 
1526 AD.); the name given was Fariq. 

(6. Casting of a mortar.) 

(October 22nd- Muharram 15th) Ustad ‘Ali-quli had been 
ordered to cast a large mortar for use against Biana and other 
forts which had not yet submitted. When all the furnaces and 
materials were ready, he sent a person to me and, on Monday 
the 15th of the month, we went to see the mortar cast. Round 
the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in which 
were the molten materials. From below each furnace a channel 
went direct to the mould. When he opened the furnace-holes 
on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through all 
these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the 
mould was full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. 
Ustad ‘Ali-quli must have made some miscalculation either as 
to the furnaces or the materials. In his great distress, he was 
for throwing himself into the mould of molten metal, but we 
comforted him, put a robe of honour on him, and so brought 
him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or two to 
cool; when it was opened, Ustad ‘Ali-quli with great delight 
sent to say, “ The stone-chamber (¢@sh-aw7) is without defect ; 
to cast the powder-compartment (da@ri-khana) is easy.” He got 

* Elph. MS. f. 252; W.-i-B. 1.0. 215 f. 1994 and 217 f. 2084; Mems. p. 343. 

? sitinchi (Zenker). Fariiq was Mahim’s son; he died in 934 A.H. before his 
father had seen him. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 537 

the stone-chamber out and told off a body of men to accoutre* 
it, while he busied himself with casting the powder-compartment. 

(c. Varia.) 

Mahdi Khwaja arrived bringing Fath Khan Sarwanz from 
Humiayin’s presence, they having parted from him in Dilmai. 
I looked with favour on Fath Khan, gave him the parganas that 
had been his father ‘Azam-humayin’s, and other lands also, one 
pargana given being worth a kriur and 60 /aks.? 

In Hindistan they give permanent titles [sugarrari khitablar| 
to highly-favoured amirs, one such being ‘Azam-humayin 
(August Might), one Khan-i-jahan (Khan-of-the-world), another 
Khan-i-khanan (Khan-of-khans). Fath Khan’s father’s title 
was ‘Azam-humayin but I set this aside because on account of 
Humayiin it was not seemly for any person to bear it, and 
I gave Fath Khan Sarwani the title of Khan-i-jahan. 

(Movember 14th) On Wednesday the 8th of Safar3 awnings 
were set up (in the Char-bagh) at the edge of the large tank 
beyond the tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared 
there. We invited Fath Khan Sarwan to a wine-party, gave 
him wine, bestowed on him a turban and head-to-foot of my 
own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and favour + and 
allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged for his 
son Mahmid to remain always in waiting. 

(ad. Various military matters.) 
(November 30th) On Wednesday the 24th of Muharram 5 
Muhammad ‘Ali (son of Mihtar) Haidar the stirrup-holder was 

* salah. It is clear from the ‘‘ ¢a@sh-awi” (Pers. trs. Ahdna-t-sang) of this mortar 
(gazan) that stones were its missiles. Erskine notes that from Babur’s account cannon 
would seem sometimes to have been made in parts and clamped together, and that 
they were frequently formed of iron bars strongly compacted into a circular shape. 
The accoutrement (sa/ah) presumably was the addition of fittings. 

2 About £40,000 sterling (Erskine). 

3 The MSS. write Safar but it seems probable that Muharram should be 
substituted for this ; one ground for not accepting Safar being that it breaks the 
consecutive order of dates, another that Safar allows what seems a long time for the 
journey from near Dilmaii to Agra. All MSS. I have seen give the 8th as the day 
of the month but Erskine has 20th. In this part of Babur’s writings dates are 
sparse ; it is a narrative and not a diary. 

4 This phrase, foreign to Babur’s diction, smacks of a Court-Persian milieu. 

5 Here the Elph. MS. has Safar Muharram (f. 253), as has also I.O. 215 f. 2004, 
but it seems unsafe to take this as an a/ Safarami extension of Muharram because 
Muh.-Safar 24th was not a Wednesday. As in the passage noted just above, it 
seems likely that Muharram is right. 

Fol. 303. 

Fol. 3038. 

Fol. 304. 


sent (to Humayiin) with this injunction, “ As—thanks be to 
God !—the rebels have fled, do you, as soon as this messenger 
arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Jinpiir, and come quickly 
to us yourself, for Rana Sanga the Pagan is conveniently close ; 
let us think first of him!” 

After (Humayiin’s) army had gone to the East, we appointed, 
to make a plundering excursion into the Biana neighbourhood, 
Tardi Beg (brother) of Qij Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, 
Muhammad Khalil the master-gelder (akhta-begi) with his 
brethren and the gelders (akhtachilar),* Rustam Turkman with 
his brethren, and also, of the Hindistani people, Daud Sarwani. 
If they, by promise and persuasion, could make the Biana 
garrison look towards us, they were to do so; if not, they were 
to weaken the enemy by raid and plunder. 

In the fort of Tahangar? was ‘Alam Khan the elder brother 
of that same Nizam Khan of Biana. People of his had come 
again and again to set forth his obedience and well-wishing ; he 
now took it on himself to say, “If the Padshah appoint an army, 
it will be my part by promise and persuasion to bring in the 
quiver-weavers of Biana and to effect the capture of that fort.” 
This being so, the following orders were given to the braves of 
Tardi Beg’s expedition, “ As ‘Alam Khan, a local man, has taken 
it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with 
him and in the way he approves in this matter of Biana.” 
Swordsmen though some Hindistanis may be, most of them are 
ignorant and unskilled in military move and stand (yarish u 
tiviish), in soldierly counsel and procedure. When our expedition 
joined ‘Alam Khan, he paid no attention to what any-one else 
said, did not consider whether his action was good or bad, but 
went close up to Biana, taking our men with him. Our expedi- 
tion numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000 
Hindustanis and local people, while Nizam Khan of Biana’s 
Afghans and s¢pahis 3 were an army of over 4000 horse and of 
foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000, Nizam Khan 

* Cf. f. 156 note to Qambar-i-‘ali. The title A%h¢a-begi is to be found translated 

by “‘ Master of the Horse”, but this would not suit both uses of a&hfa in the 
above sentence. Cf. Shaw’s Vocabulary. 

* 2.€. Tahangarh in Karauli, Rajpitana. 
3 Perhaps szfahz represents Hindiistani foot-soldiers. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8rH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 539 

looked his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed 
horse charging down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His 
men unhorsed his elder brother ‘Alam Khan, took § or 6 others 
prisoner and contrived to capture part of the baggage. As we 
had already made encouraging promises to Nizam Khan, we now, 
spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier and this later 
fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rana Sanga’s 
rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid Rafi‘? 
for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in with 
Sayyid Rafi‘, when he was exalted to the felicity of an interview.” 
I bestowed on him a pargana in Mian-di-ab worth 20 /aks.3 
Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Biana, but a few 
days later it was bestowed on Madhi Khwaja with a fixed 
allowance of 70 /aks,4 and he was given leave to go there. 
Tatar Khan Sdarang-khani, who was in Gialiar, had been 
sending constantly to assure us of his obedience and good- 
wishes. After the pagan took Kandar and was close to Biana, 
Dharmankat, one of the Gualiar rajas, and another pagan styled 
Khan-i-jahan, went into the Gialiar neighbourhood and, coveting 
the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult. Tatar Khan, thus 
placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gialiar (to us). Most 
of our begs, household and best braves being away with 
(Humayin’s) army or on various raids, we joined to Rahim-dad 
a few Bhira men and Lahoris with Hastachi5 f¢u#ugitar and his 
brethren. We assigned farganas in Gialiar itself to all those 
mentioned above. Mulla Apaq and Shaikh Guran (G’huran) 
went also with them, they to return after Rahim-dad was estab- 
lished in Gialiar. By the time they. were near Gialiar however, 
Tatar Khan’s views had changed, and he did not invite them 
into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus (Helper), 
a darwish-like man, not only very learned but with a large 
following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to 
say to Rahim-dad, “ Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for 

* Rafi‘u-d-din Safawi, a native of Ij near the Persian Gulf, teacher of Abi’l-fazl’s 
father and buried near Agra (Ayin-i-akbari). 

? This phrase, again, departs from Babur’s simplicity of statement. 

3 About £5,000 (Erskine). 

4 About £17,500 (Erskine). 

5 Hai. MS. and 215 f. 2014, Hasti; Elph. MS. f. 254, and Ilminsky, p. 394, 
Aimishchi ; AZemoirs, p. 346, Imshiji, so too A/émoires, ii, 257. 

Fol. 3046. 

Fol. 305. 


the views of this person (Tatar Khan) have changed, and he 
has evil in his mind.” Hearing this, Rahim-dad sent to say to 
Tatar Khan, “There is danger from the Pagan to those outside; 
let me bring a few men into the fort and let the rest stay 
outside.” Under insistence, Tatar Khan agreed to this, and 
Rahim-dad went in with rather few men. Said he, “ Let our 
people stay near this Gate,” posted them near the Hati-pul 
(Elephant-gate) and through that Gate during that same night 
brought in the whole of his troop. Next day, Tatar Khan, 
reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made over the fort, and set 
out to come and wait on me in Agra. A subsistence allowance 
of 20 Jaks was assigned to him on Bianwan pargana.* 

Muhammad Zatt¢iin also took the only course open to him by 
surrendering Dilpir and coming to wait on me. A fargana 
worth a few /aks was bestowed on him. Dilpir was made 
a royal domain (4/a/sa) with Abi’l-fath Zurkman? as its 
military-collector (shzgdar). 

In the Hisar-firiiza neighbourhood Hamid Khan Sdvrang- 
khani with a body of his own Afghans and of the Pani Afghans 
he had collected—from 3 to 4,000 in all—was in a hostile and 
troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the 15th Safar (Nov. 21st) 
we appointed against him Chin-timir Sl. (Chaghataz) with the 
commanders Secretary Ahmadi, Abi’l-fath Zurkman, Malik 
Dad Kararani3 and Mujahid Khan of Multan. These going, 
fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghans well, 
killed a mass of them and sent in many heads. 

(e. Embassy from Persia.) 

In the last days of Safar, Khwajagi Asad who had been sent 
to Shah-zada Tahmasp¢ in ‘Iraq, returned with a Turkman 
named Sulaiman who amongst other gifts brought two Circassian 
girls (gislar). 

* About £5000 (Erskine). Bianwan lies in the s#ah of Agra. 

2 Cf. f. 175 for Babur’s estimate of his service. 

3 Cf. f. 2684 for Babur’s clemency to him. 

* Firishta (Briggs ii, 53) mentions that Asad had gone to Tahmasp from Kabul to 
congratulate him on his accession. Shah Isma‘il had died in 930 AH. (1524 AD.) ; 
the title Shah-zada is a misnomer therefore in 933 AH.—one possibly prompted by 
Tahmasp’s youth. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 541 

(f. Attempt to poison Babur.) 

(Dec. 21st) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabi‘ a strange 
event occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kabul. 
That letter is inserted here just as it was written, without 
addition or taking-away, and is as follows :—" 

“ The details of the momentous event of Friday the 16th of 
the first Rabi‘ in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.]| are as 
follows :—The ill-omened old woman? Ibrahim’s mother heard 
that I ate things from the hands of Hindiistanis—the thing 
being that three or four months earlier, as I had not seen 
Hindistani dishes, I had ordered Ibrahim’s cooks to be brought 
and out of 50 or 60 had kept four. Of this she heard, sent to 
Atawa (Etawa) for Ahmad the chéshnigir—in Hindistan they 
call a taster (Gakawal) a chashnigiy—and, having got him,3 gave 
a tila of poison, wrapped in a square of paper,—as has been 
mentioned a Z#/a is rather more than 2 mzsqa/s +—into the hand 
of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison 
Ahmad gave to the Hindistani cooks in our kitchen, promising 
them four parganas if they would get it somehow into the food. 
Following the first slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent 
a second to see if the first did or did not give the poison she had 
received to Ahmad. Well was it that Ahmad put the poison 
not into the cooking-pot but ona dish! He did not put it into 
the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to compel any 
Hindistanis who were present while food was cooking in. the 
pots, to taste that food.s Our graceless tasters were neglectful 
when the food (ask) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread 
were put on a porcelain dish ; on these less than half of the 
paper packet of poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered 

* The letter is likely to have been written to Mahim and to have been brought 
back to India by her in 935 AH. (f. 3804). Some MSS. of the Pers. trs. reproduce 
it in Turki and follow this by a Persian version ; others omit the Turki. 

* Turki, 6#@. Hindi dawad means sister or paternal-aunt but this would not suit 
from Babur’s mouth, the more clearly not that his epithet for the offender is dad-bakhe. 
Gul-badan (H.N. f. 19) calls her “‘ ill-omened demon”. ¥ 

3 She may have been still in the place assigned to her near Agra when Babur 
occupied it (f. 269). 

4 f. 290. Erskine notes that the /#/a is about equal in weight to the silver 7#/7. 

5 It appears from the kitchen-arrangements detailed by Abi’l-fazl, that before food 

was dished up, it was tasted from the pot by a cook and a subordinate taster, and next 
by the Head-taster. 


Fol. 3054. 

Fol. 306. 

Fol. 3064, 


fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had 
been strewn on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his 
confusion, the man threw the larger half into the fire-place.” 

“On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked 
meats were set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also 
much fried carrot, took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindi- 
stani food without noticing any unpleasant flavour, took also 
a mouthful or two of dried-meat (gag). Then I felt sick. As 
some dried meat eaten on the previous day had had an un- 
pleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat. 
Again and again my heart rose; after retching two or three 
times I was near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it 
would not do, got up, went retching every moment of the way 
to the water-closet (@4-khana) and on reaching it vomited much. 
Never had I vomited after food, used not to do so indeed while 
drinking. I became suspicious ; I had the cooks put in ward 
and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to 
be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch 
of the next day ; its belly was swollen and however much people 
threw stones at it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that 
state it remained till mid-day ; it then got up; it did not die. 
One or two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited 
a good deal next day ; one was in a very bad state. In the end 
all escaped. (Perszan) ‘An evil arrived but happily passed on!’ 
God gave me new-birth! I am coming from that other world ; 
{am born today of my mother; I was sick; I live; through 
God, I know today the worth of life!” ! | 

“T ordered Pay-master Sl. Muhammad to watch the cook ; 
when he was taken for torture (giz), he related the above 
particulars one after another.” 

“Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables, 
amirs and wazirs to be present and that those two men and two 
women should be brought and questioned. They there related 
the particulars of the affair. That taster I had cut in pieces, 
that cook skinned alive; one of those women I had thrown 

* The Turki sentences which here follow the well-known Persian proverb, Rasida 

bud balai walt ba khair guzasht, are entered as verse in some MSS. ; they may be 
a prose quotation. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 543 

under an elephant, the other shot with a match-lock. The old 
woman (47#@) I had kept under guard ; she will meet her doom, 
the captive of her own act.” * 

“On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday ‘avagq in 
which stamped-clay was dissolved.2, On Monday I drank milk 
in which were dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,3 a 
strong purge. As on the first day, Saturday, something very 
dark like parched bile was voided.” 

“Thanks be to God! no harm has been done. Till now 

I had not known so well how sweet a thing lifecan seem! As. 

the line has it, ‘He who has been near to death knows the worth 
of life. Spite of myself, Iam all upset whenever the dreadful 
occurrence comes back to my mind. It must have been God’s 
favour gave me life anew; with what words can I thank him?” 

“Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for 
words, I have written all that happened, with detail and circum- 
stance, because I said to myself, ‘Don’t let their hearts be kept 
in anxiety!’ Thanks be to God! there may be other days yet 
to see! All has passed off well and for good; have no fear or 
anxiety in your minds.” 

“This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabi‘, 
I being then in the Char-bagh.” 

When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the 
above letter was written and sent to Kabul. 

(g. Dealings with Ibrahim’s family.) 

As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened 
old woman (67a@-2-bad-bakht), she was given over to Yinas-i-‘ali 
and Khwajagi Asad who after taking her money and goods, 
slaves and slave-women (da@d#k), made her over for careful watch 
to ‘Abdu’r-rahim shaghawal4 Her grandson, Ibrahim’s son had 
been cared for with much respect and delicacy, but as the 
attempt on my life had been made, clearly, by that family, it 

* She, after being put under contribution by two of Babur’s officers (f. 3074) was 
started off for Kabul, but, perhaps dreading her reception there, threw herself into 
the Indus in crossing and was drowned. (Cf. A.N. trs. H. Beveridge Zvrata and 
addenda p. xi for the authorities. ) 

* gil makhttim, Lemnian earth, terra sigillata, each piece of which was impressed, 
when taken from the quarry, with a guarantee-stamp (Cf. Ency. Br. s.2. Lemnos). 

3 ttridg-t-fariig, an antidote. 

4 Index s.7. 

Fol. 307. 

Fol. 3076. 


did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra; he was joined 
therefore to Mulla Sarsan—who had come from Kamran on 
important business—and was started off with the Mulla to 
Kamran on Thursday Rabi‘ I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).* 

(h. Humdayin's campaign.) 

Humayin, acting against the Eastern rebels? took Jina-pir 
(sic), went swiftly against Nasir Khan (V##anz) in Ghazi-pir 
and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably 
on news* of Humayiin’s approach. From Ghazi-pir Humayin 
went against Kharid 3 but the Afghans of the place had crossed 
the Sarii-water (Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming. 
Kharid was plundered and the army turned back. 

Humayin, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shah 
Mir Husain and Sl. Junaid with a body of effective braves in 
Jiina-pir, posted Qazi Jia with them, and placed Shaikh Bayazid 
[ Harmiuli| in Aude (Oude). These important matters settled, 
he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Manikpir and took the 
Kalpi road. When he came opposite Kalpi, in which was Jalal 
Khan /7k-hat’s (son) ‘Alam Khan who had sent me dutiful 
letters but had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to 
chase fear from ‘Alam Khan’s heart and so brought him along 
(to Agra). 

Humayin arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight- 
paradises* on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd Rabi‘ (Jan. 6th 
1527 AD.). On the same day Khwaja Dost-i-khawand arrived 
from Kabul. 

(7. Rana Sanga’s approach.) § 
Meantime Mahdi Khwaja’s people began to come in, treading 
on one another’s heels and saying, “The Rana’s advance is 

* Kamran was in Qandahar (Index s.”.). Erskine observes here that Babur’s 
omission to give the name of Ibrahim’s son, is noteworthy ; the son may however 
have been a child and his name not known to or recalled by Babur when writing some 
years later. 

2 f. 2990. 

3 The Ayin-i-akbari locates this in the sarkar of Jiin-piir, a location suiting the 
context. The second Persian translation (‘Abdu’r-rahim’s) has here a scribe’s skip 
from one “‘news” to another (both asterisked in my text) ; hence Erskine has an 

bey is the Char-bagh of f. 300, known later as the Ram (Aram)-bagh (Garden- 

5 Presumably he was coming up from Marwar. 

el gene a rs = 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 Tro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 545 

certain. Hasan Khan (/zwa7z is heard of also as likely to join 
him. They must be thought about above all else. It would 
favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead of the army to 
reinforce Biana.” 

Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Biana, 
the commanders Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yinas-i-‘ali, Shah 
Mansir Barlas, Kitta Beg, Qismati* and Bijka. 

In the fight with Ibrahim, Hasan Khan J/iwazi’s son Nahar 
Khan had fallen into our hands; we had kept him as an hostage 
and, ostensibly on his account, his father had been making 
comings-and-goings with us, constantly asking for him. It now 
occurred to several people that if Hasan Khan were conciliated 
by sending him his son, he would thereby be the more favourably 
disposed and his waiting on me might be the better brought 
about. Accordingly Nahar Khan was dressed in a robe of 
honour ; promises were made to him for his father, and he was 
given leave to go. That hypocritical mannikin [Hasan Khan] 
must have waited just till his son had leave from me to go, for 
on hearing of this and while his son as yet had not joined him, 
he came out of Aliir (Alwar) and at once joined Rana Sanga in 
Toda(bhim, Agra District). It must have been ill-judged to 
let his son go just then. 

Meantime much rain was falling; parties were frequent; even 
Humayin was present at them and, abhorrent though it was to 
him, sinned ? every few days. 

(7. Tramontane affairs.) 

One of the strange events in these days of respite 3 was this :— 
When Humayin was coming from Fort Victory (Qila‘-i-zafar) 
to join the Hindistan army, (Muh. 932 AH.—Oct. 1525 AD.) 
Mulla Baba of Pashaghar (Chaghataiz) and his younger brother 
Baba Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kitin-qara Sl. 
(Adzbeg), into whose hands Balkh had fallen through the 

* This name varies ; the Hai. MS. in most cases writes Qismati, but on f. 2674, 
Qismatai ; the Elph. MS. on f. 220 has Q:s:mnai; De Courteille writes Qismi. 

* artkab gildi, perhaps drank wine, perhaps ate opium-confections to the use of 
which he became addicted later on (Gulbadan’s Humayin-nama f. 306 and 736). 

3 * Sursatlar, z.¢. between the occupation of Agra and the campaign against Rana 

Fol. 308. 

Fol. 3084. 

5 ome 


enfeeblement of its garrison. This hollow mannikin and his 
younger brother having taken the labours of this side (Cis- 
Balkh?) on their own necks, come into the neighbourhood of 
Aibak, Khurram and Sar-bagh.? 

Shah Sikandar—his footing in Ghiri lost through the surrender 
of Balkh—is about to make over that fort to the Aiizbeg, when 
Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh, coming with a few Aiizbegs, take 
possession of it. Mir Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no 
help for it ; he is for submitting to the Atizbeg, but a few days 
later Mulla Baba and Baba Shaikh come with a few Aizbegs to 
Mir Hamah’s fort, purposing to make the Mir and his troop 
march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mir Hamah 
makes Baba Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest 
felt huts (a#/a@q) here and there. He slashes at Baba Shaikh, 
puts him and some others in bonds, and sends a man galloping 
off to Tingri-birdi (Qachin, in Qindiiz). Tingri-birdi sends off 
Yar-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-latif with a few effective braves, but before 
they reach Mir Hamah’s fort, Mulla Baba has arrived there with 
his Aiizbegs ; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight (aariish- 
muriush), but he cando nothing. Mir Hamah and his men joined 
Tingri-birdi’s and came to Qiindiiz. Baba Shaikh’s wound must 
have been severe ; they cut his head off and Mir Hamah brought 

Fol. 309. it (to Agra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head 
with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows 
and equals. When Baqi shaghdwal went [to Balkh]3 I promised 
him a ser of gold for the head of each of the ill-conditioned old 
couple ; one serv of gold was now given to Mir Hamah for Baba 
Shaikh’s head, over and above the favours referred to above.4 

(k. Action of part of the Biana reinforcement.) 

Qismati who had ridden light for Biana, brought back several 
heads he had cut off; when he and Bijka had gone with a few 

* Apparently the siege Babur broke up in 931 AH. had been renewed by the 
Aiizbegs (f. 2554 and Trs. Note s.a. 931 AH. section c). 

* These places are on the Khulm-river between Khulm and Kahmard. The 
meee —_ of this and the following sentences is Babur’s. 

3 f, 261, 

4 Erskine here notes that if the sex Babur mentions be one of 14 ¢é#/as, the value is 
about £27 ; if of 24 ¢a#/as, about £45. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 547 

braves to get news, they had beaten two of the Pagan’s scouting- 
parties and had made 70 to 80 prisoners. Qismati brought news 
that Hasan Khan J/7wd#i really had joined Rana Sanga. 

(1. Trial-test of the large mortar of f. 302.) 

(Feb. roth) On Sunday the 8th of the month (Jumada I.), 
I went to see Ustad ‘Ali-quli discharge stones from that large 
mortar of his in casting which the stone-chamber was without 
defect and which he had completed afterwards by casting the 
powder-compartment. It was discharged at the Afternoon 
Prayer; the throw of the stone was 1600 paces. A gift was 
made to the Master of a sword-belt, robe of honour, and 
tipichag (horse). 

(m. Babur leaves Agra against Rana Sanga.) 

(Feb. rrth) On Monday the 9th of the first Jumada, we got 
out of the suburbs of Agra, on our journey (safar) for the Holy 
War, and dismounted in the open country, where we remained 
three or four days to collect our army and be its rallying-point.* 
As little confidence was placed in Hindistani people, the Hindi- 
stan amirs were inscribed for expeditions to this or to that 
side :—‘Alam Khan (7ahangari) was sent hastily to Gialiar to 
reinforce Rahim-dad ; Makan, Qasim Beg Sanbali (Sambhaiz), 
Hamid with his elder and younger brethren and Muhammad 
Zaitin were inscribed to go swiftly to Sanbal. 

(1. Defeat of the advance-force.) 

Into this same camp came the news that owing to Rana 
Sanga’s swift advance with all his army,? our scouts were able 
neither to get into the fort (Biana) themselves nor to send news 
into it. The Biana garrison made a rather incautious sally too 
far out ; the enemy fell on them in some force and put them to 

* T. chapdiig. Cf. the two Persian translations 215 f. 2054 and 217 f. 215; also 
Ilminsky, p. 401. 

? bilghan chiriki. The Rana’s forces are thus stated by Tod (Rajastan ; Annals 
of Marwar Cap. ix) :—‘‘ Eighty thousand horse, 7 Rajas of the highest rank, 
9 Raos, and 104 chieftains bearing the titles of Rawul and Rawut, with 500 war- 
elephants, followed him into the field.” Babur’s army, all told, was 12,000 when he 
crossed the Indus from Kabul ; it will have had accretions from his own officers in 
the Panj-ab and some also from other quarters, and will have had losses at Panipat ; 
his reliable kernel of fighting-strength cannot but have been numerically insignificant, 

compared with the Rajpit host. Tod says that almost all the princes of Rajastan 
followed the Rana at Kanwa. 

Fol. 3096. 

fol. 310. 


rout.!' There Sangur Khan /anjiha became a martyr. Kitta 
Beg had galloped into the pell-mell without his cuirass ; he got 
one pagan afoot (yayaglatib) and was overcoming him, when 
the pagan snatched a sword from one of Kitta Beg’s own 
servants and slashed the Beg across the shoulder. Kitta Beg 
suffered great pain; he could not come into the Holy-battle 
with Rana Sanga, was long in recovering and always remained 

Whether because they were themselves afraid, or whether to 
frighten others is not known but Qismati, Shah Manstir Barlas 
and all from Biana praised and lauded the fierceness and valour 
of the pagan army. 

Qasim Master-of-the-horse was sent from the starting-ground 
(safar gilghan yirt) with his spadesmen, to dig many wells 
where the army was next to dismount in the Madhakir pargana. 

(Feb. 16th) Marching out of Agra on Saturday the 14th of 
the first Jumada, dismount was made where the wells had been 
dug. We marched on next day. It crossed my mind that the 
well-watered ground for a large camp was at Sikri? It being 
possible that the Pagan was encamped there and in possession 
of the water, we arrayed precisely, in right, left and centre. As 
QOismati and Darwish-i-muhammad Sérédu in their comings and 
goings had seen and got to know all sides of Biana, they were 
sent ahead to look for camping-ground on the bank of the Sikri- 
lake (Aa7). When we reached the (Madhakir) camp, persons 
were sent galloping off to tell Mahdi Khwaja and the Biana 
garrison to join me without delay. Humiayiin’s servant Beg 
Mirak Mughil was sent out with a few braves to get news of 
the Pagan. They started that night, and next morning brought 
word that he was heard of as having arrived and dismounted at 
a place one kuroh (2 miles) on our side (at/karak) of Basawar.3 
On this same day Mahdi Khwaja and Muhammad Sl. Mirza 
rejoined us with the troops that had ridden light to Biana. 

* diurbatur, This is the first use of the word in the Babur-nadma; the defacer of 
the Elph. Codex has altered it to a#ratar. 

? Shaikh Zain records [Abi’l-fazl also, perhaps quoting from him] that Babur, by 
varying diacritical points, changed the name Sikri to Shukri in sign of gratitude for his 
victory over the Rana. The place became the Fathpir-sikri of Akbar. 

3 Erskine locates this as 10 to 12 miles n.w. of Biana. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 549 

(0. Discomfiture of a reconnottring party.) 

The begs were appointed in turns for scouting-duty. When 
it was ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz’s turn, he went out of Sikri, looking neither 
before nor behind, right out along the road to Kanwa which 
is 5 kuroh (10m.) away. ‘The Rana must have been marching 
forward ; he heard of our men’s moving out in their reinless 
( jalai-siz) way, and made 4 or 5,000 of his own fall suddenly on 
them. With ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and Mulla Apaq may have been 1000 
to 1500 men; they took no stock of their opponents but just 
got to grips; they were hurried off at once, many of them being 
made prisoner. 

On news of this, we despatched Khalifa’s Muhibb-i-‘ali with 
Khalifa’s retainers. Mulla Husain and some others aibrig- 
subrig ** were sent to support them,? and Muhammad ‘Ali /ang- 
jang also. Presumably it was before the arrival of this first, 
Muhibb-i-‘ali’s, reinforcement that the Pagan had hurried off 
‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and his men, taken his standard, martyred Mulla 
Ni‘mat, Mulla Datid and the younger brother of Mulla Apaq, 
with several more. Directly the reinforcement arrived the 
pagans overcame Tahir-tibri, the maternal uncle of Khalifa’s 
Muhibb-i-‘ali, who had not got up with the hurrying reinforce- 
ment [?].3 Meantime Muhibb-i-‘ali even had been thrown down, 

* This phrase has not occurred in the B.N. before ; presumably it expresses what 
has not yet been expressed ; this Erskine’s rendering, ‘‘ each according to the speed 
of his horse,” does also. The first Persian translation, which in this portion is by 
Muhammad-quli A/ughal Aisari, translates by az dambal yak digar (1.0. 215, f. 2054) ; 
the second, ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s, merely reproduces the phrase; De Courteille (ii, 272) 
appears to render it by (amirs) gue se ue nomme pas. If my reading of Tahir-tibri’s 
failure be correct (zfra), Erskine’s translation suits the context. 

? The passage cut off by my asterisks has this outside interest that it forms the intro- 
duction to the so-called ‘‘ Fragments ”’, that is; to certain Turki matter not included 
in the standard Babur-ndma, but preserved with the Kehr - Ilminsky — de Courteille 
text. As is well-known in Baburiana, opinion has varied as to the genesis of this 
matter ; there is now no doubt that it is a translation into Turki from the (/erszam) 
Akbar-nima, prefaced by the above-asterisked passage of the Adabur-nama and 
continuous (with slight omissions) from Bib. Ind. ed. i, 106 to 120 (trs. H. Beveridge 
i, 260 to 282). It covers the time from before the battle of Kanwa to the end of 
Abi’l-fazl’s description of Babur’s death, attainments and Court; it has been made 
to seem Babur’s own, down to his death-bed, by changing the third person of A.F.’s 
narrative into the autobiographical first person. (Cf. Ilminsky, p. 403 1. 4 and 
Pp. 494; Mémotres ii, 272 and 443 to 464; JRAS. 1908, p. 76.) 

A minute point in the history of the B.N. manuscripts may be placed on record 
here ; vz. that the variants from the true Babur-ndma text which occur in the Kehr - 
Ilminsky one, occur also in the corrupt Turki text of I.O. No. 214 (JRAS 1900, p. 455). 

3 chapar kiimak yitmas, perhaps implying that the speed of his horses was not 
equal to that of Muhibb-i-’ali’s. Translators vary as to the meaning of the phrase. 

Fol. 3104, 

Fol. 311. 


but Balti getting in from the rear, brought him out. The enemy 
pursued for over a kuroh (2 m.), stopped however at the sight e 
the black mass of Muh. ‘Ali /ang-jang’s troops. 

Foot upon foot news came that the foe had come near and 
nearer. We put on our armour and our horses’ mail, took our 
arms and, ordering the carts to be dragged after us, rode out at 
the gallop. We advanced one kuroh. The foe must have 
turned aside. 

(p. Babur fortifies his camp.) 

For the sake of water, we dismounted with a large lake (£77) 
on one side of us. Our front was defended by carts chained 
together*, the space between each two, across which the chains 
stretched, being 7 or 8 gari (circa yards). Mustafa Ramz had 
had the carts made in the Rimi way, excellent carts, very strong 
and suitable.* As Ustad ‘Ali-quli was jealous of him, Mustafa 
was posted to the right, in front of Humayitin. Where the carts 
did not reach to, Khurasani and Hindistani spadesmen and 
miners were made to dig a ditch. 

Owing to the Pagan’s rapid advance, to the fighting-work in 
Biana and to the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shah 
Mansir, Qismati and the rest from Biana, people in the army 
shewed sign of want of heart. On the top of all this came the | 
defeat of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz. In order to hearten our men, and give 
a look of strength to the army, the camp was defended and shut 
in where there were no carts, by stretching ropes of raw hide on 
wooden tripods, set 7 or 8 gavt apart. Time had drawn out to 

20 or 25 days before these appliances and materials were fully 

(g. A reinforcement from Kabul.) 

Just at this time there arrived from Kabul Qasim-i-husain 
Sl. (Aazbeg Shatban) who is the son of a daughter of Sl. Husain 
M. (ai-garad), and with him Ahmad-i-yisuf (Aughlagchi), 
Qawwam-i-aiirdii Shah and also several single friends of mine, 

* Erskine and de Courteille both give Mustafa the commendation the Turki and 
Persian texts give to the carts. 

* According to Tod’s Rdjastan, negotiations went on during the interval, having 
for their object the fixing of a frontier between the Rana and Babur. They were 
conducted by a “‘traitor” Salah’d-din 7#ar the chief of Raisin, who moreover is 
said to have deserted to Babur during the battle. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 ro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 551 

counting up in all to 500 men. Muhammad Sharif, the astrologer 
of ill-augury, came with them too, so did Baba Dost the water- 
bearer (s#chz) who, having gone to Kabul for wine, had there 
loaded three strings of camels with acceptable Ghazni wines. 

At a time such as this, when, as has been mentioned, the army 
was anxious and afraid by reason of past occurrences and vicissi- 
tudes, wild words and opinions, this Muhammad Sharif, the 
ill-augurer, though he had not a helpful word to say to me, kept 
insisting to all he met, “Mars is in the west in these days ;* 
who comes into the fight from this (east) side will be defeated.” 
Timid people who questioned the ill-augurer, became the more 
shattered in heart. We gave no ear to his wild words, made no 
change in our operations, but got ready in earnest for the fight. 

(Feb. 24th). On Sunday the 22nd (of Jumada I.) Shaikh 
Jamal was sent to collect all available quiver-wearers from 
between the two waters (Ganges and Jumna) and from Dihli, so 
that with this force he might over-run and plunder the Miwat 
villages, leaving nothing undone which could awaken the enemy’s 
anxiety for that side. Mulla Tark-i-‘ali, then on his way from 
Kabul, was ordered to join Shaikh Jamal and to neglect nothing 
of ruin and plunder in Miwat; orders to the same purport were 
given also to Maghfir the Diwan. They went ; they over-ran 
and raided a few villages in lonely corners (d%7ga@q) ; they took 
some prisoners; but their passage through did not arouse much 
anxiety ! 

(vr. Babur renounces wine.) 

On Monday the 23rd of the first Jumada (Feb. 25th), when 
I went out riding, I reflected, as I rode, that the wish to cease 
from sin had been always in my mind, and that my forbidden 
acts had set lasting stain upon my heart. Said I, “Oh! my 

(Persian) ‘* How long wilt thou draw savour from sin ? 
Repentance is not without savour, taste it !” ? 

* Cf. f. 89 for Babur’s disastrous obedience to astrological warning. 

* For the reading of this second line, given by the good MSS. wzz. Tauba ham bi 
masa nist, bachash, Iminsky (p. 405) has Zauba ham bi maza, mast bakhis, which 
de Courteille [II, 276] renders by, ‘‘ O zvrogne insensé! que ne gotttes-tu aussi ala 
pénitence?” The Persian couplet seems likely to be a quotation and may yet be 
found elsewhere. It is not inthe Rampir Diwan which contains the Turki verses 
following it (E. D. Ross p. 21). 

Fol. 311d. 

Fol. 312. 

Fol. 3128. 


(Zurki) Through years how many has sin defiled thee ? 
How much of peace has transgression given thee ? 
How much hast thou been thy passions’ slave ? 
How much of thy life flung away ? 

With the Ghazi’s resolve since now thou hast marched, 
Thou hast looked thine own death in the face! 

Who resolves to hold stubbornly fast to the death, 
Thou knowest what change he attains, 

That far he removes him from all things forbidden, 
That from all his offences he cleanses himself. 
With my own gain before me, I vowed to obey, 

In this my transgression,‘ the drinking of wine.? 

The flagons and cups of silver and gold, the vessels of feasting, 
I had them all brought ; , 

I had them all broken up3 then and there. 

Thus eased I my heart by renouncement of wine. 

The fragments of the gold and silver vessels were shared out 
to deserving persons and to darwishes. The first to agree in 
renouncing wine was ‘Asas;+ he had already agreed also about 
leaving his beard untrimmed.s That night and next day some 
300 begs and persons of the household, soldiers and not soldiers, 
renounced wine. What wine we had with us was poured on the 
ground ; what Baba Dost had brought was ordered salted to 
make vinegar. At the place where the wine was poured upon 
the ground, a well was ordered to be dug, built up with stone 
and having an almshouse beside it. It was already finished in 
Muharram 935 (AH.—Sep. 1528 AD.) at the time I went to 
Sikri from Dilpir on my way back from visiting Gialiar. 

* kichmaklik, to pass over (to exceed ?), to ford or go through a river, whence to 
transgress. The same metaphor of crossing a stream occurs, in connection with 
drinking, on f. 189d. 

2 This line shews that Babur’s renouncement was of wine only ; he continued to 
eat confections (ma‘7iin). 

3 Cf. f. 1864, Babur would announce his renunciation in Diwan ; there too the 
forbidden vessels of precious metals would be broken. His few words leave it to his 
readers to picture the memorable scene. 

4 This night-guard (‘asas) cannot be the one concerning whom Gul-badan records 
that he was the victim of a little joke made at his expense by Babur (H. N. Index s.7.). 
He seems likely to be the Haji Muh. ‘asas whom Abi’l-fazl mentions in connection 
with Kamran in 953 AH. (1547 AD.). He may be the ‘asas who took charge of 
Babur’s tomb at Agra (cf. Gul-badan’s H. N. s.2. Muh. ‘Ali ‘asas faghai, and 
Akbar-nama trs. i, 502). 

5 sagali girgmagta u giimagta. Erskine here notes that ‘‘a vow to leave the 
beard untrimmed was made sometimes by persons who set out against the infidels. 
They did not trim the beard till they returned victorious. Some vows of similar 
nature may be found in Scripture”, ¢.¢. II Samuel, cap. 19 v. 24. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 553 

(s. Remission of a due.) 

I had vowed already that, if I gained the victory over Sanga 
the pagan, I would remit the zemgha* to all Musalmans. Of 
this vow Darwish-i-muhammad Saréan and Shaikh Zain 
reminded me at the time I renounced wine. Said I, “ You do 
well to remind me.” 

* The tamgha was remitted to all Musalmans of the dominions 
I held.2 I sent for the clerks (#umshilar), and ordered them to 
write for their news-letters (akhbar) the farman concerning the 
two important acts that had been done. Shaikh Zain wrote 
the farman with his own elegance (zushasi bila) and his fine 
letter (zzsh@) was sent to all my dominions. It is as 
follows :—3 


5 Let us praise the Long-suffering One who loveth the penitent 
and who loveth the cleansers of themselves; and let thanks be 
vendered to the Gractous One who absolveth His debtors, and 
Sorgiveth those who seek forgiveness. Blessings be upon Muhammad 
the Crown of Creatures, on the Holy family, on the pure Com- 
panions, and on the mirrors of the glorious congregation, to wit, 
the Masters of Wisdom who are treasure-houses of the pearls of 
purity and who bear the impress of the sparkling jewels of this 
purport :—that the nature of man is prone to evil, and that the 
abandonment of sinful appetites is only feasible by Divine aid 

* Index s.2z. The ¢amghd was not really abolished until Jahangir’s time—if then 
(H. Beveridge). See Thomas’ Revenue Resources of the Mughal Empire. 

? There is this to notice here :—Babur’s narrative has made the remission of the 
tamgha contingent on his success, but the farman which announced that remission is 
dated some three weeks before his victory over Rana Sanga (Jumada II, 13th— 
March 16th). Manifestly Babur’s remission was absolute and made at the date given 
by Shaikh Zain as that of the farman. The farmdn seems to have been despatched 
as soon as it was ready, but may have been inserted in Babur’s narrative at a later 
date, together with the preceding paragraph which I have asterisked. 

3 “* There is a lacuna in the Turki copy ” (¢.e. the Elphinstone Codex) ‘‘from this 
place to the beginning of the year 935. Till then I therefore follow only 
Mr. Metcalfe’s and my own Persian copies” (Erskine). 

_ * Iam indebted to my husband for this revised version of the farman. He is 
indebted to M. de Courteille for help generally, and specially for the references to the 
Qoran (¢.v. infra). 

5 The passages in italics are Arabic in the original, and where traced to the Qor4n, 

are in Sale’s words. 

Fol. 313. 


and the help that cometh from on high. “ Avery soul 7s prone 
unto evil,”* (and again) “7hzs zs the bounty of God; He will give 
the same unto whom He pleaseth ; and God is endued with great 
bounty.” ? 

Our motive for these remarks and for repeating these state- 
ments is that, by reason of human frailty, of the customs of 
kings and of the great, all of us, from the Shah to the sipahi, in 
the heyday of our youth, have transgressed and done what we 
ought not to have done. After some days of sorrow and 
repentance, we abandoned evil practices one by one, and the 
gates of retrogression became closed. But the renunciation of 
wine, the greatest and most indispensable of renunciations, 
remained under a veil in the chamber of deeds pledged to appear 
in due season, and did not show its countenance until the 
glorious hour when we had put on the garb of the holy warrior 
and had encamped with the army of Islam over against the 
infidels in order to slay them. On this occasion I received 
a secret inspiration and heard an infallible voice say “Js not the 
time yet come unto those who believe, that their hearts should 
humbly submit to the admonition of God, and that truth which 
hath been revealed ?” 3 Thereupon we set ourselves to extirpate 
the things of wickedness, and we earnestly knocked at the gates 
of repentance. The Guide of Help assisted us, according to the 
saying “ Whoever knocks and re-knocks, to him tt will be opened”, 
and an order was given that with the Holy War there should 

Fol. 3136 begin the still greater war which has to be waged against 
sensuality. In short, we declared with sincerity that we would 
subjugate our passions,and I engraved on the tablet of my heart 
“I turn unto Thee with repentance, and I am the first of true 
believers”.+ And I made public the resolution to abstain from 
wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The 
victorious servants, in accordance with the illustrious order, 
dashed upon the earth of contempt and destruction the flagons 
and the cups, and the other utensils in gold and silver, which in 
their number and their brilliance were like the stars of the 
firmament. They dashed them in pieces, as, God willing! soon 

* Qoran, Siirah XII, v. 53. 2 Surah LVII, v. 21. 
3 Surah LVII, v. 15. 4 Sirah VII, v. 140. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 555 

will be dashed the gods of the idolaters,—and they distributed 
the fragments among the poor and needy. By the blessing of 
this acceptable repentance, many of the courtiers, by virtue of 
the saying that men follow the religion of their kings, embraced 
abstinence at the same assemblage, and entirely renounced the 
use of wine, and up till now crowds of our subjects hourly 
attain this auspicious happiness. I hope that in accordance 
with the saying “He who incites to good deeds has the same 
reward as he who does them” the benefit of this action will react 
on the royal fortune and increase it day by day by victories. 

After carrying out this design an universal decree was issued 
that in the imperial dominions—May God protect them from 

every danger and calamity—no-one shall partake of strong 
drink, or engage in its manufacture, nor sell it, nor buy it or 
possess it, nor convey it or fetch it. “Beware of touching zt.” 
“ Perchance this will give you prosperity.” * 

In thanks for these great victories,? and as a thank-offering 
for God’s acceptance of repentance and sorrow, the ocean of the 
royal munificence became commoved, and those waves of kind- 
ness, which are the cause of the civilization of the world and of 
the glory of the sons of Adam, were displayed,—and through- 
out all the territories the tax (tamghd) on Musalmans was 
abolished,—_though its yield was more than the dreams of 
avarice, and though it had been established and maintained by 
former rulers,—for it is a practice outside of the edicts of the 
Prince of Apostles (Muhammad). So a decree was passed that 
in no city, town, road, ferry, pass, or port, should the tax be 
levied or exacted. No alteration whatsoever of this order is 
to be permitted. “Whoever after hearing tt makes any change 
therein, the sin of such change will be upon him.” 3 

The proper course (saz/) for all who shelter under the shade of 
the royal benevolence, whether they be Turk, Tajik, ‘Arab, Hindi, 
or Farsi (Persian), peasants or soldiers, of every nation or tribe 

* Surah Il, v. 185. 

* These may be self-conquests as has been understood by Erskine (p. 356) and 
de Courteille (ii. 281) but as the Divine ‘‘ acceptance ” would seem to Babur vouched 
for by his military success, ‘‘ victories” may stand for his success at Kanwa. 

3 Surah Il, 177 where, in Sale’s translation, the change referred to is the special 
one of altering a legacy. 

Fol. 314. 


of the sons of Adam, is to strengthen themselves by the tenets 
of religion, and to be full of hope and prayer for the dynasty 
which is linked with eternity, and to adhere to these ordinances, 
and not in any way to transgress them. It behoves all to act 
according to this farman ; they are to accept it as authentic 
when it comes attested by the Sign-Manual. 

Written by order of the Exalted one,—May his excellence 
endure for ever! on the 24th of Jumada I. 933 (February 26th 
1527). | 

(4. Alarm in Babur’s camp.) 

Fol. 3144. In these days, as has been mentioned, (our people) great 
and small, had been made very anxious and timid by past 
occurrences. No manly word or brave counsel was heard from 
any one soever. What bold speech was there from the wazirs 
who are to speak out (digichi), or from the amirs who will 
devour the land (w¢layat-yighiichi)?* None had advice to give, 
none a bold plan of his own to expound. Khalifa (however) 
did well in this campaign, neglecting nothing of control and 
supervision, painstaking and diligence. 

At length after I had made enquiry concerning people’s want 
of heart and had seen their slackness for myself, a plan occurred 
to me; I summoned all the begs and braves and said to them, 
“ Begs and braves ! 

(Persian) Who comes into the world will die ; 
What lasts and lives will be God. 

(Turki) He who hath entered the assembly of life, 
Drinketh at last of the cup of death. 

He who hath come to the inn of life, 
Passeth at last from Earth’s house of woe. 

* The words digichi and yigichi are translated in the second Wag7‘at-¢-baburi by 
sukhan-gui and [wildyat)-khwar. This ignores in them the future element supplied 
by their component g# which would allow them to apply to conditions dependent 
on Babur’s success. The Hai. MS. and Ilminsky read ¢égé#chi, supporter- or helper- 
to-be, in place of the yigiichi, eater-to-be I have inferred from the £war of the Pers. 
translation ; hence de Courteille writes ‘‘ amirs auxguels incombait 1’ obligation de 
vaffermir le gouvernement”. But Erskine, using the Pers. text alone, and thus 
having £iwar before him, translates by, ‘‘amirs who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms.” 
The two Turki words make a depreciatory ‘‘ jingle”, but the first one, digdchi, may 
imply serious reference to the duty, declared by Muhammad to be incumbent upon 
a wazir, of reminding his sovereign ‘‘ when he forgetteth his duty”. Both may be 
taken as alluding to dignities to be attained by success in the encounter from which 
wazirs and amirs were shrinking. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 557 

“Better than life with a bad name, is death with a good one. 
(Persian) Well is it with me, if I die with good name ! 
A good name must I have, since the body is death’s.* 

“God the Most High has allotted to us such happiness and has 
created for us such good-fortune that we die as martyrs, we kill 
as avengers of His cause. Therefore must each of you take oath 
upon His Holy Word that he will not think of turning his face 
from this foe, or withdraw from this deadly encounter so long as 
life is not rent from his body.” All those present, beg and 
retainer, great and small, took the Holy Book joyfully into 
their hands and made vow and compact to this purport. The 
plan was perfect ; it worked admirably for those near and afar, 
for seérs and hearers, for friend and foe. 

~(u. Babur's perilous position.) 

In those same days trouble and disturbance arose on every 
side :—Husain Khan NVuani went and took Rapri; Qutb Khan’s 
man took Chandwar?; a mannikin called Rustam Khan who 
had collected quiver-wearers from Between-the-two-waters 
(Ganges and Jamna), took Kil (Koel) and made Kichik ‘Ali 
prisoner ; Khwaja Zahid abandoned Sambal and went off; 
Sl. Muhammad Dz/dai came from Qanij to me; the Gualiar 
pagans laid siege to that fort; ‘Alam Khan when sent to 
reinforce it, did not go to Gualiar but to his own district. Every 
day bad news came from every side. Desertion of many 
Hindistanis set in; Haibat Khan Karg-andaz3 deserted and 
went to Sambal; Hasan Khan of Bari deserted and joined the 
Pagan. We gave attention to none of them but went straight 
on with our own affair. 

(v. Babur advances to fight.) 

The apparatus and appliances, the carts and wheeled tripods 
being ready, we arrayed in right, left and centre, and marched 
forward on New Year’s Day,+ Tuesday, the 9th of the second 
Jumada (March 13th), having the carts5 and wheeled tripods 

* Firdausi’s Shah-nama [Erskine]. tp 

* Also Chand-wal ; it is 25m. east of Agra and on the Jamna [7adagat-i-ndsivi, 
Raverty, p. 742 n.9]. 

3 Probably, Overthrower of the rhinoceros, but if Gurg-andaz be read, of the wolf. 

* According to the Persian calendar this is the day the Sun enters Aries. 

5 The practical purpose of this order of march is shewn in the account of the battle 
of Panipat, and in the Letter of Victory, f. 319. 


Fol. 315. 

Fol. 3154. 

*. Fol. 316. 


moving in front of us, with Ustad ‘Ali-quli and all the matchlock- 
men ranged behind them in order that these men, being on foot, 
should not be left behind the array but should advance with it. 

When the various divisions, right, left and centre, had gone 
each to its place, I galloped from one to another to give 
encouragement to begs, braves, and szfahis. After each man 
had had assigned to him his post and usual work with his 
company, we advanced, marshalled on the plan determined, for 
as much as one £uroh (2 m.)* and then dismounted. 

The Pagan’s men, for their part, were on the alert; they 
came from their side, one company after another. 

The camp was laid out and strongly protected by ditch and 
carts. As we did not intend to fight that day, we sent a few 
unmailed braves ahead, who were to get to grips with the enemy 
and thus take an omen. They made a few pagans prisoner, 
cut off and brought in their heads. Malik Qasim also cut off 
and brought in a few heads; he did well. By these successes 
the hearts of our men became very strong. 

When we marched on next day, I had it in my mind to 
fight, but Khalifa and other well-wishers represented that the 
camping-ground previously decided on was near and that it 
would favour our fortunes if we had a ditch and defences made 
there and went there direct. Khalifa accordingly rode off to get 
the ditch dug; he settled its position with the spades-men, 
appointed overseers of the work and returned to us. 

(w. The battle of Kanwa.)? 

On Saturday the 13th of the second Jumada (March 17th, 
1527 AD.) we had the carts dragged in front of us (as before), 
made a kuroh (2 m.) of road, arrayed in right, left and centre, 
and dismounted on the ground selected. | 

* kurohcha, perhaps a short kuroh, but I have not found Babur using cha as a 
diminutive in such a case as kurohcha. 

? or Kaniia, in the Biana district and three marches from Biana-town. ‘‘It had 
been determined on by Rana Sangram Singh (z.e. Sanga) for the northern limit of his 
dominions, and he had here built a small palace.” Tod thus describes Babur’s foe, 
*“Sanga Rana was of the middle stature, and of great muscular strength, fair in 
complexion, with unusually large eyes which appear to be peculiar to his descendants. 
He exhibited at his death but the fragments of a warrior: one eye was lost in the 
broil with his brother, an arm in action with the Lodi kings of Dehli, and he was 
a cripple owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-ball in another ; while he 
counted 80 wounds from the sword or the lance on various parts of his body” (Tod’s 
Rijastan, cap. Annals of Mewar). 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 559 

A few tents had been set up; a few were in setting up when 
news of the appearance of the enemy was brought. Mounting 
instantly, I ordered every man to his post and that our array 
should be protected with the carts." | 

-* As the following Letter-of-victory (Fath-nadma) which is 
what Shaikh Zain had indited, makes known particulars about 
the army of Islam, the great host of the pagans with the position 
of their arrayed ranks, and the encounters had between them 
and the army of Islam, it is inserted here without addition or 
deduction.” , 


(a. Introduction.) 

Praise be to God the Faithful Promiser, the Helper of His 
servants, the Supporter of His armies, the Scatterer of hostile 
hosts, the One alone without whom there zs nothing. 

* Here M. de C. has the following note (ii, 273n.); it supplements my own of 
f. 264 [n. 3]. ‘‘ Le mot araba, gue j'ai traduit par chariot est pris par M. Leyden” 
(this should be Erskine) ‘‘ dans le sens de ‘ gun’, ce que je ne crots pas exact; tout 
au plus signifierait-zl affat” (gun-carriage). ‘*// me parait impossible d’admettre 
gue Baber ett &@ sa disposition une artillerie attelée ausst considérable. Ces araba 
pouvaient servir en partie a transporter des pieces de campagne, mats tls avaient ausst 
une autre destination, comme on le voit par la suite du récet.”” It does not appear to 
me that Erskine ¢vans/ates the word araba by the word gus, but that the aradas 
(all of which he took to be gun-carriages) being there, he supposed the guns. This 
‘was not correct as the various passages about carts as defences show (cf. Index 
$.nn. araba and carts). 

? It is characteristic of Babur that he reproduces Shaikh Zain’s Fath-nama, not 
because of its eloquence but because of its useful details. Erskine and de Courteille 
have the following notes concerning Shaikh Zain’s farman :—‘‘ Nothing can form 
a more striking contrast to the simple, manly and intelligent style of Baber himself, 
than the pompous, laboured periods of his secretary. Yet I have never read this 
Firman to any native of India who did not bestow unlimited admiration on the 
official bombast of Zeineddin, while I have met with none but Turks who paid due 
praise to the calm simplicity of Baber” [Mems. p. 359]. ‘‘ Comme la précédente 
(Jarman), cette piece est rédigée en langue persane et offre un modéle des plus accomplis 
du style en usage dans les chancelleries orientales. La traduction d’un semblable 
morceau a éloguence est de la plus grande difficulté, st on veut étre clair, tout en restant 
Sidéle a V original.” 

Like the Renunciation farmdan, the Letter-of-victory with its preceding sentence 
which I have asterisked, was probably inserted into Babur’s narrative somewhat 
later than the battle of Kanwa. Hence Babur’s pluperfect-tense ‘‘had indited”. 
I am indebted to my husband for help in revising the difficult Fath-ndma; he 
has done it with consideration of the variants between the earlier English and the 
French translations. No doubt it could be dealt with more searchingly still by one 
well-versed in the Qoran and the Traditions, and thus able to explain others of its 
allusions. The italics denote Arabic passages in the original ; many of these are 

ii the Qoran, and in tracing them M. de Courteille’s notes have been most useful 
O us. 

Fol. 3168. 

Fol. 317. 


O Thou the Exalter of the pillars of Islam, Helper of thy 
fatthful minister, Overthrower of the pedestals of tdols, Overcomer 
of rebellious foes, Exterminator to the uttermost of the followers of 
darkness | 

Lauds be to God the Lord of the worlds, and may the blessing 
of God be upon the best ‘of His creatures Muhammad, Lord of 
ghazis and champions of the Faith, and upon his companions, the 
pointers of the way, until the Day of judgment. 

The successive gifts of the Almighty are the cause of frequent 
praises and thanksgivings, and the number of these praises and 
thanksgivings is, in its turn, the cause of the constant succession 
of God’s mercies. For every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and 
every thanksgiving is followed by a mercy. To render full 
thanks is beyond men’s power; the mightiest are helpless to 
discharge their obligations. Above all, adequate thanks cannot 
be rendered for a benefit than which none is greater in the 
world and nothing is more blessed, in the world to come, to wit, 
victory over most powerful infidels and dominion over wealthiest 
heretics, “ these are the unbelievers, the wicked.” * In the eyes of 
the judicious, no blessing can be greater than this. Thanks be 
to God! that this great blessing and mighty boon, which from 
the cradle until now has been the real object of this right-thinking 
mind (Babur’s), has now manifested itself by the graciousness of 
the King of the worlds ; the Opener who dispenses his treasures 
without awaiting solicitation, hath opened them with a master- 
key before our victorious Nawab (Babur),? so that the names of 
our 3 conquering heroes have been emblazoned in the records of 
glorious ghazis. By the help of our victorious soldiers the 
standards of Islam have been raised to the highest pinnacles. 
The account of this auspicious fortune is as follows :— 

* Qoran, cap. 80, last sentence. 7 

? Shaikh Zain, in his version of the Babur-nama, styles Babur Nawab where there 
can be no doubt of the application of the title, v2z. in describing Shah Tahmasp’s 
gifts to him (mentioned by Babur on f. 305). He uses the title also in the farman of 
renunciation (f. 3134), but it does not appear in my text, ‘* royal” (fortune) standing 
for it (2% loco p. 555, 1. 10). 

3 The possessive pronoun occurs several times in the Letter-of-victory. As there 
is no semblance of putting forward that letter as being Babur’s, the pronoun seems to 
imply ‘‘ on our side”’. 


933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 to SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 561 

(6. Rana Sanga and his forces.) 

When the flashing-swords of our Islam-guarded soldiers had 
illuminated the land of Hindistan with rays of victory and 
conquest, as has been recorded in former letters-of-victory,* 
the Divine favour caused our standards to be upreared in the 
territories of Dihli, Agra, Jin-pir, Kharid,? Bihar, e¢c., when 
many chiefs, both pagans and Muhammadans submitted to our 
generals and shewed sincere obedience to our fortunate Nawab. 
But Rana Sanga the pagan who in earlier times breathed 
submissive to the Nawab,3 now was puffed up with pride and 
became of the number of unbelievers.4 Satan-like he threw back 
his head and collected an army of accursed heretics, thus 

__ gathering a rabble-rout of whom some wore the accursed torque 

(taug), the ztmar,s on the neck, some had in the skirt the 
calamitous thorn of apostacy.® Previous to the rising in Hindi- 
stan of the Sun of dominion and the emergence there of the 
light of the Shahanshah’s Khalifate [ze. Babur’s] the authority 
of that execrated pagan (Sanga)—at the Judgment Day he shall 
have no friend was such that not one of all the exalted 
sovereigns of this wide realm, such as the Sultan of Dihli, the 
Sultan of Gujrat and the Sultan of Mandi, could cope with this 

evil-dispositioned one, without the help of other pagans; one 

and all they cajoled him and temporized with him; and he had 

this authority although the rajas and rais of high degree, who 

obeyed him in this battle, and the governors and commanders 

* The Babur-nama includes no other than Shaikh Zain’s about Kanwa. Those 
here alluded to will be the announcements of success at Milwat, Panipat, Dibalpir 
and perhaps elsewhere in Hindistan. 

? In Jin-par (Ayin-z-akbari) ; Elliot & Dowson note (iv, 283-4) that it appears 
to have included, near Sikandarpiir, the country on both sides of the Gogra, and 
thence on that river’s left bank down to the Ganges. 

3 That the word Nawab here refers to Babur and not to his lieutenants, is shewn 
by his mention (f. 278) of Sanga’s messages to himself. 

* Qoran, cap. 2, v. 32. The passage quoted is part of a description of Satan, 
hence mention of Satan in Shaikh Zain’s next sentence. 

5 The brahminical thread. 

© khar-t-mihnat-i-irtidad dar diman. This Erskine renders by ‘‘ who fixed thorns 
from the pangs of apostacy in the hem of their garments” (p. 360). Several good 
MSS. have £har, thorn, but Ilminsky has Ar. 4h¢mar, cymar, instead (p. 411). 
De Courteille renders the passage by “‘ portent au pan de leurs habits la marque 
douloureuse de l’apostasie” (ii, 290). To read khimar, cymar (scarf), would serve, 
as a scarf is part of some Hindi costumes. 

7 Qoran, cap. 69, v. 35. 

Fol. 3178. 

Fol. 318. 

a f= 
t2 7 


who were amongst his followers in this conflict, had not obeyed 
him in any earlier fight or, out of regard to their own dignity, 
been friendly with him. Infidel standards dominated some 
200 towns in the territories of Islam; in them mosques and 
shrines fell into ruin; from them the wives and children of the 
Faithful were carried away captive. So greatly had his forces 
grown that, according to the Hindi calculation by which one 
lak of revenue should yield I00 horsemen, and one krar of 
revenue, 10,000 horsemen, the territories subject to the Pagan 
(Sanga) yielding 10 krirs, should yield him 100,000 horse. 
Many noted pagans who hitherto had not helped him in battle, 
now swelled his ranks out of hostility to the people of Islam. 
Ten powerful chiefs, each the leader of a pagan host, uprose in 
rebellion, as smoke rises, and linked themselves, as though 
enchained, to that perverse one (Sanga); and this infidel decade 
who, unlike the blessed ten,' uplifted misery-freighted standards 
which denounce unto them excruciating punishment, had many 
dependants, and troops, and wide-extended lands. As, for 
instance, Salahu’d-din3 had territory yielding 30,000 horse, 
Rawal Udai Singh of Bagar had 12,000, Medini Rai had 12,000, 
Hasan Khan of Miwat had 12,000, Bar-mal of Idr had 4,000, 
Narpat Hara had 7,000, Satrvi of Kach (Cutch) had 6,000, 
Dharm-deo had 4,000, Bir-sing-deo had 4,000, and Mahmid 
Khan, son of SI. Sikandar, to whom, though he possessed neither 
district nor pargana, 10,000 horse had gathered in hope of his 
attaining supremacy. Thus, according to the calculation of 
Hind, 201,000 was the total of those sundered from salvation. 
In brief, that haughty pagan, inwardly blind, and hardened of 

* M. Defrémery, when reviewing the French translation of the B.N. (Journal des 
Savans 1873), points out (p. 18) that it makes no mention of the ‘“‘ blessed ten”. 
Erskine mentions them but without explanation. They are the ‘asharah mubash- 
sharah, the decade of followers of Muhammad who “‘ received good tidings”, and 
whose certain entry into Paradise he foretold. 

2 Qoran, cap. 3, v. 20. M. Defrémery reads Shaikh Zain to mean that these 
words of the Qoran were on the infidel standards, but it would be simpler to read 
Shaikh Zain as meaning that the infidel insignia on the standards ‘‘ denounce 
punishment ” on their users. 

3 He seems to have been a Rajpiit convert to Muhammadanism who changed his 
Hindi name Silhadi for what Babur writes. His son married Sanga’s daughter ; 
his fiefs were Raisin and Sarangpiir; he deserted to Babur in the battle of Kanwa. 
(Cf. Erskine’s story of Jndia i, 471 note; Mirdat-t-stkandari, Bayley’s trs. 5.7. ; 
Akbar-nama, H.B.’s trs. i, 261; Tod’s Rayastin cap. Mewar.) 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 563 

heart, having joined with other pagans, dark-fated and doomed 
to perdition, advanced to contend with the followers of Islam 
and to destroy the foundations of the law of the Prince of Men 
(Muhammad), on whom be God’s blessing! The protagonists 
of the royal forces fell, like divine destiny, on that one-eyed 
Dajjal* who, to understanding men, shewed the truth of the 
saying, When Fate arrives, the eye becomes blind, and, setting 
before their eyes the scripture which saith, Whosoever striveth 
to promote the true religion, striveth for the good of his own soul,? 
they acted on the precept to which obedience is due, Fzght 
against infidels and hypocrites. 

(c. Military movements.) | 
(March 17th, 1527) On Saturday the 13th day of the second 

7 Jumada of the date 933, a day blessed by the words, God hath 

blessed your Saturday, the army of Islam was encamped near 
the village of Kanwa, a dependency of Biana, hard by a hill 
which was 2 kurohs (4.m.) from the enemies of the Faith. 
When those accursed infidel foes of Muhammad’s religion heard 
the reverberation of the armies of Islam, they arrayed their 
ill-starred forces and moved forward with one heart, relying on 
their mountain-like, demon-shaped elephants, as had relied the 

Lords of the Elephant 3 who went to overthrow the sanctuary 
(ka‘ba) of Islam. 

* ** Dejal or al Masih al Daijjal, the false or lying Messiah, is the Muhammadan 
Anti-christ. He is to be one-eyed, and marked on the forehead with the letters 
K.F.R. signifying Kafer, or Infidel. He is to appear in the latter days riding on an 
ass, and will be followed by 70,000 Jews of Ispahan, and will continue on the Earth 
40 days, of which one will be equal to a year, another to a month, another to a week, 
and the rest will be common days. He is to lay waste all places, but will not enter 
Mekka or Medina, which are to be guarded by angels. He is finally to be slain at 
the gate of Lud by Jesus, for whom the Musalmans profess great veneration, calling 
him the breath or spirit of God.—See Sale’s Zutroductory Discourse to the Koran” 

? Qoran, cap. 29, v. 5. 

3 “This alludes to the defeat of [an Abyssinian Christian] Abraha the prince of 
Yemen who [in the year of Muhammad’s birth] marched his army and some elephants 
to destroy the 4a‘sa of Makka. ‘The Meccans,’ says Sale, ‘ at the appearance of so 
considerable a host, retired to the neighbouring mountains, being unable to defend 
their city or temple. But God himself undertook the defence of both. For when 
Abraha drew near to Mecca, and would have entered it, the elephant on which he 
rode, which was a very large one and named Mahmid, refused to advance any nigher 
to the town, but knelt down whenever they endeavoured to force him that way, 
though he would rise and march briskly enough if they turned him towards any other 
quarter ; and while matters were in this posture, on a sudden a large flock of birds, 
like swallows, came flying from the sea-coast, every-one of which carried three stones, 

Fol. 3186. 


‘* Having these elephants, the wretched Hindus 
Became proud, like the Lords of the Elephant ; 
Yet were they odious and vile as is the evening of death, 
Blacker * than night, outnumbering the stars, 
All such as fire is? but their heads upraised 
In hate, as rises its smoke in the azure sky, 
Ant-like they come from right and from left, 
Thousands and thousands of horse and foot.” 

They advanced towards the victorious encampment, intending 
to give battle. The holy warriors of Islam, trees in the garden 
of valour, moved forward in ranks straight as serried pines and, 
like pines uplift their crests to heaven, uplifting their helmet- 
crests which shone even as shine the hearts of those ¢hat strive 
in the way of the Lord; their array was like Alexander’s iron- 
wall,3 and, as is the way of the Prophet’s Law, straight and firm 
and strong, as though they were a well-compacted building ;4 and 
they became fortunate and successful in accordance with the 
saying, They are directed by their Lord, and they shall prosper.s 

In that array no rent was frayed by timid souls ; 

Firm was it as the Shahanshah’s resolve, strong as the Faith ; 
Their standards brushed against the sky ; 

Verily we have granted thee certain victory.® 

Obeying the cautions of prudence, we imitated the gha@zis of 
Rim? by posting matchlockmen (¢ufanchidn) and cannoneers 
(va‘d-andazan) along the line of carts which were chained to one 
another in front of us; in fact, Islam’s army was so arrayed and 
so steadfast that primal Intelligence ® and the firmament (‘ag/-z- 
pir u charkh-t-asiy) applauded the marshalling thereof. To 
effect this arrangement and organization, Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali 
Khalifa, the pillar of the Imperial fortune, exerted himself 

one in each foot and one in its bill ; and these stones they threw down upon the 
heads of Abraha’s men, certainly killing every one they struck.’ The rest were 
swept away by a flood or perished by a plague, Abraha alone reaching Senaa, where 
he also died” [Erskine]. The above is taken from Sale’s note to the 105 chapter of 
the Qoran, entitled ‘‘ the Elephant ”’. 

* Presumably black by reason of their dark large mass. 

? Presumably, devouring as fire. 

3 This is 50 m. long and blocked the narrow pass of the Caspian Iron-gates. It 
ends south of the Russian town of Dar-band, on the west shore of the Caspian. 
Erskine states that it was erected to repress the invasions of Yajuj and Mujuj (Gog 
and Magog). 

4 Qoran, cap. lxi, v. 4. 

5 Qoran, cap. li, v. 4. Erskine appears to quote another verse. 

© Qoran, cap. xviii, v. I. 

7 Index s.x. 

8 Khirad, Intelligence or the first Intelligence, was supposed to be the guardian of 
the empyreal heaven (Erskine). 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 565 

strenuously ; his efforts were in accord with Destiny, and were 
approved by his sovereign’s luminous judgment. 

(ad. Commanders of the centre.) 

His Majesty’s post was in the centre. In the right-hand of 
the centre were stationed the illustrious and most upright 
brother, the beloved friend of Destiny, the favoured of Him 
whose aid is entreated (ze. God), Chin-timir Sultan,7—the 
illustrious son, accepted in the sight of the revered Allah, 
Sulaiman Shah,?—the reservoir of sanctity, the way-shower, 
Khwaja Kamalu’d-din (Perfect-in-the Faith) Dost-i-khawand,— 
the trusted of the sultanate, the abider near the sublime threshold, 
the close companion, the cream of associates, Kamalu’d-din 
~ Yiinas-i-‘ali,—the pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in friendship, 
Jalalu’d-din (Glory-of-the-Faith) Shah Mansitr Aar/as,—the 
pillar of royal retainers, most excellent of servants, Nizimu’d-din 
(Upholder-of-the-Faith) Darwish-i-muhammad Sda@rbaén,—the 
pillars of royal retainers, the sincere in fidelity, Shihabu’d-din 
(Meteor-of-the-Faith) ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian and Nizamu’d-din 
Dost Lord-of-the-Gate. 

In the left-hand of the centre took each his post, the reservoir 
of sovereignty, ally of the Khalifate, object of royal favour, Sultan 
‘Ala’u’d-din ‘Alam Khan son of SI. Bahliil Zzd@z—the intimate 
of illustrious Majesty, the high priest (dastir) of sadrs amongst 
men, the refuge of all people, the pillar of Islam, Shaikh Zain of 
Khawaf,3—the pillar of the nobility, Kamalu’d-din Muhibb-i-‘ali, 
son of the intimate counsellor named above (ze. Khalifa),—the 
pillar of royal retainers, Nizamu’d-din Tardi Beg brother of Qij 
(son of) Ahmad, whom God hath taken into His mercy,—Shir- 
afgan son of the above-named Qiij Beg deceased,—the pillar of 
great ones, the mighty khan, Araish Khan,4—tthe wazir, greatest 

* Chin-timiir Chingiz-khanid Chaghatai is called Babur’s brother because a 
(maternal-) cousin of Babur’s own generation, their last common ancestor being 
Yiinas Khan. 

* Sulaiman 7imirid Miran-shahi is called Babur’s son because his father was of 
Babur’s generation, their last common ancestor being Sl. Abii-sa‘id Mirza. He was 
13 years old and, through Shah Begim, hereditary shah of Badakhshan. 

8 The Shaikh was able, it would appear, to see himself as others saw him, since 
the above description of him is his own. It is confirmed by Abi’l-fazl and Badayini’s 
accounts of his attainments. 

* The honourable post given to this amir of Hind is likely to be due to his loyalty 
to Babur. 


Fol. 320. 


Fol. 320d. 


of wazirs amongst men, Khwaja Kamalu’d-din Husain,—and 
a number of other attendants at Court (dzwanian). 

(e. Commanders of the right wing.) 

In the right wing was the exalted son, honourable and 
fortunate, the befriended of Destiny, the Star of the Sign of 
sovereignty and success, Sun of the sphere of the Khalifate, 
lauded of slave and free, Muhammad Humayiin Bahadur. On 
that exalted prince’s right hand there were, one whose rank 
approximates to royalty and who is distinguished by the favour 
of the royal giver of gifts, Qasim-i-husain Sultan,—the pillar of 
the nobility Nizamu’d-din Ahmad-i-yisuf Aaghlagchi,,A—the 
trusted of royalty, most excellent of servants, Jalalu’d-din Hindt 
Beg gachin,?— the trusted of royalty, perfect in loyalty, Jalalu’d- 
din Khusrau Kikildash,—the trusted of royalty, Qawam (var. 
Qiyam) Beg Aardi-shah,—the pillar of royal retainers, of perfect 
sincerity, Wali Qara-qizi the treasurer,3—the pillar of royal 
retainers, Nizamu’d-din Pir-quli of Sistan,—the pillar of wazirs, 
Khwaja Kamalu’d-din pahlawan (champion) of Badakhshan,— 
the pillar of royal retainers, ‘Abdu’l-shakitr,—the pillar of the 
nobility, most excellent of servants, the envoy from ‘Iraq 
Sulaiman Aqa,—and Husain Aqa the envoy from Sistan. On 
the victory-crowned left of the fortunate son already named 
there were, the sayyid of lofty birth, of the family of Murtiza 
(‘Ali), Mir Hama (or Hama),—the pillar of royal retainers, the 
perfect in sincerity, Shamsu’d - din Muhammadi Kikildash and 
Nizamu’d-din Khwajagi Asad jén-dar4 In the right wing 

* Ahmad may be a nephew of Yisuf of the same agnomen (Index s.27.). 

2 I have not discovered the name of this old servant or the meaning of his seeming- 
sobriquet, Hindi. As a gachin he will have been a Mughil or Turk. The circum- 
stance of his service with a son of Mahmid A/iran-shahi (down to 905 AH.) makes it 
possible that he drew his name in his youth from the tract s.e. of Mahmid’s Hisar 
territory which has been known as Little Hind (Index s.%. Hind). This is however 
conjecture merely. Another suggestion is that as Aznd# can mean d/ack, it may — 
stand for the common garda of the Turks e.g. Qara Barlas, Black Barlas. 

3 I am uncertain whether Qara-qiizi is the name of a place, or the jesting sobriquet 
of more than one meaning it can be. 

4 Soul-full, animated; var. Hai. MS. 4idn-dar. Noagnomen is used for Asad by 
Babur. The Akbar-ndma varies to jamadar, wardrobe-keeper, cup-holder (424. 7nd. 
ed. i, 107), and Firishta to sav-jamadar, head wardrobe-keeper (lith. ed. p. 209 top). 
It would be surprising to find such an official sent as envoy to ‘Iraq, as Asad was both 
before and after he fought at Kanwa. 

EE a. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 567 

there were, of the amirs of Hind,—the pillar of the State, the 
Khan-of-Khans, Dilawar Khan,'—the pillar of the nobility, 
Malik Dad Kararani,—and the pillar of the nobility, the 
Shaikh-of-shaikhs, Shaikh Giran, each standing in his appointed 

(f. Commanders of the left wing.) 

In the left wing of the armies of Islam there extended their 
ranks,—the lord of lofty lineage, the refuge of those in 
authority, the ornament of the family of Za Ha and Ya Szn,? 
the model for the descendants of the prince of ambassadors 
(Muhammad), Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja,—the exalted and fortunate 
brother, the well-regarded of his Majesty, Muhammad SI. Mirza,3 

=the personage approximating to royalty, the descended of 

monarchs, ‘Adil Sultan son of Mahdi Sultan,4—the trusted in 
the State, perfect in attachment, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Master of the 
Horse, — the trusted in the State, the pure in friendship, 
Shamsu’d-din Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang,s—the pillar of royal 
retainers, Jalalu’d-din Qitliiq-qadam garawal (scout), — the 
pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Jalalu’d-din 
Shah Husain yaragt Mughil Ghanchi(?),°—and Nizamu’d-din 
Jan-i-muhammad Beg Adéka. 

Of amirs of Hind there were in this division, the scions of 
sultans, Kamal Khan and Jamal Khan sons of the SI. ‘Ala’u’d-din 
above-mentioned,—the most excellent officer ‘Ali Khan Shaikh- 
zada of Farmil,—and the pillar of the nobility, Nizim Khan of 

* son of Daulat Khan Vasuf-khail Ladi. 

* These are the titles of the 20th and 36th chapters of the Qoran; Sale offers 
conjectural explanations of them. The ‘‘ family” is Muhammad’s. 

3 a Bai-qara Timirid of Babur’s generation, their last common ancestor being 
Timir himself. 

4 an Atizbeg who married a daughter of Sl. Husain M. Aai-garda. 

5 It has been pointed out to me that there is a Chinese title of nobility Van-wang, 
and that it may be behind the words ang-jang. Though the suggestion appears to me 
improbable, looking to the record of Babur’s officer, to the prevalence of sobriquets 
amongst his people, and to what would be the sporadic appearance of a Chinese title 
or even class-name borne by a single man amongst them, I add this suggestion to 
those of my note on the meaning of the words (Index s.2. Muh. ‘Ali). The title 
Jin-wang occurs in Dr. Denison Ross’ 7hree MSS. Srom Kashghar, p. 5, v. 5 and 
translator’s preface, p. 14. 

° Cf. f. 266 and f. 299. YVaragi may be the name of his office, (from yarag) and 
mean provisioner of arms or food or other military requirements. 

Fol. 321. 

Fol. 3214. 



(g. The flanking parties.) 

For the flank-movement (t#lehama) of the right wing there 
were posted two of the most trusted of the household retainers, 
Tardika* and Malik Qasim the brother of Baba Qashqa, with 
a body of Mughils; for the flank-movement of the left wing 
were the two trusted chiefs Mimin Ataka and Rustam 7urkman, 
leading a body of special troops. 

(h. The Chief of the Staff.) 

The pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in loyalty, the cream 
of privy-counsellors, Nizimu’d-din Sultan Muhammad Bakhshi, 
after posting the ghazis of Islam, came to receive the royal 
commands. He despatched adjutants (¢awdachz) and messengers 
(yasawal) in various directions to convey imperative orders 
concerning the marshalling of the troops to the great sultans 
and amirs. And when the Commanders had taken up their 
positions, an imperative order was given that none should quit 
his post or, uncommanded, stretch forth his arm to fight. 

(2. The battle.) 

One watch ? of the afore-mentioned day had elapsed when the 
opposing forces approached each other and the battle began. 
As Light opposes Darkness, so did the centres of the two 
armies oppose one another. Fighting began on the right and 
left wings, such fighting as shook the Earth and filled highest 
Heaven with clangour. 

The left wing of the ill-fated pagans advanced against the 
right wing of the Faith-garbed troops of Islam and charged 
down on Khusrau Kikildash and Baba Qashqa’s brother Malik 
Oasim. The most glorious and most upright brother Chin-timir 
Sultan, obeying orders, went to reinforce them and, engaging in 
the conflict with bold attack, bore the pagans back almost to 
the rear of their centre. Guerdon was made for the brother's 
glorious fame.3 The marvel of the Age, Mustafa of Rim, had 
his post in the centre (of the right wing) where was the exalted 
son, upright and fortunate, the object of the favourable regard of 

* or, Tardi yakka, the champion, Gr. monomachus (A.N. trs. i, 107 n.). 
? var. I watch and 2 g’havis ; the time will have been between 9 and 10 a.m. 
3 juldu ba nam al ‘aziz-i-baradar shud, a phrase not easy to translate. 


933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 569 

Creative Majesty (z.e. God), the one distinguished by the particular 
grace of the mighty Soveretgn who commands to do and not to do 
(ze. Babur), Muhammad Humayin Bahadur. This Mustafa of 
Riim had the carts (av@baha)* brought forward and broke the 
ranks of pagans with matchlock and culverin dark like their 
hearts (?).2_ In the thick of the fight, the most glorious brother 
Oasim-i-husain Sultan and the pillars of royal retainers, Nizamu’d- 
din Ahmad-i-yiisuf and Qawam Beg, obeying orders, hastened 
to their help. And since band after band of pagan troops 
followed each other to help their men, so we, in our turn, sent 
the trusted in the State, the glory of the Faith, Hindi Beg, and, 
after him, the pillars of the nobility, Muhammadi Kikildash 
and Khwajagi Asad jan-dar, and, after them, the trusted in 
the State, the trustworthy in the resplendent Court, the most 
confided-in of nobles, the elect of confidential servants, Yiinas- 
i-‘ali, together with the pillar of the nobility, the perfect in 
friendship, Shah Mansiir Bar/as and the pillar of the grandees, 
the pure in fidelity, ‘Abdu’l-lah the librarian, and after these, the 
pillar of the nobles, Dost the Lord-of-the-Gate, and Muhammad 
Khalil the master-gelder (akhta-begi).3 

The pagan right wing made repeated and desperate attack on 
the left wing of the army of Islam, falling furiously on the holy 
warriors, possessors of salvation, but each time was made to 
turn back or, smitten with the arrows of victory, was made to 
descend into Hell, the house of perdition ; they shall be thrown to 
burn therein, and an unhappy dwelling shall it be+ Then the 
trusty amongst the nobles, Mimin Ataka and Rustam 7urkman 
betook themselves to the rear 5 of the host of darkened pagans ; 
and to help them were sent the Commanders Khwaja Mahmid 
and ‘Ali Ataka, servants of him who amongst the royal retainers 

is near the throne, the trusted of the Sultanate, Nizamu’d-din 
‘Ali Khalifa. 

* viz. those chained together as a defence and probably also those conveying the 

* The comparison may be between the darkening smoke of the fire-arms and the 
heresy darkening pagan hearts. 

3 There appears to be a distinction of title between the akhta-begi and the mir- 
akhwiir (master of the horse). 

* Qoran, cap. 14, v. 33. 
5 These two men were in one of the flanking-parties. 

Fol. 322. 

Fol. 3224, 


Our high-born brother’ Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and the 
representative of royal dignity, ‘Adil Sultan, and the trusted in 
the State, the strengthener of the Faith, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, the Master 
of the Horse, and the glory of the Faith, Qitliq-qadam garawal, 
and the meteor of the Faith, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang, 
and the pillar of royal retainers, Shah Husain yaragt Mughil 
Ghanchi(?) stretched out the arm to fight and: stood firm. . To 
support them we sent the Dastir, the highest of wazirs, Khwaja 
Kamalu’d-din Husain with a body of dzwanis.2 Every holy 
warrior was eager to show his zeal, entering the fight with 
desperate joy as if approving the verse, Say, Do you expect any 
other should befall us than one of the two most excellent things, 
victory or martyrdom ?3 and, with display of life-devotion, 
uplifted the standard of life-sacrifice. 

As the conflict and battle lasted long, an imperative order was 
issued that the special royal corps (tabinan-t-khasa-t-padshihi) * 
who, heroes of one hue,5 were standing, like tigers enchained, 
behind the carts,° should go out on the right and the left of the 
centre,” leaving the matchlockmen’s post in-between, and join 
battle on both sides. As the True Dawn emerges from its cleft 
in the horizon, so they emerged from behind the carts ; they 
poured a ruddy crepuscule of the blood of those ill-fated pagans © 
on the nadir of the Heavens, that battle-field ; they made fall 
from the firmament of existence many heads of the headstrong, 
as stars fall from the firmament of heaven. The marvel of the 
Age, Ustad ‘Ali-quli, who with his own appurtenances stood in 
front of the centre, did deeds of valour, discharging against the 
iron-mantled forts of the infidels ® stones of such size that were 
(one) put into a scale of the Balance in which actions are 
weighed, that scale shall be heavy with good works and he 


* This phrase ‘‘ our brother” would support the view that Shaikh Zain wrote as 
for Babur, if there were not, on the other hand, mention of Babur as His Majesty, 
and the precious royal soul. 

2 diwanidn here may mean those associated with the wazir in his duties: and not 
those attending at Court. 

3 Qoran, cap. 14, v. 52. 

4 Index s.n2. chuhra (a brave). 

5 hizabran-t-besha yakrangi, literally, forest-tigers (or, lions) of one hue. 

© There may be reference here to the chains used to connect the carts into a defence. 

7 The braves of the £Adsa tabin were part of Babur’s own centre. 

8 perhaps the cataphract elephants ; perhaps the men in mail. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 571 

(ze. its owner) shall lead a pleasing life*; and were such stones 
discharged against a hill, broad of base and high of summit, it 
would decome like carded wool Such stones Ustad ‘Ali-quli 
discharged at the iron-clad fortress of the pagan ranks and 
by this discharge of stones, and abundance of culverins and 
matchlocks (?) 3 destroyed many of the builded bodies of the 
pagans. The matchlockmen of the royal centre, in obedience 
to orders, going from behind the carts into the midst of the 
battle, each one of them made many a pagan taste of the poison 
of death. The foot-soldiers, going into a most dangerous place, 
made their names to be blazoned amongst those of the forest- 
tigers (z.e. heroes) of valour and the champions in the field of 

manly deeds. Just at this time came an order from his 
‘Majesty the Khaqan that the carts of the centre should be 

advanced; and the gracious royal soul (ze. Babur) moved 
towards the pagan soldiers, Victory and Fortune on his right, 
Prestige and Conquest on his left. On witnessing this event, 
the victorious troops followed from all sides ; the whole surging 
ocean of the army rose in mighty waves; the courage of all the 
crocodiles + of that ocean was manifested by the strength of their 
deeds ; an obscuring cloud of dust o’erspread the sky (?). The 
dust that gathered over the battle-field was traversed by the 
lightning-flashes of the sword ; the Sun’s face was shorn of light 
as is a mirror’s back ; the striker and the struck, the victor and 

the vanquished were commingled, all distinction between them 

lost. The Wizard of Time produced such a night that its only 
planets were arrows, its only constellations of fixed stars were 
the steadfast squadrons. 

Upon that day of battle sank and rose 

Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon, 
While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain, 
One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.°® 

* Qoran, cap. IOI, v. 54. 

* Qoran, cap. IOI, v. 4. 

3 ba andakhtan-t- sang u sarb-2an tufak bisyari. As Babur does not in any place 
mention metal missiles, it seems safest to translate samg by its plain meaning of stone. 

4 Also, metaphorically, swords. 

5 “rv. My husband thinks there is a play upon the two meanings of this word, 
arrow and the planet Mercury ; so too in the next sentence, that there may be allusion 
i “en kuakib sawabit to the constellation Pegasus, opposed to Babur’s squadrons 
of horse. 

° The Fish mentioned in this verse is the one pictured by Muhammadan cosmogony 
as supporting the Earth. The violence of the fray is illustrated by supposing that of 

Fol. 323. 

Fol. 3230. 


At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging — 
away their lives, they heard a secret voice say, Be not dismayed, — 
neither be grieved, for, tf ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the — 
unbelievers,* and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful — 
words, Assistance 7s from God, and a speedy victory! And do 
thou bear glad tidings to true believers.2 Then they fought with — 
such delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly 
reached them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered — 
round their heads like moths. Between the first and second — 
Prayers, there was such blaze of combat that the flames thereof — 
raised standards above the heavens, and the right and left of — 
the army of Islam rolled back the left and right of the doomed © 
infidels in one mass upon their centre. j 

When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and 
of the up-rearing of the standards of Islam, those accursed — 
infidels and wicked unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. — 
At length, their hearts abandoning life, they fell upon the right — 
and left of our centre. Their attack on the left was the more 
vigorous and there they approached furthest, but the holy warriors, — 
their minds set on the reward, planted shoots (zzha/) of arrows — 
in the field of the breast of each one of them, and, such being — 
their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state of affairs, the — 
breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of our ~ 

Fol. 324. happy Nawab, and brought the good news, Verily we have 4 
granted thee a manifest victory3 And Victory the beautiful 
woman (shahid) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was” 
embellished by God will aid you with a mighty aids bestowed 1 

on us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and — 
made it a reality. The absurd (4é@¢2/) Hindiis, knowing their 
position perilous, dspersed like carded wool before the wind, and — 
like moths scattered abroad. Many fell dead on the field of battle; 
others, desisting from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and 

Earth’s seven climes one rose to Heaven in dust, thus giving Heaven eight. The - 
verse is from Firdausi’s Shah-nadma, [Turner- Macan’ s ed. i, 222]. The translation 
of it is Warner’s, [ii, 15 and n.]. I am indebted for the information given in this — 
note to my husband’s long search in the Shah-namda. 

* Qoran, cap. 3, v. 133. 

2 Qoran, cap. 61, v. 13. 

3 Qoran, cap. 48, v. I. 

4 Qoran, cap. 48, v. 3. 


933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 573 

became the food of crows and kites. Mounds were made of 
the bodies of the slain, pillars of their heads. 

(7. Hindi chiefs killed in the battle.) 

Hasan Khan of Miwat was enrolled in the list of the dead by 
the force of a matchlock (zard-z-tufak) ; most of those headstrong 
chiefs of tribes were slain likewise, and ended their days by 
arrow and matchlock (tir u tufak). Of their number was Rawal 
Udi Singh of Bagar,! ruler (wa/z) of the Dungarpir country, who 
had 12,000 horse, Rai Chandraban Chihan who had 4,000 horse, 
Bhipat Rao son of that Salahu’d-din already mentioned, who 
was lord of Chandiri and had 6,000 horse, Manik-chand Chihan 
and Dilpat Rao who had each 4,000 horse, Kanki (or Gangii) 
and Karm Singh and Dankisi (?)? who had each 3,000 horse, and 
a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great 
command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these trod 
the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of 
perdition. The enemy’s country (daru’/-harb) was full, as Hell 
is full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit 
was gorged with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to 
the lord of Hell. In whatever direction one from the army of 
Islam hastened, he found everywhere a self-willed one dead ; 
whatever march the illustrious camp made in the wake of the 
fugitives, it found no foot-space without its prostrate foe. 

All the Hindis slain, abject (Aiwdar, var. z@r) and mean, 
By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants’ lords, 

Many hills of their bodies were seen, 

And from each hill a fount of running blood. 

Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks, 
Passed + they in flight to each wasté and hill. 

4a [see p. 572] farash. De Courteille, reading firash, translates this metaphor by 
comme un lit lorsqwil est défatt. Herefers to Qoran, cap. 101, v.3. A_ better 
metaphor for the breaking up of an army than that of moths scattering, one allowed 
by the word farash, but possibly not by Muhammad, is vanished like bubbles on wine. 

* Bagar isan old name for Dungarpiir and Banswara[G. of Z. vi, 408 s.2. Banswara]. 

* stc, Hai. MS. and may be so read in I.O. 217 f.2206; Erskine writes Bikersi 
(p. 367) and notes the variant Nagersi; Ilminsky (p. 421) N:krsi; de Courteille 
(ii, 307) Niguersi. 

3 Cf. f. 3184, and note, where it is seen that the stones which killed the lords of the 
Elephants were so small as to be carried in the bill of a bird like a swallow. Were 
such stones used in matchlocks in Babur’s day ? 

4 guzaran, var. gurazdn, caused to flee and hogs (Erskine notes the double- 


Fol. 324d. 


They turn their backs. The command of God is to be 
performed. Now praise be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, 
for victory is from God alone, the Mighty, the Wise.t Written ; 
Jumada II. 25th 933 (AH.—March 29th 1527 A.D.).? 


(a. Babur assumes the title of Ghazi.) 

After this success Ghazi (Victor in a Holy-war) was written 
amongst the royal titles. . 

* This passage, entered in some MSS. as if verse, is made up of Qoran, cap. 17, 
v. 49, cap. 33, v. 38, and cap. 3, v. 122. 

2 As the day of battle was Jumada II. 13th (March 16th), the Fath-xama was A 
ready and dated twelve days after that battle. It was started for Kabul on Rajab 9th — 
(April 11th). Something may be said here appropriately about the surmise contained 
in Dr. Ilminsky’s Preface and M. de Courteille’s note to M/émozves ii, 443 and 450, to 
the effect that Babur wrote a plain account of the battle of Kanwa and for this in his 
narrative substituted Shaikh Zain’s Fath-nadma, and that the plain account has been ~ 
preserved in Kehr’s Babur-ndma volume [whence Ilminsky reproduced it, it was — 
translated by M. de Courteille and became known asa ‘‘ Fragment” of Baburiana]. 
Almost certainly both scholars would have judged adversely of their suggestion by — 
the light of to-day’s easier research. The following considerations making against its 
value, may be set down :— 

(1) There is no sign that Babur ever wrote a plain account of the battle or any ~ 
account of it. There is against his doing so his statement that he inserts Shaikh ~ 
Zain’s Fath-nadma because it gives particulars. If he had written any account, it would — 
be found preceding the Aath-ndma, as his account of his renunciation of wine precedes — 
Shaikh Zain’s Harman announcing the act. 2 

(2) Moreover, the ‘‘ Fragment” cannot be described as a plain account such as 
would harmonize with Babur’s style ; it is in truth highly rhetorical, though less SO 

as Shaikh Zain’s. ; 

(3) The ‘‘ Fragment” begins with a quotation from the Babur-nama (f.3106 and n. ), ; 
skips a good deal of Babur’s matter preliminary to the battle, and passes on with what 
there can be no doubt is a translation in inferior Turki of the 444ar-naéma account. 

(4) The whole of the extra matter is seen to be continuous and not fragmentary, — 
if it is collated with the chapter in which Abii’l-fazl describes the battle, its sequel of 
events, the death, character, attainments, and Court of Babur. Down to the death, — 
it is changed to the first person so as to make Babur seem to write it. The probable 
concocter of it is Jahangir. : 

(5) If the Fragment were Babur’s composition, where was it when ‘Abdu-r-rahim — 
translated the Baéur-nama in 998 AH.-1590 AD. ; where too did Abi’l-fazl find it to 
reproduce in the Akbar-nama? ’ 

(6) The source of Abi’1-fazl’s information seems without doubt to be Babur’s own 
narrative and Shaikh Zain’s Hath-ndma. There are many significant resemblances — 
between the two rhetoricians’ metaphors and details selected. 

(7) A good deal might be said of the dissimilarities between Babur’s diction and that — 
of the ‘‘ Fragment”. But this is needless in face of the larger and more circumstantial - 
objections already mentioned. 

(For a fuller account of the ‘‘ Fragment” see JRAS. Jan. 1906 pp. 81, $5 and 
1908 p.75 ff.) f 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27rH 1527 AD. 575 

Below the titles (¢ag/ra)* entered on the Fath-nama, | wrote 
the following quatrain :—? 

For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds, 
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindis, 
Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death. 
Thanks be to God! a ghdzi I became. 

(6. Chronograms of the victory.) 

Shaikh Zain had found (té@ib aidz) the words Fath-7-padshah- 
2-2slam 3 (Victory of the Padshah of the Faith) to be a chronogram 
of the victory. Mir Gesi, one of the people come from Kabul, 
had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had 
composed them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was 
a coincidence that Shaikh Zain and Mir Gest should bring 
forward precisely the same words in the quatrains they composed 

to embellish their discoveries. Once before when Shaikh Zain 
found the date of the victory at Dibalpir in the words Wasat- 
t-shahr Rabi‘u'l-awwal5 (Middle of the month Rabi‘ I.), Mir 
Gest had found it in the very same words. 

(a. After the victory.) 

The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after 
another. The Pagan’s encirclement® may have been 2 kurohs 

* Tughra means an imperial signature also, but would Babur sign Shaikh Zain’s 
fath-i-ndma? His autograph verse at the end of the Rampur Diwan has his signature 
following it. He is likely to have signed this verse. Cf. App. Q. [Erskine notes 
that titles were written on the back of despatches, an unlikely place for the quatrain, 
one surmises. | ‘ 

? This is in the Rampur diwan (E.D.R. Plate 17). Dr. E. Denison Ross points 
out (p.17 n.) that in the 2nd line the Hai. Codex varies from the Diwau. The MS. 
is wrong ; it contains many inaccuracies in the latter part of the Hindistan section, 
perhaps due to a change of scribe. 

3 These words by aéjad yield 933. From Babur’s use of the pluperfect tense, 
I think it may be inferred that (my) Sections a and 4 are an attachment to the Fa/h- 
nama, entered with it at a somewhat later date. 

4 My translation of this puzzling sentence is tentative only. 

5 This statement shews that the Dibalpir affair occurred in one of the B.N. gaps, 
and in930AH. The words make 330 by aéjad. It may be noted here that on 
f.3126 and notes there are remarks concerning whether Babur’s remission of the 
tamgha was contingent on his winning at Kanwa. If the remission had been delayed 
until his victory was won, it would have found fitting mention with the other sequels 
of victory chronicled above ; as it is not with these sequels, it may be accepted as an 
absolute remission, proclaimed before the fight. The point was a little uncertain 
owing to the seemingly somewhat deferred insertion in Babur’s narrative of Shaikh 
Zain’s Farman. 

° d@ira, presumably a defended circle. As the word aarda [bracketed in the 
text] shows, Babur used it both for his own and for Sanga’s camps. 

Fol. 325. 

Fol. 3254. 


from our camp (ard); when we reached his camp (am#rda), — 
we sent Muhammadi, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, ‘Ali Khan and some others 
in pursuit of him. There was a little slackness;* I ought to — 
have gone myself, and not have left the matter to what 
I expected from other people. When I had gone as much as — 
a kuroh (2 m.) beyond the Pagan’s camp, I turned back because — 
it was late in the wth, I came to our camp at the Bed-time — 
Prayer. p 

With what ill-omened words Muhammad Sharif the astrologer — 
had fretted me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! — 
I emptied my inwards? in abuse of him, but, spite of his being — 
heathenish, ill-omened of speech, extremely self-satisfied, and — 
a most disagreeable person, I bestowed a /ak upon him because — 
there had been deserving service from him in former times, and, 4 
after saying he was not to stay in my dominions, I gave him ~ 
leave to go. ‘4 

(6. Suppression of a rebellion.) 

(March 17th) We remained next day (/umada IT. rath) on 
that same ground. Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang and Shaikh — 
Giran and ‘Abdu’l-malik 3 the armourer: were sent off with — 
a dense (ga@/in) army against Ilias Khan who, having rebelled in — 
Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kal © 
(Koel) and made Kichik ‘Ali prisoner He could not fights 
when they came up; his force scattered in all directions ; he | 
himself was taken a few days later and brought into Agra where 
I had him flayed alive. 4 

(c. A trophy of victory.) 

An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the 
infant-hill (koh-bacha) between which and our camp the battle © 
had been fought. 

* Hence the Rana escaped. He died in this year, not without suspicion of poison. — 

: aichimni khali gildim, a seeming equivalent for English, ‘‘I poured out my ~ 
spleen.” s 
"3 var. malik as e.g. in I.O. 217 f.2254, and also elsewhere in the Babur-nama. 
4 On f. 315 the acts attributed to Ilias Khan are said to have been done by , 

a ‘*mannikin called Rustam Khan”. Neither name appears elsewhere in the B.N. 3 1 
the hero’s name seems a sarcasm on ‘the small man. 4 

. 933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 Tro SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 577 
(da. Biana visited.) 
(March 20th) Marching on from that ground, and after halting 

on two nights, we reached Biana (Sunday, Jumada IT. 17th). 


Countless numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates * who 
had fallen in their flight, lay on the road as far as Biana, indeed 
as far as Alir and Miwat.? 

(e. Discussion of plans.) 

On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amirs and the 
amirs of Hind to a consultation about moving into the Pagan 
(Sanga)’s country ; the plan was given up because of the little 
water and much heat on the road. 

(f, Miwat.) 

Near Dihli lies the Miwat country which yields revenue of 
3 or 4 krirs3 Hasan Khan Mzwati+ and his ancestors one 
after another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred 
years or two. They must have made5 imperfect submission to 
the Dihli Sultans ; the Sultans of Hind,° whether because their 
own dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was 
narrow, or because of the Miwat hill-country,7 did not turn 
in the Miwat direction, did not establish order in it, but just 

* Babur so-calls both Hasan and his followers, presumably because they followed 

their race sympathies, as of Rajpit origin, and fought against co-religionists. Though 

Hasan’s subjects, Meos, were nominally Muhammadans, it appears that they practised 
some Hindu customs. For an account of Miwat, see Gazetteer of Ulwur (Alwar, 
Alar) by Major P. W. Powlett. : 

? Alwar being in Miwat, Babur may mean that bodies were found beyond that 
ce in the main portion of the Miwat country which lies north of Alwar towards 


3 Major Powlett speaking (p.9) of the revenue Miwat paid to Babur, quotes Thomas 
as saying that the coins stated in Babur’s Revenue Accounts, vzz. 169,81,000 ¢ankas 
were probably Sikandari ¢azas, or Rs. 8,490, 50. 

4 This word appears to have been restricted in its use to the Khan-zadas of the ruling 
house in Miwat, and was not used for their subjects, the Meos (Powlett /.c. Cap. I.). 
The uses of ‘‘ Miwati” and ‘‘Meo” suggest something analogous with those of 
*“Chaghatai” and ‘‘Mughil” in Babur’s time. The resemblance includes mutual 
dislike and distrust (Powlett Zc.). 

5 gilirlar aikin dur. This presumptive past tense is frequently used by the cautious 
Babur. I quote it here and in a few places near-following because it supports Shaw’s 
statement that in it the use of aikan (ikdn) reduces the positive affirmation of the 
perfect to presumption or rumour. With this statement all grammarians are not 
agreed ; it is fully supported by the Babur-nama. 

® Contrast here is suggested between Sultans of Dihli & Hind; is it between the 
greater Turks with whom Babur classes himself immediately below as a conqueror 
of Hind, and the Lidi Sultans of Dibli? 

7 The strength of the Tijara hills towards Dihli is historical (Powlett /.c. p. 132). 

Fol. 326. 

Fol. 3268. 


put up with this amount of (imperfect) submission. For our 
own part, we did after the fashion of earlier Sultans; having 
conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Hasan Khan, but that — 
thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness 
and benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but 
became the mover of all disturbance and the cause of all — 
When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan 
(against Rana Sanga), we moved to subdue Miwat. Having 
made 4 night-halts on the way, we dismounted on the bank 
of the Manas-ni' 6 £urohs (12 m.) from Alir, the present seat 
of government in Miwat. Hasan Khan and his forefathers must 
have had their seat? in Tijara, but when I turned towards 
Hindistan, beat Pahar (or Bihar) Khan and took Lahor and 
Dibalpir (930AH.-1524AD.), he bethought himself betimes and 
busied himself for a residence (‘zdrat) in Fort Alitir (Alwar). 
His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from 
him to me in Agra when his son (Nahar ze. Tiger) was with me | 
there,3 came now from that son’s presence in Alir and asked © 
for peace. ‘Abdu’r-rahim shaghawal went with him to Alir, — 
conveying letters of royal favour, and returned bringing Nahar — 
Khan who was restored to favour and received parganas worth © 
several /aks for his support. 

(g. Rewards to officers.) 

Thinking, “What good work Khusrau did in the battle!” — 
I named him for Aliir and gave him 50 /aks for his support, — 
but unluckily for himself, he put on airs and did not accept 
this. Later on it [khwud, itself] came to be known that — 
Chin-timtir must have done4 that work; guerdon was made 
him for his renown (?);5 Tijara-town, the seat of government q 

* This is one of the names of the principal river which flows eastwards to the south 
of Alwar town ; other names are Barah and Riparel. Powlett notes that it appears” — 
in Thorn’s Map of the battle of Laswarree (1803 AD.), which he reproduces on p. 146. — 
But it is still current in Gurgaon, with also a variant Manas-le, man-killer (G. of 
Gurgaon 1910 AD. ivA, p.6). . 

? aultirurlar aikin dar, the presumptive past tense. 

3 f, 308, 

4 gilehan aikan dir, the presumptive past tense. q 

5 Sultan atigha juldu balub ; Pers. trs. J/uldi ba nim-i Sultan shud. The juldit — 
guerdon seems to be apart from the fief and allowance. q 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 579 

in Miwat, was bestowed on him together with an allowance 
of 50 /aks for his support. 

Alir and an allowance of 15 /aks was bestowed on Tardika 
(or, Tardi yakka) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand 
(guZ) had done better than the rest. The contents of the Alir 
treasury were bestowed on Humayin. 

(h. Alwar visited.) 

(April 13th) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 
Ist of the month of Rajab, we came to within 2 kurohs (4 m.) of 
Alir. I went to see the fort, there spent the night, and next 
day went back to camp. 

(z. Leave given to various followers.) 

When the oath before-mentioned' was given to great and 
small before the Holy-battle with Rana Sanga, it had been 
mentioned? that there would be nothing to hinder leave after 
this victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing 
to go away (from Hindistan). Most of Humayiin’s men were 
from Badakhshan or elsewhere on that side (of Hindi-kish); 
they had never before been of an army led out for even a month 
or two; there had been weakness amongst them before the 
fight ; on these accounts and also because Kabul was empty of 
troops, it was now decided to give Humayiin leave for Kabul. 

(April 11th) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from 
Alir on Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 kurohs (8-10 m.) 
and dismounted on the bank of the Manas-water. 

Mahdi Khwaja also had many discomforts ; he too was given 
leave for Kabul. The military-collectorate of Biana [he held] 
was bestowed on Dost Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously 
Etawa had been named for Mahdi Khwaja,3 Mahdi Khwaja’s 
son Ja‘far Khwaja was sent there in his father’s place when 
(later) Qutb Khan abandoned it and went off.4 

SE 31S: 

* Babur does not record this detail (f. 315). 

3 f.2984 and f.3284. Ja‘far is mentioned as Mahdi’s son by Gul-badan and in the 
Habibwu' s-siyar iii, 311, 312. 

4 f. 3884. 

Fol. 327. 

Fol. 3274. 


(7. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory.) ; ‘od 
Because of the leave given to Humayin, two or three days 

were spent on this ground. From it Mimin-i-‘ali the messenger 

(tawachi) was sent off for Kabul with the Hath-nama.) 

(&. Excursions and return to Agra.) | 

Praise had been heard of the Firiizpir-spring and of the 
great lake of Kitila.* Leaving the camp on that same ground, 
I rode out on Sunday (Rajab 12th-April 14th) both to visit 
these places and to set Humayiin on his way. After visiting 
Firiizpir and its spring on that same day, ma’7iim was eaten. 
In the valley where the spring rises, oleanders (Aanir) were 
in bloom ; the place is not without charm but is over-praised. 
I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone, 10 by 10? to be made 
where the water widened, spent the night in that valley, next — 
day rode on and visited the Kitila lake. It is surrounded by | 

mountain-skirts. The Manas-ni is heard-say to go into it. q 

It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is not 
well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides” 
are many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living 
near it are said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. 
Even on our arrival a few people went in them to the middle of 
the lake. 

On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humayiin’s 
camp. There we rested and ate food, and after having put 

robes of honour on him and his begs, bade him farewell at | 
the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept for a little at some — 

place on the road, at shoot of day passed through the pargana 
of Khari, again slept a little, and at length got to our camp 

* The town of Firizpir is commonly known as Firizpir-jhirka (Firizpir of the 
spring), from a small perennial stream which issues from a number of fissures in the 
rocks bordering the road through a pass in the Miwat hills which leads from the town 
vid Tijara to Rewari (G. of Gurgaon, p.249). In Abi’l-fazl’s day there was a Hinda 
shrine of Mahadeo near the spring, which is still a place of annual pilgrimage. The 
Kitila lake is called Kotla-jhz/ in the G. of G. (p.7). It extends now 3m. by 24 m. 
varying in size with the season ; in Abii’l-fazl’s day it was 4 4os(8m.) round. It lies 

partly in the district of Nah, partly in Gurgaon, where the two tracts join at the foot __ ) 

of the Alwar hills. 

* This is the frequently mentioned size for reservoirs ; the measure here is probably 
the gari, cir. a yard. 
_3 Babur does not state it as a fact known to himself that the Manas-ni falls into the 
Kitila lake ; it did so formerly, but now does not, tradition assigning a cause for the 
change (G. of G. p.6).. He uses the hear-say tense, hiradr aimish. 

— ~ 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 581 

which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).t After leaving Toda, 

we dismounted at Sinkar; there Hasan Khan Miwdafi’s son 

Nahar Khan escaped from ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s charge. 

Going on from that place, we halted one night, then 
dismounted at a spring situated on the bill of a mountain 
between Busawar and Chausa? (or Jiisa); there awnings were 
set up and we committed the sin of ma’juim. When the army 
had passed by this spring, Tardi Beg £Aaksar had praised it ; he 
(or we) had come and seen it from on horse-back (sar-asbg7z) 
and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In Hindistan where 
there are never running-waters,3 people seek out the springs 
themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing 
drop by drop (dd-z¢h) out of the ground, not bubbling up 
like springs of those lands.4 From this spring comes about 
a half-mill-water. It bubbles up on the hill-skirt ; meadows 
lie round it; it is very beautiful. I ordered an octagonal 
reservoir of hewn stone made above5 it. While we were at the 
border of the spring, under the soothing influence of ma’jun, 
Tardi Beg, contending for its surpassing beauty, said again and 
again, (Perszan) “Since I am celebrating the beauty of the 
place,° a name ought to be settled for it”. ‘Abdu’l-lah said, “ It 
must be called the Royal-spring approved of by Tardi Beg.” 
This saying caused much joke and laughter. 

Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Biana, waited on me 
at this spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Biana again, 
went on to Sikri, dismounted there at the side of a garden which 
had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden, 
and on Thursday the 23rd of Rajab (Aprz/ 25th), reached Agra. 
(1. Chandwar and Rapri regained.) 

During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,’ 
had possessed themselves of Chandwar® and Rapri. Against 

* Khari and Toda were in Akbar’s sarkdr of Rantambhor. iy 
ys Bhosawar is in Bhurtpiir, and Chausa (or Jisa) may be the Chausath of the Ayin- 
t-akbari, ii, 183. 

3 As has been noted frequently, this phrase stands for artificial water-courses. 
a ad Trans-Hindi-kush lands ; presumably also those of Trans-Indus, Kabul 
in chief. 

5 austi ; perhaps the reservoir was so built as to contain the bubbling spring. 

© Chin j@i khwush harda am. 

7 £.315. ‘ 

® var. Janwar (Jarrett). It is 25 m. east of Agra on the Muttra—Etawa road (G. of /.). 

Fol. 328. 

Fol. 3286. 

Fol. 329. 


those places we now sent Muhammad ‘Ali Jang-jang, Qij Beg’s 

(brother) Tardi Beg, ‘Abdu’l-malik the armourer, and Hasan i 

Khan with his Darya-khanis. When they were near Chandwar, 
Qutb Khan’s people in it got out and away. Our men laid hands 
on it,and passed on to Rapri. Here Husain Khan Vuhani's 
people came to the lane-end * thinking to fight a little, could not 
stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Husain Khan 
himself with a few followers went into the Jin-river (Jumna) 
on an elephant and was drowned. Qutb Khan, for his part, 
abandoned Etawa on hearing these news, fled with a few and 
got away. Etawa having been named for Mahdi Khwaja, his 
son Ja‘far Khwaja was sent there in his place.” 

(m. Apportionment of fiefs.) 

When Rana Sanga sallied out against us, most Hindistanis 

and Afghans, as has been mentioned,3 turned round against us 
and took possession of their parganas and districts.* 

Sl. Muhammad Di/dai who had abandoned Qanij and come 
to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or 
for his reputation’s sake ; he therefore exchanged the 30 /aks 
of Qanij for the 15 of Sihrind, and Qanij was bestowed with 
an allowance of 30 /aks on Muhammad Sl. Mirza. Badaiin 5 
was given to Qasim-i-husain Sultan and he was sent against 

Biban who had laid siege to Luknir ° during the disturbance with _ dl 
Rana Sanga, together with Muhammad Sl. Mirza, and, of Turk 
amirs, Baba Qashqa’s Malik Qasim with his elder and younger 

brethren and his Mughils, and Abi’l-muhammad the lance- 
player, and Mu‘yad with his father’s Darya-khanis and those of 
Husain Khan Darya-khdani and the retainers of Sl. Muhammad 
Dildai, and again, of amirs of Hind, ‘Ali Khan Farmalzand Malik 
Dad Kararani and Shaikh Muhammad of Shaikh Bhakhari (?) 
and Tatar Khan Khan-i-jahan. 

hiicha-band, perhaps a barricade at the limit of a suburban lane. 
: ph has been mentioned already (f. 327). 
. 315. 
* z.e. those professedly held for Babur. 
: Or, according to local pronunciation, Badayin. 
This is the old name of Shahabad in Rampir (G. of Z. xxii, 197). The 4.-2-A. 
locates itin Sambal. Cf. E. and D.’s History of India, iv, 384 n. and v. 215 n. 


Seen ey 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 To SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 583 

At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges), 
Biban, hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our 
army followed him to Khairabad,* stayed there a few days and 
then turned back. 

(n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains.) 

After the treasure had been shared out,? Rana Sanga’s great 
affair intervened before districts and parganas were apportioned. 
During the respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan 
(Sanga), this apportionment was made. As the Rains were near, 
it was settled for every-one to go to his pargana, get equipment 
ready, and be present when the Rains were over. 

(0. Misconduct of Humayin.) 

Meantime news came that Humayiin had gone into Dihli, 
there opened several treasure-houses and, without permission, 
taken possession of their contents. I had never looked for 
such a thing from him ; it grieved me very much ; I wrote and 
sent off to him very severe reproaches.3 

(~. An embassy to ‘Traq.) 

Khwajagi Asad who had already gone as envoy to ‘Iraq and 
returned with Sulaiman 7urkman,* was again joined with him 
and on the 15th of Sha‘ban (Vay 17th) sent with befitting gifts 
to Shah-zada Tahmasp. 

(9. Tardi Beg khaksadr resigns service.) 

I had brought Tardi Beg out from the darwish-life and made 
a soldier of him ; for how many years had he served me! Now 
his desire for the darwish-life was overmastering and he asked 
for leave. It was given and he was sent as an envoy to Kamran 
conveying 3 /aks from the Treasury for him.5 

* Perhaps the one in Sitapiir. 

2 £.3058. 

3 As the Elphinstone Codex which is the treasure-house of Hum§ayin’s notes, has 
a long /acuna into which this episode falls, it is not known if the culprit entered 
in his copy of the Babur-namaa marginal excuse for his misconduct (cf. f.252 and n.); 
een was likely to be that he knew he would be forgiven by his clement father. 

. 3050. 

5 Kamran would bein Qandahar. Erskine notes that the sum sent to him would 

be about 4750, but that if the coins were ripis, it would be £430,000. 

Fol. 3298. 

Fol. 330. 


(r. Lines addressed to deserting friends.) ie 

A little fragment! had been composed suiting the state of 
those who had gone away during the past year ; I now addressec ; 
it to Mulla ‘Ali Khan and sent it to him by Tardi Beg. It i 
as follows :—? 

Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind, 
Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain, 

With longing desire for Kabul’s fine air, 

You went hot-foot forth out of Hind. 

The pleasure you looked for you will have found there 
With sociable ease and charm and delight ; 
As for us, God be thanked ! we still are alive, 

In spite of much pain and unending distress ; 
Pleasures of sense and bodily toil 

Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us. 

(s. Of the Ramzan Feast.) 

Ramzan was spent this year with ablution and Zavawzh3 in 
the Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my 11th year I had not 
kept the Ramzan Feast for two successive years in the same 
place; last year I had kept it in Agra; this year, saying, “Don’t 
break the rule!” I went on the last day of the month to keep 
it in Sikri. Tents were set up on a stone platform made on 
the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now being laid 
out at Sikri, and in them the Feast was held.4 

(¢. Playing cards.) 

The night we left Agra Mir ‘Ali the armourer was sent to + 
Shah Hasan (Arghin) in Tatta to take him playing-cards 
[ganjifa| he much liked and had asked for.5 E 

* gita‘, for account of which form of poem see Blochmann’s translations of Saifi’s 
and Jami’s Prosody, p.86, 

* Rampir Diwan (E. D. Ross’ ed. p.16 and Plate 14a). I am uncertain as to 
the meaning of ll.4 and 10. I am not sure that what in most MSS. ends line 4, v2. 
ail dam, should not be read as a#/am, death ; this is allowed by Plate 14a where for 
space the word is divided and may be ai/iim. To read aa/imand that the deserters 
fled from the death in Hind they were anxious about, has an answering phrase in ‘*we 
still are alive”. Ll. 9 and 10 perhaps mean that in the things named all have done 
alike. [Ilminsky reads khair nafsi for the elsewhere hazz-nafsi. | 

_3 These are 20 attitudes (ra4‘ah) assumed in prayer during Ramzan after the Bed- 
weet ng The ablution (ghus/) is the bathing of the whole body for ceremonial 

* This Feast is the ‘Id-i-fitr, held at the breaking of the Ramzan Fast on the 
Ist of Shawwal. s 

5 Erskine notes that this is the earliest mention of playing-cards he can recall in 
oriental literature. 

933 AH.—OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD. 585 

(u. Iliness and a tour.) 

(August 3rd) On Sunday the 5th of Zi’l-qa‘da I fell ill; the 
illness lasted 17 days. 

(August 24th) On Friday the 24th of the same month we 
set out to visit Dilpir. That night I slept at a place half-way ; 
reached Sikandar’s dam‘ at dawn, and dismounted there. 

At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building- 
stone. I had Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter brought 
and gave him an order that if a house could be cut all in one 
piece in that rock, it was to be done, but that if the rock were 
too low for a residence (‘zmdarat), it was to be levelled and have 
a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of it. 

From Dilpir we went on to visit Bari. Next morning 
(August 26th) I rode out from Bari through the hills between 
it and the Chambal-river in order to view the river. This done 
I went back to Bari. In these hills we saw the ebony-tree, the 
fruit of which people call ¢2zd#. It is said that there are white 
ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in these hills are of 
this kind.2— On leaving Bari we went to Sikri; we reached 
Agra on the 29th of the same month (August 28th). 

(v. Doubts about Shaikh Bayazid Farmiili.) 

As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh 
Bayazid, Sl. Quli Zurk was sent to him to give him tryst3 in 
20 days. 

(w. Religious and metrical exercises.) 

(August 28th) On Friday the 2nd of Zi’l-hijja I began what 
one is made to read 41 times.+ 

In these same days I cut up [tagfz‘] the following couplet of 
mine into 504 measures 5 :— 

* £.3390. 

? The two varieties mentioned by Babur seem to be Dzospyrus melanoxylon, the 
wood of which is called ¢indu abnas in Hindustani, and D. tomentosa, Hindi, tindu 
(Brandis s.z2.). Bari is 19 m. west of Dilpir. 

3 mi‘ad, perhaps the time at which the Shaikh was to appear before Babur. 

4 The Pers. trs. makes the more definite statement that what had to be read 
was a Section of the Qoran (wzrd). This was done with remedial aim for the illness. 

5 As this statement needs comment, and as it is linked to matters mentioned in the 
Rampir Diwan, it seems better to remit remarks upon it to Appendix Q, Some 
matiers concerning the Rampur Diwan. 

Fol. 3304. 

Fol. 331. 


‘*Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her: ers 
Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair o 

On this account a treatise was arranged. 

(x. omen eo apn 

lasted nine days. 

(y. Start for Sambal.) : 
(Sep. 24th) On Thursday the 29th of Za hi | 
for an excursion-to Kil and Sambal. ah 
* yisala, See Appendix Q. : 

934 AH.—SEP. 277TH 1527 to SEP. 157 1528 AD. 

(a. Vistt to Kil (Aligarh) and Saméal.) 

(Sep. 27th) On Saturday the 1st of Muharram we dismounted 
in Kil (Koel). Humayin had left Darwish(-i-‘ali) and Yisuf-i- 
‘ali? in Sambal; they crossed one river,3 fought Qutb Sirwani4 
and a party of rajas, beat them well and killed a mass of men. 
They sent a few heads and an elephant into Kil while we were 
there. After we had gone about Kil for two days, we dismounted 

~ aft Shaikh Giran’s house by his invitation, where he entertained 
us hospitably and laid an offering before us. 

(Sep. 3oth—Muh. 4th) Riding on from that place, we dis- 
mounted at Aitrili (Atrauli).5 

(Oct. 1st-—Muh. 5th) On Wednesday we crossed the river 
Gang (Ganges) and spent the night in villages of Sambal. 

(Oct. 2nd—Muh. 6th) On Thursday we dismounted in Sambal. 
After going about in it for two days, we left on Saturday. 

(Oct. 5th—Muh. 9th) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara® 

* Elph. MS. /acuna ; 1.0. 215 lacuna and 217 f.229; Mems. p.373. This year’s 
narrative resumes the diary form. 

? There is some uncertainty about these names and also as to which adversary 
crossed the river. The sentence which, I think, shews, by its plural verb, that 
Humayin left two men and, by its co-ordinate participles, that it was they crossed 
the river, is as follows :—(Darwish and Yisuf, understood) Qutb Sirwani-ni u bir 
para rijalar-ni bir darya aitib atiriishib yakshi basib térlar. Autib, aurishidb 
and éasié are grammatically referable to the same subject, [whatever was the fact 
about the crossing]. 

3 bir darya; W.-i-B. 217 f.229, yak daryd, one river, but many MSS. har daryd, 
every river. If it did not seem pretty certain that the rebels were not in the Miyan- 
dii-ab one would surmise the river to be “‘ one river” of the two enclosing the tract 
“between the waters”, and that one to be the Ganges. It may be one near 
Sambhal, east of the Ganges. 

4 var. Shirwani. The place giving the cognomen may be Sarw§n, a ¢hakurdt of 
the Malwa Agency (G. of /.). Qutb of Sirwan may be the Qutb Khan of earlier 
mention without the cognomen. 

5 n.w. of Aligarh (Kal). It may be noted here, where instances begin to be 
frequent, that my translation ‘‘ we marched” is an evasion of the Turki impersonal 
““it was marched”. Most rarely does Babur write ‘‘we marched”, never, 
**T marched.” 

i rj the Aligarh (Kil) district ; it is the Sikandara Rao of the 4.-z-A. and the 
- FI. 

Fol. 3314. 

588 Biot s 

us. When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to_ lie 
the rest, and galloped on alone to within a kuroh of Agra where © 
they overtook me. At the Mid-day Prayer we dismodpiaetn in a 


(6. Illness of Babur.) } 

(Oct. 12th) On Sunday the 16th of Muharram I had fever and : 
ague. This returned again and again during the next 25 or 
26 days. I drank operative medicine and at last relief came. Bb 
I suffered much from thirst and want of sleep. ae” 

While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two ; here is one a 
of them :—* i 

Fever grows strong in my body by day, 
Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on ; 
Like to my pain and my patience the pair, 
For while that goes waxing, this wanes. 

(c. Arrival of kinswomen.) 

(Nov. 23rd} On Saturday the 28th of Safar there arrived two i 
of the paternal-aunt begims, Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija- _ 
sultan Begim.? I went to above Sikandarabad to wait on them.3 — 4 

(a. Concerning a mortar.) " 
(Nov. 24th—Safar 29th) On Sunday Ustad ‘Ali-quli dis- i 
charged a stone from a large mortar ; the stone went far but the - | 

mortar broke in pieces, one of which, no down a pa 
of men, killed eight. 

(e. Vistt to Sikri.) 

(Dec. rst) On Monday the 7th of the frst Rabi‘ I rode out to 
visit Sikri. The octagonal platform ordered made in the wile 
of the lake was ready ; we went over by boat, had an awning 
set up on it and elected for ma’jin. 

* Rampir Diwan (E.1).Ross’ ed., p.19, Plate 164). This Diwan contains othent] M 
bee which, peng cry their contents, may well be those Babur speak is 
aiso compo in Sambal S = 
Riadie Diode ee Appendix Q, Some matters concerning = 
* These are aunts of Babur, daughters of Sl. Abi-sa‘id Miran-shahi. ) 
3 Sikandarabad is in the Buland-shahr district of the United Provinces. 

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 589 

(f. Holy-war against Chandiri.) 

(Dec. 9th) After returning from Sikri we started on Monday 
night the 14th of the first Rabi‘? with the intention of making 
Holy-war against Chandiri, did as much as 3 kurohs (6m.) and 
dismounted in Jalisir.2 After staying there two days for people 
to equip and array, we marched on Thursday (Dec. 12¢h— 
Rabi‘ [. 17th) and dismounted at Anwar. I left Anwar by boat, 
and disembarked beyond Chandwar.3 

(Dec. 23rd) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at 
the Kanar-passage + on Monday the 28th. 

(Dec. 26th) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabi‘ I crossed 
the river ; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other 
before the army got across. On those days we went more than 
once on board a boat and ate ma’jzn. The junction of the river 
Chambal is between one and two kurohs (2+4 m.) above the 
Kanar-passage ; on Friday I went into a boat on the Chambal, 
passed the junction and so to camp: 

(g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bayazid Farmiiz.) 

Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bayazid’s 
hostility, yet his misconduct and action made it certain that he 
had hostile intentions. On account of this Muhammad ‘Ali 
Jangyang was detached from the army and sent to bring 
together from Qanijj Muhammad Sl. Mirza and the sultans and 
amirs of that neighbourhood, such as Qasim-i-husain Sultan, 
Bi-khib (or, Ni-khib) Sultan, Malik Qasim, Kiki, Abi’l- 
“muhammad the lancer, and Minichihr Khan with his elder 
and younger brethren and Darya-khanis, so that they might 
move against the hostile Afghans. They were to invite Shaikh 
Bayazid to go with them ; if he came frankly, they were to take 
him along; if not, were to drive him off. Muhammad ‘Ali 

* It is not clear whether Babur returned from Sikri on the day he started for 
Jalisir ; no question of distance would prevent him from making the two journeys 
on the Monday. 

? As this was the rendezvous for the army, it would be convenient if it lay between 
Agra and Anwar; as it was 6m. from Agra, the only mapped place having 
approximately the name Jalisir, vz. Jalesar, in Etah, seems too far away. 

3 Anwar would be suitably the Unwara of the Indian A tlas, which is on the first 
important southward dip of the Jumna below Agra. Chandwar is 25 m. east of Agra, 
on the Muttra-Etawah road (G. of /.); Jarrett notes that Tiefenthaler identifies it 
with Firizabad (4.-z-A. ii, 183 n.). 

4 In the district of Kalpi. The name does not appear in maps I have seen. 


Fol. 332. 

Fol. 3324. 


asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had 
leave to set off, Baba Chuhra (the Brave) was sent toand ordered 
to join him. ‘ai 
(h. Incidents of the journey to Chandiri.) 
From Kanar one kuroh (2 m.) was done by boat. “4 
(Jan. 1st 1528 AD.) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter 
Rabi‘ we dismounted within a kuroh of Kalpi. Baba Sl came 
to wait on me in this camp; he is a son of Khalil Sl. who is 
a younger brother of the full-blood of Sl. Sa‘id Khan. Last ~ 
year he fled from his elder brother * but, repenting himself, went 
back from the Andar-ab border ; when he neared Kashghar, The _ 
Khan (Sa‘id) sent Haidar M. to meet him and take him back. 
(Jan. 2nd—Rabi' IT. 9th) Next day we dismounted at ‘Alam 
Khan’s house in Kalpi where he set Hindiistani food before us 
and made an offering. a 
(Jan. 6th) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched 
from Kalpi. ‘g 
(Jan. 10th—Rabi‘ IT. 17th) On Friday we dismounted at — 
Irij.? ; 
(Jan, 11th) On Saturday we dismounted at Bandir.3 | 
(Jan. 12th) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chin-timir Sl. 
was put at the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against — 
Chandiri. With him went the begs Baqi ming-bashi (head of — 
a thousand), Qij Beg’s (brother) Tardi Beg, ‘Ashiq the taster, — 
Mulla Apaq, Muhsin + Di/dai and, of the Hindiistani begs,Shaikh 
Giran. he 
(Jan 17th) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted . 
near Kachwa. After encouraging its people, it was bestowed — \ 
on the son of Badru’d-din.5 i 
Kachwa® is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round ituéig 

* Agha, Anglicé, uncle. He was Sa‘id Khan of Kashghar. Haidar M. says Baba 
Sl. was a spoiled child and died without mending his ways. gg 
* From Kalpi Babur will have taken the road to the s.w. near which now runs 
the Cawnpur (Kanhpir) branch of the Indian Midland Railway, and he must have 
crossed the Betwa to reach Irij (Irich, /xdian Atlas, Sheet 69 N.W.). i 
3 Leaving Irij, Babur will have recrossed the Betwa and have left its valley togo 
west to Bandir (Bhander) on the Pahij (/ndian Atlas, Sheet 69 S.W.). i 
* beneficent, or Muhassan, comely, 

5’ The one man of this name mentioned in the BW. is an amir of Sl. Husain 
Béi-gara. | 
_° It seems safe to take Kachwa [Kajwa] as the Kajwarra of Ibn Batiita, and the © 
Kadwaha (Kadwaia) of the /ndian Atlas, Sheet 52 N.E. and of Luard’s Gazetteer 

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 591 

A dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east 
of it, and thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 kurohs (10-12 m.) 
round. Thislake encloses Kachwa on three sides ; on the north- 
west a space of ground is kept dry ;* here, therefore is its Gate. 
On the lake are a great many very small boats, able to hold 
3 or 4 persons ; in these the inhabitants go out on the lake, if 
they have to flee. There are two other lakes before Kachwa is 
reached, smaller than its own and, like that, made by throwing 
a dam across between hills. 

of Gwalior (i, 247), which is situated in 24° 58’ N. and 77°57’ E. Each of the three 
names is of a place standing on a lake ; Ibn Batiita’s lake was a league (4 m.) long, 
Babur’s about 11 miles round ; Luard mentions no lake, but the Zzdian Atlas marks 
one quite close to Kadwaha of such form as to seem to have a tongue of land jutting 
into it from the north-west, and thus suiting Babur’s description of the site of 
Kachwa. Again,—Ibn Batiita writes of Kajwarra as having, round its lake, idol- 
- temples ; Luard says of Kadwaha that it has four idol-temples standing and nine in 
ruins ; there may be hinted something special about Babur’s Kachwa by his remark 
that he encouraged its people, and this speciality may be interaction between 
Muhammadanism and Hindiism serving here for the purpose of identification. For 
Ibn Batiita writes of the people of Kajwarra that they were jogis, yellowed by 
asceticism, wearing their hair long and matted, and having Muhammadan followers 
who desired to learn their (occult ?) secrets. If the same interaction existed in 
Babur’s day, the Muhammadan following of the Hindi ascetics may well have been 
the special circumstance which led him to promise protection to those Hindiis, even 
when he was out for Holy-war. It has to be remembered of Chandiri, the nearest 
powerful neighbour of Kadwaha, that though Babur’s capture makes a vivid picture 
of Hindiiism in it, it had been under Muhammadan rulers down to a relatively short 
time before his conquest. The jogis of Kachwa could point to long-standing relations 
of tolerance by the Chandiri Governors ; this, with their Muhammadan following, 
explains the encouragement Babur gave them, and helps to identify Kachwa with 
Kajarra. It may be observed that Babur was familiar with the interaction of the two 
creeds, witness his ‘‘ apostates”, mostly Muhammadans following Hindi customs, 
witness too, for the persistent fact, the reports of District-officers under the British 
Raj. Again,—a further circumstance helping to identify Kajwarra, Kachwa and 
Kadwaha is that these are names of the last important station the traveller and the 
soldier, as well perhaps as the modern wayfarer, stays in before reaching Chandiri. 
The importance of Kajwarra is shewn by Ibn Batiita, and of Kadwaha by its being 
a mahal in Akbar’s sarkar of Bayawan of the s#da of Agra. Again,—Kadwaha is 
the place nearest to Chandiri about which Babur’s difficulties as to intermediate road 
and jungle would arise. That intermediate road takes off the main one a little south 
of Kadwaha and runs through what looks like a narrow valley and broken country 
down to Bhamor, Bhuranpir and Chandiri. Again,—no bar to identification of the 
three names is placed by their differences of form, in consideration of the vicissitudes 
they have weathered in tongue, script, and transliteration. There is some ground, 
I believe, for surmising that their common source is faj#r, the date-fruit. [I am 
indebted to my husband for the help derived from Ibn Batiita, traced by him in 
Sanguinetti’s trs. iv, 33, and S. Lee’s trs. p. 162.] 

(Two places similar in name to Kachwa, and situated on Babur’s route wzz. Kocha 
near Jhansi, and Kuchoowa north of Kadwaha (Sheet 69 S. W.) are unsuitable for his 
**Kachwa”, the first because too near Bandir to suit his itinerary, the second 
because too far from the turn off the main-road mentioned above, because it has no 
lake, and has not the help in identification detailed above of Kadwaha. ) 

* gurighir which could mean also reserved (from the water ?). 

Fol. 333. 


(Jan. 18th) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint 
active overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and 
cut jungle down, so that the carts and mortar * might passalong 
it easily. Between Kachwa and Chandiri the country is jungly. 

(Jan. 19th—Rabi' IT. 26th) After leaving Kachwa we halted 
one night, passed the Burhanpir-water (Bhuranpir)? and dis- 
mounted within 3 urohs (6 m.) of Chandiri. 

(¢. Chandiri and tts capture.) i 

The citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill; below it are the 
town (shahr) and outer-fort (¢@sh-girghan), and below these is. 
the level road along which carts pass.3 When we left Burhanpir 
(Jan. roth) we marched for a kuroh below Chandiri for the — 
convenience of the carts.* a 

( Jan. 21st) After one night’s halt we dismounted beside Bahjat 
Khan’s tank 5 on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the 
month. ie 

(Jan. 22nd—Rabi‘ IT, 29th) Riding out at dawn, we assigned 
post after post (d#/jar, baljar),© round the walled town (giurghan) q 



eee: There seems to have been one only; how few Babur had is shewn again — 
on f, 337. -. 
* Indian Atlas, Sheet 52 N.E. neara tributary of the Betwa, the Or, which appears 
to be Babur’s Burhanpir-water. , 
3 The bed of the Betwa opposite Chandiri is 1050 ft. above the sea; the walled- 
town (g#rghdn) of Chandiri is on a table-land 250 ft. higher, and its citadel is 230ft. 
higher again (Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Report, 1871 A.D. ii, 404). al 
* The plan of Chandiri illustrating Cunningham’s Report (see last note) allows — 
surmise about the road taken by Babur, surmise which could become knowledge if 
the names of tanks he gives were still known. The courtesy of the Government of 
India allows me to reproduce that plan [Appendix R, Chandiri and Gwaliawar). 
5 He is said to have been Governor of Chandiri in 1513 AD. a 

° Here and in similar passages the word m:Yar or mlchar is found in MSS. 
where the meaning is that of T. daar. It is not in any dictionary I have seen; — 
Mr. Irvine found it ‘‘ obscure” and surmised it to mean ‘‘ approach by trenches”, — 
but this does not suit its uses in the Babur-nama of a military post, and a rendezvous. — 
This surmise, containing, as it does, a notion of protection, links m.:/ar in sens oo 
with Ar. malja’. The word needs expert consideration, in order to decide whether — 
it is to be received into dictionaries, or to be rejected because explicable as the — 
outcome of unfamiliarity in Persian scribes with T. daar or, more Persico with — 
narrowed vowels, di%#/jar. Shaw in his Vocabulary enters d%/jag (bu/7ar ?), “‘astation — 
for troops, a rendezvous, see malja’,” thus indicating, it would seem, that he was — 
aware of difficulty about m:/jar and biljag (baljar?). There appears no doubt of © 
the existence of a Turki word éa#/jar with the meanings Shaw gives to baljag ; it 
could well be formed from the root 4#/, being, whence follows, being in a place, 
posted, /a/ja has the meaning of a standing-place, as well as those of a refuge 
and an asylum; both meanings seem combined in the m:/ar of f.3364, where for 

matchlockmen a m:ljar was ordered “‘ rai ” wie, pat 
Moghuls p.278.) ed ‘‘raised”. (Cf. Irvine’s Army of the —- 

934 AH.—SEP. 271TH 1527 ro SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 593 

to centre, right, and left. Ustad ‘Ali-quli chose, for his stone 
-discharge, ground that had no fall* ; overseers and spadesmen 
were told off to raise a place (m-Yar) for the mortar to rest on, 
and the whole army was ordered to get ready appliances for 
taking a fort, mantelets, ladders? and . . . -mantelets (¢#ra).3 

Formerly Chandiri will have belonged to the Sultans of 
Mandai (Mandi). When Sl. Nasiru’d-din passed away,* one 
of his sons Sl. Mahmiid who is now holding Mandi, took 
possession of it and its neighbouring parts, and another son 
called Muhammad Shah laid hands on Chandiri and put it 
under Sl. Sikandar (Lddz)’s protection, who, in his turn, took 
Muhammad Shah’s side and sent him large forces. Muhammad 
Shah survived SI. Sikandar and died in SI. [brahim’s time, leaving 
a very young son called Ahmad Shah whom Sl. Ibrahim drove 
out and replaced by a man of hisown. At the time Rana Sanga 
led out an army against Sl. [brahim and Ibrahim’s begs turned 
against him at Dilptir, Chandiri fell into the Rana’s hands and 
by him was given to Medini [Mindni] Rao5 the greatly-trusted 
pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans. 

As it was understood there was friendship between Medini 

* yaghda ; Pers. trs. sar-dshib. Babur’s remark seems to show that for effect his 
mortar needed to be higher than its object. Presumably it stood on the table-land 
north of the citadel. 

2 shatu. It may be noted that this word, common in accounts of Babur’s sieges, 
may explain one our friend the late Mr. William Irvine left undecided (1c. p.278), 

viz. shatir. On p. 281 he states that xarduddn is the name of a scaling-ladder and 
that Babur mentions scaling ladders more than once. Babur mentions them however 
always as shdt#. Perhaps shd@¢ir which, as Mr. Irvine says, seems to be made of 
the trunks of trees and to be a siege appliance, is really sha¢# u.. . (ladder and 
- . -) as in the passage under note and on f.2164, some other name of an appliance 

3 The word here preceding ¢#ra has puzzled scribes and translators. I have seen 
the following variants in MSS. ;—z#&ri or titkri, b:khri or y:hri, bakri or yukri, 
bukrai or yukrai, in each of which the 4 may stand for g. Various suggestions 
might be made as to what the word is, but all involve reading the Persian enclitic 7 
(forming the adjective) instead of Turki %%. Two roots, zig and yg, afford plausible 
explanations of the unknown word ; appliances suiting the case and able to bear 
names formed from one or other of these roots are wheeled mantelet, and head-strike 
(P. sar-kob). That the word is difficult is shewn not only by the variants I have 
quoted, but by Erskine’s reading zaukari tira, ‘‘to serve the ¢aras,” a requisite not 
specified earlier by Babur, and by de Courteille’s paraphrase, Zout ce gui est nécessaire 
aux touras. 

4 SL > sopkchalions was the Khilji ruler of Malwa from 906 to 916 A.H. (1500- 
1510 AD.). 

5 He was a Rajpiit who had been prime-minister of Sl. Mahmiid II. KAiljz (son 
of Nasiru’d-din) and had rebelled. Babur (like some other writers) spells his name 
Mindni, perhaps as he heard it spoken. 

Fol. 3330. 

Fol. 334. 


Rao and Araish Khan, the latter was sent with Shaikh Giran 
to speak to Medini Rao with favour and kindness, and promise 
Shamsabad * in exchange for Chandiri. One or two of his 
trusted men got out (?).2 Noadjustment of matters was reached, 
it is not known whether because Medini Rao did not trust what 
was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion 
about the strength of the fort. - 

( Jan. 28th) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumada 
we marched from Bahjat Khan’s tank intending to assault 
Chandiri. We dismounted at the side of the middle-tank near 
the fort. 

(j7. Bad news.) | 

On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalifa 
brought a letter or two of which the purport was that the troops 
appointed for the East 3 had fought without consideration, been 
beaten, abandoned Laknau, and gone to Qanij. Seeing that 
Khalifa was much perturbed and alarmed by these news, I said,# 
(Persian) “There is no ground for perturbation or alarm ; 
nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of God. As 
this task (Chandiri) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn 
about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the 
fort ; that done, we shall see what comes.” 

(k. Siege of Chandiri, resumed.) 

The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have a 
posted men by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence’ ~ 
sake. That night our men went up from all round; those few 
in the outer-fort did not fight ; they fled into the citadel. \ 

* Presumably the one in the United Provinces. For Shamsabad in Giialiar see 

Luard 1c. i, 286. ea: 
2 chigtt ; Pers. trs. bar amad and, also in some MSS. nami bar aGmad; Mems. 

p- 376, averse to conciliation”; A/éms. ii, 329, ‘‘ s*élevérent contre cette propost- 

tion.” So far I have not found Babur using the verb chigmag metaphorically. It 

is his frequent verb to express ‘getting away”, ‘ going out ofafort”. It would be 

a short step in metaphor to understand here that Medini’s men ‘sot out of it”, — 

‘ —_ Babur offered. They may have left the fort also ; if so, it would be through ‘ 

3 f. 332. 
* 1.0.217, £.231, inserts here what seems a gloss, “‘ 7a in ja Farsi farmida” 

(gufta, said). As Babur enters his speech in Persian, it is manifest that he used _ 
Persian to conceal the bad news. ‘ 

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 595 

(Jan. 29th) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first 
Jumada, we ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke 
to fight, and attack each from his place when I rode out with 
drum and standard. 

I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should 
grow hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustad ‘Ali-quli’s 
stone-discharge.* Nothing was effected by it because his ground 
had no fall (y@ghda@) and because the fort-walls, being entirely 
of stone, were extremely strong. 

That the citadel of Chandiri stands on a hill has been said 
already. Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road 
(di-tahz) to water.2, This is the one place for attack ; it had 
been assigned as the post of the right and left hands and royal 
corps of the centre Hurled though assault was from every 
side, the greatest force was here brought to bear. Our braves did 
not turn back, however much the pagans threw down stones and 
flung flaming fire upon them. At length Shahim the centurion ¢ 
got up where the d#-tahi wall touches the wall of the outer fort ; 
braves swarmed up in other places ; the d#-tahi was taken. 

Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel ; 
when a number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.5 In 
a little while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the 
fight ; they put many of our men to flight ; they made them fly 
(duchurdilar) over the ramparts ; some they cut down and killed. 
Why they had gone so suddenly off the walls seems to have 
been that they had taken the resolve of those who give up 
a place as lost ; they put all their ladies and beauties (s#rati/ar) 
to death, then, looking themselves to die, came naked out 
to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove 
them from the walls whereupon 2 or 300 of them entered 
Medini Rao’s house and there almost all killed one another in 
this way :—one having taken stand with a sword, the rest 

* The Zilustrated London News of July 10th, 1915 (on which day this note is 
written), has an apropos picture of an ancient fortress-gun, with its stone-ammunition, 
taken by the Allies in a Dardanelles fort. 

* The da#-tahi is the &-duzd, water-thief, of f.67. Its position can be surmised 
from Cunningham’s Plan [Appendix R]. 

3 For Babur’s use of hand (g#/) as a military term see f.209. 

4 His full designation would be Shah Muhammad yaz-degi. 

5 This will be flight from the ramparts to other places in the fort. 

Fol. 3344. 

Fol. 335- 


eagerly stretched out the neck for his blow. Thus went the 
greater number to hell. 

By God’s grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 garzs* 
(cir. an hour), without drum and standard,3 with no hard fighting 
done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill 
north-west of Chandiri. A chronogram of this victory having 
been found in the words Fath-z-daru’l-harb+ (Conquest of a hostile 
seat), I thus composed them :— 

Was for awhile the station Chandiri 
Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force ; 
By fighting, I vanquished its fort, 
The date was Fath-i-darw’l-harb. 

(1. Further description of Chandiri.) 

Chandiri is situated (in) rather good country,5 having much 
running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it 

* Babur’s account of the siege of Chandiri is incomplete, inasmuch as it says 
nothing of the general massacre of pagans he has mentioned on f.272. Khwafi 

Khan records the massacre, saying, that after the fort was surrendered, as was done ~ 

on condition of safety for the garrison, from 3 to 4000 pagans were put to death by 
Babur’s troops on account of hostility shewn during the evacuation of the fort. The 
time assigned to the massacre is previous to the jaar of 1000 women and children 
and the self-slaughter of men in Medini Rao’s house, in which he himself died. It 

is not easy to fit the two accounts in; this might be done, however, by supposing © 

that a folio of Babur’s MS. was lost, as others seem lost at}the end of the narrative 
of this year’s events (g.v.)._ The lost folio would tell of the surrender, one clearly 
affecting the mass of Rajpiit followers and not the chiefs who stood for victory or 
death and who may have made sacrifice to honour after hearing of the surrender. 
Babur’s narrative in this part certainly reads less consecutive than is usual with him ; 
something preceding his account of the j#kar would improve it, and would serve 

another purpose also, since mention of the surrender would fix aterm ending the now 
too short time of under one hour he assigns as the duration of the fighting. If 

a surrender had been mentioned, it would be clear that his ‘* 2 or 3 gavis” included” ‘ b 

the attacking and taking of the d#-tahi and down to the retreat of the Rajpits from 
the walls. On this Babur’s narrative of the unavailing sacrifice of the chiefs would 
follow in due order. Khwafi Khan is more circumstantial than Firishta who says 
nothing of surrender or massacre, but states that 6000 men were killed fighting. 
Khwafi Khan’s authorities may throw light on the matter, which so far does not 
hang well together in any narrative, Babur’s, Firishta’s, or Khwafi Khan’s. One 
would like to know what led such a large body of Rajpiits to surrender so quickly ; 
had they been all through in favour of accepting terms? One wonders, again, why 
from 3 to 4000 Rajpits did not put up a better resistance to massacre. Perhaps their 
assailants were Turks, stubborn fighters down to 1915 AD. 

* For suggestion about the brevity of this period, see last note. 

° Clearly, without Babur’s taking part in the fighting. 
_ * These words by abjad make 934. The Hai. MS. mistakenly writes Bid Chandiri 
in the first line of the quatrain instead of Bad chandi. Khwafi Khan quotes the 
quatrain with slight variants. 

5 Chandiri tauri wilayat (da?) wagt‘ bulb tur, which seems to need a4, in, because 
the fort, and not the country, is described. Or there may be an omission e.g. of 
a second sentence about the walled-town (fort). 


934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP..15TH 1528 AD. 597 

has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank ! 
at the end of the ad#-tahz by assaulting which the fort was taken. 
All houses in Chandiri, whether of high or low, are built of stone, 
those of chiefs being laboriously carved ;? those of the lower 
classes are also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in 
with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the 
fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw 
dams across and made tanks round about it; their ground lies 
high.3 It has a small river (daryacha), Betwa* by name, which 
may be some 3 kurohs (6 m.) from Chandiri itself ; its water is 
noted in Hindiistan as excellent and pleasant drinking. It is 
a perfect little river (darya-ghina). In its bed lie piece after 
piece of sloping rock (gia@/ar)5 fit for making houses.° Chandiri is 
90 kurohs (180 m.) by road to the south of Agra. In Chandiri the 
altitude of the Pole-star(?) is 25 degrees.” 

(m. Enforced change of campaign.) 
(Jan. 30th—Jumada I. 8th) At dawn on Thursday we went 
round the fort and dismounted beside Mallii Khan’s tank.® 

* This is the “‘ Kirat-sagar” of Cunningham’s Plan of Chandiri; it is mentioned 
under this name by Luard (/.c. i, 210). ‘‘ Kirat” represents Kirti or Kirit Singh who 
ruled in Gialiar from 1455 to 1479 AD., there also making a tank (Luard, /.c. i, 232). 

* For illustrative photographs see Luard, /.c. vol.i, part iv. 

3 I have taken this sentence to apply to the location of the tanks, but with some 
doubt ; they are on the table-land. 

4 Babur appears to have written Betwi, this form being in MSS. I have read the 
name to be that of the river Betwa which is at a considerable distance from the fort. 
But some writers dispraise its waters where Babur praises. 

5 T. gia means a slope or slant ; here it may describe tilted strata, such as would 
provide slabs for roofing and split easily for building purposes. (.See next note. ) 

° ‘imarat gilmag mundasib. This has been read to mean that the gia/ar provide 
good sites (Mems. & M/éms.), but position, distance from the protection of the fort, 
and the merit of local stone for building incline me to read the words quoted above as 
referring to the convenient lie of the stone for building purposes. (See preceding note. ) 

” Chandiri-da judai ( jady)-ning irtigai yigirma-bish darja dir; Erskine, p.378, 
Chanderi is situated in the 25th degree of N. latitude ; de Courteille, ii, 334, Za 
hauteur du Capricorne a Tchanderi est de 25 degrées. The latitude of Chandiri, it 
may be noted, is 24° 43’. It does not appear to me indisputable that what Babur 
says here is a statement of latitude. The word judad (or jady) means both Pole-star 
and the Sign Capricorn. M. de Courteille translates the quoted sentence as I have 
done, but with Capricorn for Pole-star. My acquaintance with such expressions in 
French does not allow me to know whether his words are a statement of latitude. 
It occurs to me against this being so, that Babur uses other words when he gives the 
latitude of Samarkand (f. 444); and also that he has shewn attention to the Pole-star 
as a guide on a journey (f. 203, where he uses the more common word Qz/6). Perhaps 
he notes its lower altitude when he is far south, in the way he noted the first rise of 
Canopus to his view (f. 12 5). 

® Mallia Khan was a noble of Malwa, who became ruler of Malwa in 1532 or 
1533 AD. [?], under the style of Qadir Shah. 

Fol. 3354. 

Fol. 336. 


We had come to Chandiri meaning, after taking it, to move 

against Raising, Bhilsan, and Sarangpir, pagan lands depen- ‘7 

dent on the pagan Salahu’d-din, and, these taken, to move on 
Rana Sanga in Chitir. But as that bad news had come, the 
begs were summoned, matters were discussed, and decision made 
that the proper course was first to see to the rebellion of those 
malignants. Chandiri was given to the Ahmad Shah already 
mentioned, a grandson of SI. Nasiru’d-din ; 50 /aks from it were 
made khalsa;* Mulla Apaq was entrusted with its military- 
collectorate, and left to reinforce Ahmad Shah with from 2 to 
3000 Turks and Hindistanis. 

(Feb. 2nd) This work finished, we marched from Malli Khan’s 
tank on Sunday the IIth of the first Jumada, with the intention 
of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the Burhanpir- 

(Fed. 9th) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwaja and Ja‘far Khwaja 
were sent from Bandir to fetch boats from Kalpi to the Kanar- 

(Feb. 22nd) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted 
at the Kanar-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross. 
(x. News of the rebels.) | | 

News came in these days that the expeditionary force? had 
abandoned Qanij also and come to Rapri, and that a strong 

body of the enemy had assaulted and taken Shamsabad although ~ a 
Abi’l-muhammad the lancer must have strengthened it.3 There am 

was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side or other of the river before 
the army got across. Once over, we moved march by march ~ 
towards Qaniij, sending scouting braves (gazaq yigitlar) ahead 
to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanij, 
news was brought that Ma‘riif’s son had fled on seeing the dark 
mass of the news-gatherers, and got away. Biban, Bayazid and 
Ma’ruf, on hearing news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated 
themselves on its eastern bank opposite Qanij, thinking to prevent 
our passage. 

* 2.¢. paid direct to the royal treasury. 

Mer toe be the one concerning which bad news reached Babur just before Chandiri 

‘ 4 Pgs presumably is the place offered to Medini Rao (f. 3334), and Bikramajit 

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 to SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 599 

(0. A bridge made over the Ganges.) 

(Feb. 27th) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumada we 
passed Qanij and dismounted on the western bank of Gang. 
Some of the braves went up and down the river and took boats 
by force,* bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mir Muhammad 
the raftsman was sent to find a place convenient for making 
a bridge and to collect requisites for making it. Hecame back 
approving of a place about a kuroh (2m.) below the camp. 
Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustad ‘Ali-quli 
placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the bridge 
was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Mustafa 
Rimi had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below 
the place for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin 
-discharge. Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post ? 
raised above the bridge. Malik Qasim JMughiul and a very few 
men went across the river once or twice and fought excellently 
(yakhshilar aurishtilar). With equal boldness Baba Sl. and 
Darwish Sl. also crossed, but went with the insufficient number 
of from 10 to 15 men; they went after the Evening Prayer and 
came back without fighting, with nothing done; they were much 
blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qasim, grown 
bold, attacked the enemy’s camp and, by shooting arrows into 
it, drew him out (?);3 he came with a mass of men and an 
elephant, fell on Malik Qasim and hurried him off. Malik 
Qasim got into a boat, but before it could put off, the elephant 
came up and swamped it. In that encounter Malik Qasim.died. 

In the days before the bridge was finished Ustad ‘Ali-quli did 
good things in stone-discharge ( yakhshilar tash aiti), on the first 
day discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally 
well for 30r 4 days. These stones he discharged from the Ghazi 
-mortar which is so-called because it was used in the battle with 
Rana Sanga the pagan. There had been another and larger 
mortar which burst after discharging one stone.t The match- 
lockmen made a mass (gd@/in) of discharges, bringing down many 

* Obviously for the bridge. 

* m: Yar (see f. 333n.). Here the word would mean befittingly a protected 
standing-place, a refuge, such as matchlockmen used (f. 217 and Index s.”. araba). 

3 sighirirdi, a vowel-variant, perhaps, of sagharardi. 
4 f.3310. This passage shews that Babur’s mortars were few. 

Fol. 3366. 

Fol. 337. 

Fol. 3378. 


men and horses ; they shot also slave-workmen running scared 
away (?) and men and horses passing-by.* 

(March 11th) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumada 
the bridge being almost finished, we marched to its head. The 
Afghans must have ridiculed the bridge-making as being far 
from completion.” 

(March 12th) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small 
body of foot-soldiers and Lahoris went over. Fighting as small 

(p. Encounter with the Afghans.) 

(March 13th) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and 
left hands of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of 
Afghans, armed, mounted, and having elephants with them, 
attacked us. They hurried off our men of the left hand, but 
our centre itself (ze. the royal corps) and the right hand stood 
firm, fought, and forced the enemy to retire. Two men from 
these divisions had galloped ahead of the rest ; one was dis- 
mounted and taken; the horse of the other was struck again 
and again, had had enough,3 turned round and when amongst 
our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought 
in; many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds. 
Fighting went on till the Other Prayer. That night all who 
had gone across were made to return ; if (more) had gone over 
on that Saturday’s eve,t most of the enemy would probably 
have fallen into our hands, but this was in my mind :—Last 
year we marched out of Sikri to fight Rana Sanga on Tuesday, 
New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday ; this year 
we had marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New- 
year's-day,5 and it would be one of singular things, if we beat 
them on Sunday. So thinking, we did not make the rest of 

* nufir giil-lar-din ham karka bila rah rawa kishi u at aitilar, a difficult sentence. 

* Afghanlar hiiprik baghlamag-ni istib‘ad gilib tamaskhur gilurlar aikandur. 
The ridicule will have been at slow progress, not at the bridge-making itself, since 
pontoon-bridges were common (Irvine’s Army of the Indian Moghuls). 

5 tuilab ; Pers. trs. uftan u khesdn, limping, or falling and rising, a translation 

raising doubt, because such a mode of progression could hardly have allowed escape 
from pursuers. 

* Anglicé, on Friday night. 

5 According to the Persian calendar, New-year’s-day is that on which the Sun 
enters Aries, 

934 AH.—SEP. 27TH 1527 To SEP. 15TH 1528 AD. 601 

the army cross. The enemy did not come to fight on Saturday, 
but stood arrayed a long way off. 

(Sunday March 15th—Jumada II. 23rd) On this day the 
carts were taken over, and at this same dawn the army was 
ordered to cross. At beat of drum news came from our scouts 
that the enemy had fled. Chin-timir Sl. was ordered to lead 
his army in pursuit and the following leaders also were made 
pursuers who should move with the Sultan and not go beyond 
his word :—Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang, Husamu’d-din ‘Ali (son) 
of Khalifa, Muhibb-i-‘ali (son) of Khalifa, Kiki (son) of Baba - 
Qashqa, Dost-i-muhammad (son) of Baba Qashqa, Baqi of Fol. 338. 
Tashkint, and Red Wali. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer. 
The camels were ordered to be taken over at a passage seen 
lower down. That Sunday we dismounted on the bank of 
standing-water within a kuroh of Bangarmawi.' Those ap- 
pointed to pursue the Afghans were not doing it well; they 
had dismounted in Bangarmawi and were scurrying off at the 
Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday. 

(March 16th—Jumada II. 24th) At dawn we dismounted on 
the bank of a lake belonging to Bangarmawi. 

(9g. Arrival of a Chaghatdi cousin.) 

On this same day (March 16th) Tikhta-bigha SI. a son of my 
mother’s brother (dada) the Younger Khan (Ahmad Chaghatai) 
came and waited on me. 

(March 21st) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumada 
I visited Laknau, crossed the Gii-water? and dismounted. 
This day I bathed in the Gii-water. Whether it was from 
water getting into my ear, or whether it was from the effect of 
the climate, is not known, but my right ear was obstructed and 
for a few days there was much pain.3 

(r. The campaign continued.) 
One or two marches from Aiid (Oudh) some-one came from 
Chin-timir Sl. to say, “The enemy is seated on the far side of 

* so-spelled in the Hai. MS. ; by de Courteille Banguermadii ; the two forms may 
represent the same one of the Arabic script. 

* or Gi, from the context clearly the Gumti. Jarrett gives Godi as a name of the 
Gumti ; Giii and Godi may be the same word in the Arabic script. 

3 Some MSS. read that there was not much pain. 

Fol. 3384. 

Fol. 339. 


the river Sird[a ?] ;* let His Majesty send help.” Wedetacheda 
reinforcement of 1000 braves under Qardacha. | 

(March 28th) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab we dismounted 
2 or 3 kurohs from Aid above the junction of the Gagar (Gogra) 
and Sird[a]. Till today Shaikh Bayazid will have been on the 
other side of the Sird[a] opposite Aid, sending letters to the 
Sultan and discussing with him, but the Sultan getting to know 
his deceitfulness, sent word to Qaracha at the Mid-day Prayer 
and made ready to cross the river. On Qaracha’s joining him, 
they crossed at once to where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or 
4elephants. These men could make no stand ; they fled ; a few 
having been dismounted, the heads cut off were sent in. 

Following the Sultan there crossed over Bi-khib (var. Ni-khib) 
Sl. and Tardi Beg (the brother) of Quj Beg, and Baba Chuhra 
(the Brave), and Baqi skaghawal. Those who had crossed first 
and gone on, pursued Shaikh Bayazid till the Evening Prayer, 
but he flung himself into the jungle and escaped. Chin-timir 
dismounted late on the bank of standing-water, rode on at mid- 
night after the rebel, went as much as 40 kuroks (80 m.), and 
came to where Shaikh Bayazid’s family and relations (zzsba?) 
had been ; they however must have fled. He sent gallopers 
off in all directions from that place; Baqi skhaghawal and a few 
braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the 
family and brought in some Afghan prisoners. 

We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aiid) in order to 
settle the affairs of Aid. People praised the land lying along _ 
the Sird[a] 7 or 8 kurohs (14-16 m.) above Aid, saying it was 
hunting-ground. Mir Muhammad the raftsman was sent out 
and returned after looking at the crossings over the Gagar-water 
(Gogra) and the Sird[a]-water (Chauka ?). 

(April 2nd) On Thursday the 12th of the month I rode ou 
intending to hunt.? . 

* I take this to be the Kali-Sarda-Chauka affluent of the Gogra and not its Sarju 
or Saru one. To so take it seems warranted by the context ; there could be no need 
for the fords on the Sarju to be examined, and its position is not suitable. 

* Unfortunately no record of the hunting-expedition survives. 


Here, in all known texts of the Babur-nama there is a break 
of the narrative between April 2nd and Sep. 18th 1528 AD.— 
Jumada IJ. 12th 934 AH. and Muharram 3rd 935 AH., which, 
whether intentional or accidental, is unexplained by Babur’s 
personal circumstances, It is likely to be due to a loss of pages 
from Babur’s autograph manuscript, happening at some time. 
preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his 
writings and of the Elphinstone and Haidarabad transcripts. 
Though such a loss might have occurred easily during the storm 
chronicled on f. 376d, it seems likely that Babur would then have 
become aware of it and have made it good. A more probable 
explanation of the loss is the danger run by Humayin’s library 
during his exile from rule in Hindistan, at which same time 
may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record of 936 
and 937 AH. 

a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna. 

Mr. Erskine notes (ems. p.381n.) that he found the gap in 
all MSS. he saw and that historians of Hindiistan throw no light 
upon the transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned how- 
ever as to Babur’s occupations during the 54 months of the /acuna 
from his chronicle of 935 AH. which makes several references to 
occurrences of “last year” and also allows several inferences to 
be drawn. From this source it becomes known that the Afghan 
campaign the record of which is broken by the gap, was carried 
on and that in its course Babur was at Jiin-pir (f.365), Chausa 
(f.3654) and Baksara (f. 366-3664) ; that he swam the Ganges 
(f. 3664), bestowed Sariin on a Farmiili Shaikh-zada (f.3744 and 
f.377), negociated with Rana Sanga’s son Bikramajit (f. 342d), 
ordered a Char-bagh laid out (f.340), and was ill for 40 days 
(f.346). It may be inferred too that he visited Dilpir (f. 3534), 
recalled ‘Askari (f. 339), sent Khwaja Dost-i-khawand on family 
affairs to Kabul (f.3454), and was much pre-occupied by the 

1S SA 
ae Ah 


disturbed state of Kabul (see his letters to Humayiin and Khwaja 
Kalan written in 935 AH.).” | ; 

It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because — 
in many instances only the day of the week or a “next day” — 
is entered. Iam far from sure that one passage at least now 
found s.a. 935 AH. does not belong to 934AH. It is not in the 
Hai. Codex (where its place would have been on f. 3636), and, so 
far as I can see, does not fit with the dates of 935AH. It will 
be considered with least trouble with its context and my notes 
(g.v. £.3636 and ff. 366-3660). 

b. Remarks on the lacuna. f 
One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found ~ 
mention in the missing record, vzz. the family difficulties which 
led to ‘Askari’s supersession by Kamran in the government of 
Multan (f. 359). 
Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH. 
might have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of 

verses already written in Hindistan and now known to usasthe 

Rampiir Diwan. The Babur-ndma allows the dates of much of 
its contents to be known, but there remain poems which seem _ 
prompted by the self-examination of some illness not found in 
the B.V. It contains the metrical version of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l 
-lah’s Walidiyyah of which Babur writes on f.346and it is dated __ 
Monday Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 AH. (Dec. 29th 1528AD.). I surmise | 

that the reflective verses following the Walidiyyah belong to the 

40 days’ illness of 934AH. z.e. were composed in the period of ; iy 
the /acuna. The Collection, as it is in the “Rampir Diwan”, went 
to a friend who was probably Khwaja Kalan ; it may have been 
the only such collection made by Babur. No other copy of it — 
has so far been found. It has the character of an individual gift 
with verses specially addressed to its recipient. Any light upon 
it which may have vanished with pages of 934.AH. is an appreci- 
able loss, 

* One historian, Ahmad-i-yadgir states in his 7arikh-7-salatin-i-afaghina that Babur 
went to Lahor immediately after his capture of Chandiri, and on his return journey __ 
to Agra suppressed in the Panj-ab a rising of the Mundahar (or, Mandhar) Rajpits. 
His date is discredited by Babur’s existing narrative of 934AH. as also by the absence 
in 935 AH. of allusion to either episode. My husband who has considered the matter, 
advises me that the Lahor visit may have been made in 936 or early in 937AH. [These 
are a period of which the record is lost or, less probably, was not written. ] 

935 AH.—SEP. 157u 1528 ro SEP. 5ra 1529 AD." 

(a. Arrivals at Court.) 

(Sep. 18th) On Friday the 3rd? of Muharram, ‘Askari whom 
I had summoned for the good of Multan3 before I moved out 
for Chandiri, waited on me in the private-house.* 

(Sep. 19th) Next day waited on me the historian Khwand 
-amir, Maulana Shihab5 the enigmatist, and Mir Ibrahim the 
harper a relation of Yiinas-i-‘ali, who had all come out of Heri 
long before, wishing to wait on me.® 

(6. Babur starts for Gialiar.)7 
(Sep. 20th) With the intention of visiting Gialiar which 
in books they write Galitir,® I crossed the Jin at the Other 

*Elph. MS. f.262; I.O.215 f. 2074 and 217 f.2344; Afems. p.382. Here the 
Elphinstone MS. recommences after a /acuna extending from Hai. MS. f. 312d. 

2 See Appendix S :—Concerning the dating of 935 AH. 

3 ‘Askari was now about I2 years old. He was succeeded in Multan by his elder 
brother Kamran, transferred from Qandahar (Index; JRAS. 1908 p. 829 para. (1)]. 
This transfer, it is safe to say, was due to Babur’s resolve to keep Kabul in his own 
hands, a resolve which his letters to Humayin (f. 348), to Kamran (f. 359), and to 
Khwaja Kalan (f. 359) attest, as well as do the movements of his family at this time. 
What would make the stronger government of Kamran seem now more “‘ for the good 
of Multan” than that of the child ‘Askari are the Bilichi incursions, mentioned some- 
what later (f. 3554) as having then occurred more than once. 

4 This will be his own house in the Garden-of-eight-paradises, the Char-bagh begun 
in 932 AH. (August 1526 AD.). 

: 5 To this name Khwand-amir adds Ahmadu’l-hagiri, perhaps a pen-name ; he also 
quotes verses of Shihab’s (adibw’s-styar lith. ed. iti, 350). 

© Khwand-amir’s account of his going into Hindistan is that he left his “ dear 

home” (Herat) for Qandahar in mid-Shawwal 933 AH. (mid-July 1527 Ap.); that 
on Jumada I. 10th 934 AH. (Feb. Ist 1528 AD.) he set out from Qandahar on the 
hazardous journey into Hindistan ; and that owing to the distance, heat, setting-in 
of the Rains, and breadth of rapid rivers, he was seven months on the way. He 
mentions no fellow-travellers, but he gives as the day of his arrival in Agra the one 
on which Babur says he presented himself at Court. (For an account of annoyances 
_ and misfortunes to which he was subjected under Aiizbeg rule in Herat see Journal des 
_ Savans, July 1843, pp. 389, 393, Quatremére’s art.) 

7 Concerning Gualiar see Cunningham’s Archeological Survey Reports vol. ii ; Louis 
Rousselet’s Z’/ude des Rajas ; Lepel Griffin’s Famous Monuments of Central India, 
especially for its photographs ; Gazetteer of India; Luard’s Gazetteer of Gwalior, text 
and photographs ; Travels of Peter Mundy, Hakluyt Society ed. R. C. Temple, ii, 61, 
especially for its picture of the fort and note (p. 62) enumerating early writers on 
Gualiar. Of Persian books there is Jalal Wésari’s Tarikh-i-Gwaliawar (B.M. Add. 
16 859) and Hiraman’s (B.M. Add. 16,709) unacknowledged version of it, which is of 
the B. M. MSS. the more legible. 

8 Perhaps this stands for Gwaliawar, the form seeming to be used by Jalal Wzsari, 
and having good traditional support (Cunningham p. 373 and Luard p. 228). 


Fol. 3390. 


Prayer of Sunday the 5th of the month, went into the fort of 
Agra to bid farewell to Fakhr-i-jahan Begim and Khadija- 
sultan Begim who were to start for Kabul in a few days,and 
got to horse. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza asked for leave and — 
stayed behind in Agra. That night we did 3 or 4 kurohs(6-8m.) 
of the road, dismounted near a large lake (£7) and there slept. 
(Sep. 21st) We got through the Prayer somewhat before 
time (uh. 6th) and rode on, nooned! on the bank of the 
Gamb[h]ir-water ?, and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer. 
On the way we ate3 powders mixed with the flour of parched 
grain,* Mulla Rafi‘ having prepared them for raising the spirits. 
They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the Other 
Prayer we dismounted a kuroh (2 m.) west of Dilpir, at a place 
where a garden and house had been ordered made.5 
(c. Work in Dilpir (Dhilpir).) : 
That place is at the end of a beaked hill,® its beak being of 
solid red building-stone (‘zmdrat-tash). 1 had ordered the (beak 
of the) hill cut down (dressed down?) to the ground-level and _ 
that if there remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut ~ 
out in it, if not, it was to be levelled and a tank (Zauz) cut out ‘a 
inits top. As it was not found high enough for a house, Ustad 
Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter was ordered to level it and 
cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of this tank the 
ground is thick with trees, mangoes, jaman (Eugenia jambolana), — 
all sorts of trees; amongst them I had ordered a well made, — 
10 by 10; it was almost ready ; its water goes to the afore-named 
tank. To the north of this tank SI. Sikandar’s dam is flung across \ 
(the valley) ; on it houses have been built, and above it the waters F 
of the Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake . 
is a garden ; I ordered a seat and four-pillared platform (¢a/ar) 

* tashlanid, i.e. they took rest and food together at mid-day. . 
. * This seems to be the conjoined Gambhir and Banganga which is crossed by the _ 
Agra-Dhiilpir road (G. of /. Atlas, Sheet 34). | 
? ae the plural of which shews that more than one partook of the powders — 
safiif). “i 
* T. 4algan, Hindi sattu (Shaw). ™M. de Courteille’s variant translation may be due 7 

phe — for talgan, talghag, flot, agitation (his Dict. s.2.) and yil, wind, for — 
ila, with. x 

5 in 933 AH. f. 330d. } 
_ § “Each beaked promontory ” (Lycidas). Our name “‘ Selsey-bill” isan English — 
instance of Babur’s (not infrequent) tumshiig, beak, bill of a bird. 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 607 

to be cut out in the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque 
built on the western one. 

(Sept. 22nd and 23rd—Muh. 7th and 8th) On account of these 
various works, we stayed in Dilpiir on Tuesday and Wednesday. 

(a. Journey to Gialiar resumed.) 

(Sep. 24th) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chambal- 
river and made the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the 
two Prayers (the Mid-day and the Afternoon) bestirred our- 
selves to leave that place, passed the Kawari and dismounted. 
The Kawari-water being high through rain, we crossed it by 
boat, making the horses swim over. 

(Sep. 25th) Next day, Friday which was ’Ashir (Muh. roth), 
we rode on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at 
the Bed-time Prayer dismounted a kuroh north of Gialiar, ina 
Char-bagh ordered made last year." 

(Sep. 26th) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we 
visited the low hills to the north of Gialiar, and the Praying- 
place, went into the fort? through the Gate called Hati-pil 
which joins Man-sing’s buildings (‘zza@ra¢3), and dismounted, close 
to the Other Prayer, at those (‘csdratlar)+ of Raja Bikramajit 
in which Rahim-dad 5 had settled himself. 

* No order about this Char-bagh is in existing annals of 934 AH. Such order is 
likely to have been given after Babur’s return from his operations against the Afghans, 
in his account of which the annals of 934 AH. break off. 

2 The fort-hill atthe northern end is 300 ft. high, at the southern end, 274 ft. ; its 
length from north to south is 1? m. ; its breadth varies from 600 ft. opposite the main 
entrance (Hati-piil) to 2,800 ft. in the middle opposite the great temple (Sas-bhao). 
Cf. Cunningham p. 330 and Appendix R, zz /oco, for his Plan of Gialiar. 

3 This Arabic plural may have been prompted by the greatness and distinction of 
Man-sing’s constructions. Cf. Index s.2. begat and baghdat. 

4 A translation point concerning the (Arabic) word ‘zmdrat is that the words 
*““palace”, ‘‘ palais”, and ‘‘ residence” used for it respectively by Erskine, de Cour- 
teille, and, previous to the Hindistan Section, by myself, are too limited in meaning 
to serve for Babur’s uses of it in Hindiistan ; and this (1) because he uses it throughout 
his writings for buildings under palatial rank (e.g. those of high and low in Chandiri) ; 
(2) because he uses it in Hindistan for non-residential buildings (e.g. for the Badalgarh 
outwork, f. 3414, and a Hindi temple zd.) ; and (3) because he uses it for the word 
“building” in the term building-stone, f. 3356 and f. 339. Buzlding is the compre- 
hensive word under which all his uses of it group. For labouring this point 2 truism 
pleads my excuse, namely, that a man’s vocabulary being characteristic of himself, for 
a translator to increase or diminish it is to intrude on his personality, and this the 
more when an autobiography is concerned. Hence my search here (as elsewhere) for 
an English grouping word is part of an endeavour to restrict the vocabulary of my 
translation to the limits of my author’s. 

5 Jalal Hisart describes ‘‘ Khwaja Rahim-dad” as a paternal-nephew of Mahdi 
Khwaja. Neither man has been introduced by Babur, as it is his rule to introduce 

Fol. 340. 

Fol. 3406, 


To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache ; anot he 
reason was the shining of the moon." ‘n 

(e. Visit to the Rajas’ palaces.) 

(Sep. 27th) Opium sickness gave me much discomfo t next 4s 
day (Muh. 12th); 1 vomited a good deal. Sickness notwith- 
standing, I visited the buildings (‘tmdaratlar) of Man-sing and 
Bikramajit thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely 
of hewn stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.” Of % 
all the Rajas’ buildings Man-sing’s is the best and loftiest.3 It — 
is more elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. | 
This face may be 40 to 50 gari (yards) high, and is entirely of — 
hewn stone, whitened with plaster. In parts it is four storeys 
high ; the lower two are very dark ; we went through them with a 

when he first mentions a person of importance, by particulars of family, efc. ; 
men became disloyal in 935 AH. (1529 AD.) as will be found referred to by Babur. — 
Jalal Asari supplements Babur’s brief account of their misconduct and Shaikh — 
Muhammad Ghaus’ mediation in 936 AH. For knowledge of his contribution I am 
indebted to my husband’s perusal of the 7arikh-2-Gwaliawar. By 

* Erskine notes that Indians and Persians regard moonshine as cold but this only — 
faintly expresses the wide-spread fear of moon-stroke expressed in the Psalm (121 v.6), 
**The Sun shall not smite thee by day, nor the Moon by night.” ee 

? Agarcha lik balik u bi styag. Ilminsky [p. 441] has dalak balak but without 
textual warrant and perhaps following Erskine, as he says, speaking generally, that he 
has done in case of need (Ilminsky’s Preface). Both Erskine and de Courteil 
working, it must be remembered, without the help of detailed modern descriptions an 
pictures, took the above words to say that the buildings were scattered and witho 
symmetry, but they are not scattered and certainly Man-sing’s has symmetry. 
I surmise that the words quoted above do not refer to the buildings themselves but to 
the stones of which they are made. T./#% means heavy, and T.da/a@k [? block 
means a thing divided off, here a block of stone. Such blocks might be 7 siyag, ~ 
#.¢, irregular in size. To take the words in this way does not contradict known — 
circumstances, and is verbally correct. oy 

3 The Rajas’ buildings Babur could compare were Raja Karna (or Kirti)’s [whoruled 
from 1454 to 1479 Ap.], Raja Man-sing’s [1486 to 1516 Ap.], and Raja Bikramajit’s 
[1516 to 1526 ap. when he was killed at Panipat]. a 
‘ The height of the eastern face is 100 ft. and of the western 60 ft. The total len th 
from north to south of the outside wall is 300 ft. ; the breadth of the residence from 
east to west 160ft. The 300ft. of length appears to be that of the residence and 
service-courtyard (Cunningham p. 347 and Plate Ixxxvii). te 
’ kaj bila agaritib. There can be little doubt that a white pediment would show 
up the coloured tiles of the upper part of the palace-walls more than would = a | 
sandstone, These tiles were so profuse as to name the building Chit Mandir (Painted 
Mandir). Guided by Babur’s statement, Cunningham sought for and found plaster — 
in crevices of carved work ; from which one surmises that the white coating approved — 
itself to successors of Man-sing. [It may be noted that the word Mandir is in the — 
same case for a translator as is ‘imdrat (f. 3396 n.) since it requires a grouping word - 
to cover its uses for temple, palace, and less exalted buildings. ] iia 


ul | 
r ny 



935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 609 

candles. On one (or, every) side of this building are five cupolas ? 
having between each two of them a smaller one, square after the 
fashion of Hindiistan. On the larger ones are fastened sheets 
of gilded copper. On the outside of the walls is painted-tile 
work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn all round with 
green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the Hati-pil,3 
hatt being what these people call an elephant, pz/, a gate. 
A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers (/¢/-dan) 4 
stands at the out-going (chigish) of this Gate ; it is exactly like an 
elephant ; from it the gate is called Hati-pil. A window in the 
lowest storey where the building has four, looks towards. this 
elephant and gives a near view of it. The cupolas which have 
been mentionedabove are themselves the topmost stage (surtaba) 

_of the building ;° the sitting-rooms are on the second storey 

(tabaqgat), in ahollow even;7 they are rather airless places although 
Hindistani pains have been taken with them.’ The buildings of 
Man-sing’s son Bikramajit are in a central position (adrta da) on 
the north side of the fort.2 The son’s buildings do not match 
the father’s. He has madea great dome, very dark but growing 
lighter if one stays awhile in it.1° Under it is a smaller building 

* The lower two storeys are not only backed by solid ground but, except near the 
Hati-pil, have the rise of ground in front of them which led Babur to say they were 
“even in a pit” (chiigir). 

2 MSS. vary between 4ar and dr, every and one, in thissentence. It may be right 
to read dr, and apply it only to the eastern facade as that on which there were most 

Ay cupolas. There are fewer on the south side, which still stands (Luard’s photo. No. 37). 

3 The ground rises steeply from this Gate to an inner one, called Hawa-pil from 

‘5 the rush of air (Zawd) through it. 

# Cunningham says the riders were the Raja and a driven Perhaps they were a 

“mahout and his mate. The statue stood to the left on exit (chigish). 

is a window will have been close to the Gate where no mound interferes with 

® Rooms opening on inner and open courts appear to form the third story of the 

7 T. chigur, hollow, pit. This storey isdark and unventilated, a condition due to 
small windows, absence of through draught, and the adjacent mound. Cunningham 
comments on its disadvantages. 

8 Agarcha Hindustani takalluflar gilib turlar wali bi hawalik-rag yirlar dir. 
Perhaps amongst the pains taken were those demanded for punkhas. I regret that 
Erskine’s translation of this passage, so superior to my own in literary merit, does 
not suit the Turki original. He worked from the Persian translation, and not only 
so, but with a less rigid rule of translation than binds me when working on Babur’s 
tpsissima verba (Mems. p. 384 ; Cunningham p. 349; Luard p. 226). 

9 The words atria da make apt contrast between the outside position of Man-sing’s 

buildings which helped to form the fort-wall, and Bikramajit’s which were further in 

except perhaps one wall of his courtyard (see Cunningham’s Plate Ixxxiii). 
7° Cunningham (p.'350) says this was originally a dara-diiri, a twelve-doored open 
hall, and must have been light. His ‘“‘ originally” points to the view that the hall 

Fol. 341. 

Fol. 3414. 

3 ‘ ~~ te 

into whichno light comes from anyside. When Rahim-dad settled ie 
down in Bikramajit’s buildings, he made a rather small hall 
(kichikrag talarghina| on the top of this dome.’ . From Bikra- 
majit’s buildings a road has been made to his father’s, a road 
such that nothing is seen of it from outside and nothing known 
of it inside, a quite enclosed road.? , a 
After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Rahim-dad 
had made by the side of a large tank, there enjoyed a flower- 
garden 3 he had laid out, and went late to where the camp was 
in the Charbagh. ; 

(f. Rahim-dad's flower-garden.) 

Rahim-dad has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden 
(baghcha), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places 
the oleander-flower is peach,+ those of Gialiar are beautiful, 
deep red. I took some of them to Agra and had them planted _ 
in gardens there. On the south of the garden is a large lakeS — 
where the waters of the Rains gather; on the west of it is — 
a lofty idol-house,® side by side with which Sl. Shihabu’d-din _ 
Ailtmish (Altamsh) made a Friday mosque ; this is avery lofty 
building (‘cmdarat), the highest in the fort ; itis seen, with the fort, 
from the Dilpiir-hill (cr. 30 m.away). People say the stone for ~ 
it was cut out and brought from the large lake above-mentioned. 
Rahim-dad has made a wooden ( yighach) ¢alar in his garden, and a 

had been altered before Babur saw it but as it was only about 10 years old atthattime, 
it was in its first form, presumably. Perhaps Babur saw it in a bad light. The 
dimensions Cunningham gives of it suggest that the high dome must have been ~ 
frequently ill-lighted. ) a 
* The word /a/ar, having various applications, is not easy to match with a single 
English word, nor can one be sure in all cases what it means, a platform, a hall, or aa 
etc. To find an equivalent for its diminutive a@/ar-ghina is still more difficult. 
Rahim-dad’s ¢a@/ar-ette will have stood on the flat centre of the dome, raised on four — i 
pillars or perhaps with its roof only so-raised ; one is sure there would be a roof as 
protection against sun or moon. It may be noted that the dome is not visible outside 
from below, but is hidden by the continuation upwards of walls which form a mean- — 
looking parallelogram of masonry. f 
* T. tar yal. Concerning this hidden road see Cunningham p. 350 and Plate Ixxxvii. 
3 baghcha. The context shews that the garden was for flowers. For Babur’s 
distinctions between baghcha, bagh and baghat, see Index s.nn. eo 
‘* shaft-ala i.e. the rosy colour of peach-flowers, perhaps lip-red (Steingass). 
Babur’s contrast seems to be between those red oleanders of Hindiistan that are rosy- 
red, and the deep red ones he found in Gialiar. a 
5 kul, any large sheet of water, natural or artificial (Babur). This one willbe the — 
Siiraj-kund (Sun-tank). a 
® This is the Teli Mandir, or Telingana Mandir (Luard). Cf. Cunningham, p. 356 
and Luard p. 227 for accounts of it ; and G. of I. s.m. Teliagarhi for Teli Rajas. ny 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 611 

porches at the gates, which, after the Hindiistani fashion, are 
somewhat low and shapeless. 

(g. The Urwah-valley.) 

(Sep. 28th) Next day (Muh. 13th) at the Mid-day Prayer we 
rode out to visit places in Gualiar we had not yet seen. We 
saw the ‘zmdarat called Badalgar* which is part of Man-sing’s 
fort (gz/a‘), went through the Hati-pil and across the fort to 
a place called Urwa (Urwah), which is a valley-bottom (g7/) on its 
western side. Though Urwa is outside the fort-wall running 
along the top of the hill, it has two stages (#urtaba) of high 
wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls is some 30 or 40 
gari (yards) high ; this is the longer one ; at each end it joins 
the wall of the fort. The second wall curves in and joins the 
middle part of the first ; it is the lower and shorter of the two. 
This curve of wall will have been made for a water-thief ; ? 
within it is a stepped well (wa’zz) in which water is reached by 
10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to this 
walled-well the name of Sl. Shihabu’d-din Ailtmish (Altamsh) 
is inscribed, with the date 630 (AH.—1I233 AD.). Below this 
outer wall and outside the fort there is a large lake which seems 
to dwindle (at times) till no lake remains ; from it water goes 
to the water-thief. There are two other lakes inside Urwa the 
water of which those who live in the fort prefer to all other. 

Three sides of Urwa are solid rock, not the red rock of Biana 
but one paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out 
idol-statues, large and small, one large statue on the south side 
being perhaps 20 gavz (yds.) high. These idols are shewn quite 

* This is a large outwork reached from the Gate of the same name. Babur may 
have gone there specially to see the Gijari Mandir said by Cunningham to have been 
built by Man-sing’s Gijar wife Mriga-nayana(fawn-eyed). Cf. Cunningham p. 351 and, 
for other work done by the same Queen, inthe s.e. corner of the fort, p. 344; Luard 
p-226. In this place ‘“‘construction” would serve to translate ‘zmdarat (f. 340 n.). 

? ab-duzd, a word conveying the notion of a stealthy taking of the water. The walls 
at the mouth of Urwa were built by Altamsh for the protection of its water for the fort. 
The date Babur mentions (a few lines further) is presumably that of their erection. 

3 Cunningham, who gives 57 ft. as the height of this statue, says Babur estimated 
it at 20 9az, or 40ft.; but thisis not so. Babur’s word is not gaz a measure of 24 fingers- 
breadth, but g@77, the length from the tip of the shoulder to the fingers-ends ; it is 
about 33 inches, not less, I understand. Thus stated in ga@vis Babur’s estimate of the 
height comes very near Cunningham’s, being a good 55 ft. to 57 ft. (I may note that 
I have usually translated ga7i by ‘‘yard”’, as the yard is its nearest English equivalent. 
The Pers. trs. of the B. N. translates by gaz, possibly a larger gaz than that of 24 fingers- 
breadth z.e. inches. ) 

Fol. 342. 

Fol. 3426. 

Fol. 343. 


naked without covering for the privities. Along the sides of 
the two Urwa lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water 
from which useful vegetables (sabzi karliklar), flowers and trees o 
are grown. Urwa is not a bad place; it is shut in (T. z#r); the — b 
idols are its defect; I, for my part, ordered them destroyed.” ‘ 

Going out of Urwa into the fort again, we enjoyed the window ? a 
of the Sultani-pil which must have been closed through the pagan 
time till now, went to Rahim-dad’s flower-garden at the Evening 
Prayer, there dismounted and there slept. fas 

(h. A son of Rana Sanga negociates with Babur.) 

(Sep. 29th) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people 
from Rana Sanga’s second son, Bikramajit by name, who with 
his mother Padmawati was in the fort of Rantanbir. Before 
I rode out for Giialiar,3 others had come from his great and 
trusted Hindi, Asik by name, to indicate Bikramajit’s sub- 
mission and obeisance and ask a subsistence-allowance of 70 Jaks 
for him; it had been settled at that time that parganas to the 
amount he asked should be bestowed on him, his men were given __ 
leave to go, with tryst for Gialiar which we were about to visit. ay 
They came into Gialiar somewhat after the trysting-day. The 
Hindi Asik ¢ is said to be a near relation of Bikramajit’s mother 
Padmawati ; he, for his part, set these particulars forth father- 
like and son-like ;5 they, for theirs, concurring with him, agreed 
to wish me well and serve me. At the time when Sl. Mahmid _ 
(Khilji) was beaten by Rana Sanga and fell into pagan captivity e 

* The statues were not broken up by Babur’s agents; they were mutilated ; their 
crea restored with coloured plaster by the Jains (Cunningham p. 365; Luard 
p. 228), om 

° rosan lor, afiz:n)... tafarruj gilid. Neither Cunningham nor Luard mentions 
this window, perhaps because Erskine does not ; nor is this name of a Gate found. _ 
It might be that of the Dhonda-paur (Cunningham, p. 339). The Ist Pers. trs. ~~ 
(1.0. 215 f. 210] omits the word rozan (or, auz:n) ; the 2nd (I.O. 217 f. 2366] renders 
it by jJ@i, place. _Manifestly the Gate was opened by Babur, but, presumably, not 
precisely at the time of his visit. I am inclined to understand that rvosan... 
‘afarruy karda means enjoying the window formerly used by Muhammadan rulers. 
If atiz:n be the right reading, its sense is obscure. a 
na la will have occurred in the latter half of 934 AH. of which no record isnow 
* He is mentioned under the name Asik Mal Raypit, as a servant of Rana Sanga 
by the Méirat-?-stkandari, lith. ed. p. 161. In Bayley’s Translation p. 273 heiscalled — 
Awasiik, manifestly by clerical error, the sentence being as janib-i-au Asik Mal 
Rajpiit dar an (gila‘) baida . . . : 

5 ata-lik, aiighiil-lik, i.e. he spoke to the son asa father, to the mother as a son. 



935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. dru 1529 AD. 613 

(925 AH.—I519 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap (ta7-kula) 
and golden belt, accepting which Sanga let him go free. That 
crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramajit’s ; his 
elder brother Ratan-si, now Rana of Chitiir in his father’s place, 
had asked for them but Bikramajit had not given them up," and 
now made the men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and 
ask for Biana in place of Rantanbir. We led them away from 
the Biana question and promised Shamsabad in exchange for 
Rantanbir. To-day (uh, 14th) they were given a nine days’ 
tryst for Biana, were dressed in robes of honour, and allowed 
to go. 

(7. Hindu temples vistted.) 

We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of 
Gualiar. Some are two, and some are three storeys high, each 
storey rather low, in the ancient fashion. On their stone plinths 
(cz@ra) are sculptured images. Some idol-houses, College-fashion, 
have a portico, large high cupolas? and madrasa-like cells, each 
topped by a slender stone cupola.3_ In the lower cells are idols 
carved in the rock. 

After enjoying the sight of these buildings (‘caratlar) we left 
the fort by the south Gate,t made an excursion to the south, and 
went (north) to the Char-bagh Rahim-dad had made over-against 
the Hati-pils He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat (ésh) 
for us and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering 
of a mass of goods and coin worth 4 /aks. From his Char-bagh 
I rode to my own. : 

(7. Excursion to a waterfall.) 

(Sep. 30th.) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to 
see a waterfall 6 kurohs (12m.) to the south-east of Gualiar. Less 

* The Mtrat-z-stkandari (lith. ed. p. 234, Bayley’s trs. p. 372) confirms Babur’s state- 
ment that the precious things were at Bikramajit’s disposition. Perhaps they had 
been in his mother’s charge during her husband’s life. They were given later to 
Bahadur Shah of Gujrat. 

? The Teli Mandir has not a cupola but a waggon-roof of South Indian style, whence 
it may be that it has the southern name Telingana, suggested by Col. Luard. 

3 See Luard’s Photo. No. 139 and P. Mundy’s sketch of the fort p. 62. 

4 This will be the Ghargaraj-gate which looks south though it is not at the south 
end of the fort-hill where there is only a postern approached bya flight of stone steps 
(Cunningham p. 332). 

5 The garden will have been on the lower ground at the foot of the ramp and not 
near the Hati-pil itself where the scarp is precipitous. 

Fol. 3434. 

Fol. 344. 


than that must have been ridden ;? close to the Mid-day Prayer F 4 

we reached a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming © 
down a slope (gid) an arghamchi? high. Below the fall there 

is a large lake; above it the water comes flowing through solid | 4 9 

rock ; there is solid rock also below the fall. A lake forms 
wherever the water falls. On the banks of the water lie piece 
after piece of rock as if for seats, but the water is said not 
always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate main, 
went up-stream to visit its source (dadayatz), returned, got out on 
higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters 
repeated things (ima aitilar). The Ebony-tree which Hindis 

call indi, was pointed out to those who had not seen it before. 

We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time 
Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second 
watch (midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of 
day (6a.m. Muh, 16th—-Oct. rst) reached the Char-bagh and dis- 

(k. Salahwd-din's birth-place.) 3 | 
(Oct. 2nd) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the a 
garden of lemons and pumeloes (sad@-fa/) ina valley-bottom 
amongst the hills above a village called Sikhjana(?)4 which is 
Salahu’d-din’s birth-place. Returning to the Char-bagh, I dis- 
mounted there in the first watch.5 ug 

(1. Incidents of the march Jrom Gialiar.) ats 

(Oct. 4th) On Sunday the 19th of the month, we rode before 
dawn from the Char-bagh, crossed the Kawari-water and took our 
nooning (¢ishlandik). After the Mid-day Prayer we rode on, 
at sunset passed the Chambal-water, between the Evening and 
Bed-time Prayers entered Dulpiir-fort, there, by lamp-light, af 

* Mindin kichikrag atlainilghan aikindir. This may imply that the distance 

mentioned to Babur was found by him an over-estimate. Perhaps the fall was on the 

* Rope (Shaw) ; corde gui sert @ attacher le bagage sur les chameaux (de Courteille) ; 

a thread of 20 cubits long for weaving (Steingass); I have the impression that an 

arghamchi is a horse’s tether. 

* For information about this opponent of Babur in the battle of Kanwa, see the :. 

Asiatic Review, Nov. 1915, H. Beveridge’s art. Silhadi, and the Mirat-t-sikandari. 
* Colonel Luard has suggested to us that the Babur-nama word Sikhjanamaystand 
for Salwai or Sukhalhari, the names of two villages near Gialiar. 
* Presumably of night, 6-9 p.m., of Saturday Muh. 18th—-Oct. 2nd. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 615 

visited a Hot-bath which Abi’l-fath had made, rode on, and 
dismounted at the dam-head where the new Char-bagh is in 

(Oct. 5th) Having stayed the night there, at dawn (Monday 
20th) I visited what places had been ordered made.t The face 
(viz) of the roofed-tank, ordered cut in the solid rock, was not 
being got up quite straight ; more stone-cutters were sent for 
who were to make the tank-bottom level, pour in water, and, by 
help of the water, to get the sides to one height. They got the 
face up straight just before the Other Prayer, were then ordered 
to fill the tank with water, by help of the water made the sides 
match, then busied themselves to smooth them. I ordered 
a water-chamber (@d-khdna) made at a place where it would be 
cut in the solid rock ; inside it was to be a small tank also cut 
in the solid rock. 

(Here the record of 6 days ts wanting.) ? 

(Oct. 12th?) To-day, Monday (27¢h ?),there was a ma‘jun party. 
(Oct. 13th) On Tuesday I was still in that same place. (Oct. 14th) 
On the night of Wednesday,3 after opening the mouth and eating 
something + we rode for Sikri. Near the second watch (mid- 
night), we dismounted somewhere and slept; I myself could 
not sleep on account of pain in my ear, whether caused by cold, 
as is likely, I do not know. At the top of the dawn, we bestirred 
ourselves from that place, and in the first watch dismounted at 

® f. 3306 and f. 3390. 

* Between the last explicit date in the text, vzz. Sunday, Muh. 19th, and the one 
next following, vzz. Saturday, Safar 3rd, the diary of six days is wanting. The gap 
seems to be between the unfinished account of doings in Dhilpir and the incomplete 
one of those of the Monday of the party. For one of the intermediate days Babur 
had made an appointment, when in Gialiar (f. 343), with the envoys of Bikramajit, the 
trysting-day being Muh. 23rd (z.e. 9 days after Muh. 14th). Babur is likely to have 
gone to Biana as planned ; that envoys met him there may be surmised from the 
circumstance that when negociations with Bikramajit were renewed in Agra (f.345), 
two sets of envoys were present, a ‘‘ former” one anda “‘ later ” one, and this although 
all envoys had been dismissed from Giialiar. The ‘‘ former” ones will have been 
those who went to Biana, were not given leave there, but were brought on to Agra ; 
the “‘later” ones may have come to Agra direct from Ranthambhor. It suits all 
round to take it that pages have been lost on which was the record of the end of the 
Dhilpir visit, of the journey to the, as yet unseen, fort of Biana, of tryst kept by the 
envoys, of other doings in Biana where, judging from the time taken to reach Sikri, 
it may be that the ma‘jam party was held. 

3 Anglicé, Tuesday after 6 p.m. 

4 aghaz aichib nima yib, which words seem to imply the breaking of a fast. 

Fol. 3444. 

Fol. 345. 


the garden now in making at Sikri. The garden-wall wae weil uae 

buildings were not getting on to my satisfaction ; the overseers — 
therefore were threatened and punished. We rode on from 
Sikri between the Other and Evening Prayers, passed through 
Marhakir, dismounted somewhere and slept. 

(Oct. 15th) Riding on (Thursday 30th), we got into Agra 
during the first watch (6-9 a.m.). In the fort I saw the honoured ~ 
Khadija-sultan Begim who had stayed behind for several reasons 
when Fakhr-i-jahan Begim started for Kabul. Crossing Jin 
(Jumna), I went to the Garden-of-eight paradises.* 

(m. Arrival of kinswomen.) % 

(Oct. 17th) On Saturday the 3rd of Safar, between the Othe 
and Evening Prayers, I went to see three of the great-aunt 
begims,? Gauhar-shad Begim, Badi‘v’l-jamal Begim, and Aq 
Begim, with also, of lesser begims,3 S]. Mas‘tid Mirza’s daughter 
Khan-zada Begim, and Sultan-bakht Begim’s daughter, and my 
yinka chichas grand-daughter, that is to say, Zainab-sultan 
Begim.+ They had come past Tita and dismounted at a small — 
standing-water (gard s#) on the edge of the suburbs. I came 
back direct by boat. | 

(x. Despatch of an envoy to receive charge of Ranthambhor.) 

(Oct. 19th) On Monday the 5th of the month of Safar, Hamisi 
son of Diwa, an old Hindi servant from Bhira, was joined with © 
Bikramajit’s former 5 and later envoys in order that pact and © 
agreement for the surrender of Ranthanbir and for the © 
conditions of Bikramajit’s service might be made in their own 
(hindi) way and custom. Before our man returned, he was to 
see, and learn, and make sure of matters; this done, if that 

_ ' Doubtless the garden owes its name to the eight heavens or paradises mentioned — 
in the Quran (Hughes’ Dictionary of Islim s.n. Paradise). Babur appears to have 
reached Agra on the Ist of Safar; the 2nd may well have been spent on the home 
affairs of a returned traveller, : : i 

* The great, or elder trio were daughters of Sl. Abii-sa‘id Mirza, Babur’s paternal- a 
aunts therefore, of his dutiful attendance on whom, Gul-badan writes. - 

> “Lesser,” de. younger in age, lower in rank as not being the daughters of _ 

a sovereign Mirza, and held in less honour because of a younger generation. 
* Gul-badan mentions the arrival in Hindistin of a khanim of this name, who was 

a daughter of Si. Mahmid Khan Chaghatai, Babur’s maternal-uncle; to this maternal Ve 
relationship the word chicha (mother) may refer. Yinka, uncle’s or elder brother's _ 

wife, has occurred before (ff. 192, 207), chicha not till now. 
5 Cf. f. 3446 and n.5 concerning the surmised movements of this set of envoys. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 Tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 617 

person (z.e. Bikramajit) stood fast to his spoken word, I, for my 
part, promised that, God bringing it aright, I would set him in 
his father’s place as Rana of Chitir.* 

(Here the record of 3 days ts wanting.) 

(0. A levy on stipendtaries.) 

(Oct. 22nd) By this time the treasure of Iskandar and Ibrahim 
in Dihli and Agra was at an end. Royal orders were given 
therefore, on Thursday the 8th of Safar, that each stipendiary 
(wajhdar) should drop into the Diwan, 30 in every Ioo of his 
allowance, to be used for war-material and appliances, for equip- 
ment, for powder, and for the pay of gunners and matchlockmen. 

(~. Royal letters sent into Khurasan.) 

(Oct. 24th) On Saturday the 10th of the month, Pay-master 
Sl. Muhammad’s foot-man Shah Qasim who once before had 
taken letters of encouragement to kinsfolk in Khurasan,? was 
sent to Heri with other letters to the purport that, through God’s 
grace, our hearts were at ease in Hindistan about the rebels and 
pagans of east and west; and that, God bringing it aright, we 
should use every means and assuredly in the coming spring 
should touch the goal of our desire.3 On the margin of a royal 
letter sent to Ahmad Afshar (Turk) a summons to Faridiin the 
gabuz-player was written with my own hand. 

(Here the record of 11 days ts wanting.) 

t This promise was first proffered in Gialiar (f. 343). 

2 These may be Bai-qara kinsfolk or Miran-shahis married to them. No record of 
Shah Qasim’s earlier mission is preserved ; presumably he was sent in 934 AH. and the 
record will have been lost with much more of that year’s. Khwand-amir may well 
have had to do with this second mission, since he could inform Babur of the discomfort 
caused in Heri by the near leaguer of ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Adzbeg. 

3 Albatta aiiztimizni har ni‘ gilib tigitrkimiz dur. The following versions of this 
sentenceattest its difficulty :— Wag7‘at-t-baburi, ist trs. 1.0. 215 f. 212, albatta khudra 
ba har ni‘i ka bashad dar in khib khwahim rasdnad; and 2nd trs. 1.0. 217 f. 2384, 
albatta dar har nu‘ karda khiidr& mi rasinim ; Memoirs p. 388, ‘‘ I would make an 
effort and return in person to Kabul” ; A/émoizres ii, 356, e ferais tous mes efforts pour 
pousser en avant, I surmise, as Payanda-i-hasan seems to have done (Ist Pers. trs. 
supra), that the passage alludes to Babur’s aims in Hindistan which he expects to 
touch in the coming spring. What seems likely to be implied is what Erskine says 
and more, vzz. return to Kabul, renewal of conflict with the Atizbeg and release of 
Khurasan kin through success. As is said by Babur immediately after this, Tahmasp 
of Persia had defeated ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Azzseg before Babur’s letter was written. 

Fol. 3458. 

Fol. 346. 


In today’s forenoon (Tuesday 20th ?) | made a beginning of 
eating quicksilver." 

(q. News from Kabul and Khurasan.) ? 

(Nov. 4th) On Wednesday the 2Ist of the month (Safar) 
a Hindistani foot-man (pi@da) brought dutiful letters (‘arz- 
dashtlar) from Kamran and Khwaja Dost-i-khawand. The 
Khwaja had reached Kabul on the Ioth of Zi’l-hijja3 and will 
have been anxious to go on4 to Humayiin’s presence, but there 
comes to him a man from Kamran, saying, “ Let the honoured 
Khwaja come (to see me) ; let him deliver whatever royal orders 
there may be; let him go on to Humayiin when matters have 
been talked over.”5 Kamran will have gone into Kabul on the 
17th of Zi’l-hijja (Sep. 2nd), will have talked with the Khwaja 
and, on the 28th of the same month, will have let him go on for 
Fort Victory (Q7la‘-c-zafar). 

There was this excellent news in the dutiful letters received :— 
that Shah-zada Tahmasp, resolute to put down the Aiizheg,° had 
overcome and killed Rinish (var. Zinish) Awzdeg in Damghan 
and made a general massacre of his people ; that “‘Ubaid Khan, 
getting sure news about the Qzzi/-bash (Red-head) had risen from 
round Heri, gone to Merv, called up to him there all the sultans 
of Samarkand and those parts, and that all the sultans of 
Ma wara’u’n-nahr had gone to help him.7 

This same foot-man brought the further news that Humayin 
was said to have had a son by the daughter of Yadgar Taghai, 

* Simab yimakni bunyad gildim, a statement which would be less abrupt if it followed 
a record of illness. Such a record may have been made and lost. 

* The preliminaries to this now somewhat obscure section will have been lost in the 
gap of 934AH. They will have given Babur’s instructions to Khwaja Dost-i-khawand 
and have thrown light on the unsatisfactory state of Kabul, concerning which a good 
deal comes out later, particularly in Babur’s letter to its Governor Khwaja Kalan. It fi: 
may be right to suppose that Kamran wanted Kabul and that he expected the Khwaja 

to bring him an answer to his request for it, whether made by himself or for him, 

through some-one, his mother perhaps, whom Babur now sent for to Hindistan, 
3 934AH.—August 26th 1528 ap. 

* The useful verb ¢ibramak which connotes agitation of mind with physical move- 

ment, will here indicate anxiety on the Khwaja’s part to fulfil his mission to Humayin. 
_ 5 Kamran’s messenger seems to repeat his master’s words, using the courteous 
imperative of the 3rd person plural. 

® Though Babur not infrequently writes of ¢. g. Bengalis and Aiizbegs and Turks in 
the singular, the Bengali, the Aizbeg, the Turk, he seems here to mean ‘Ubaidu’l-lah, 
the then dominant Aiizbeg, although Kiichim was Khaqan. 

7 This muster preceded defeat near Jam of which Babur heard some 19 days later. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 619 

and that Kamran was said to be marrying in Kabul, taking the 
daughter of his mother’s brother Sl. ‘Ali Mirza (Begchik).* 

(r. Honours for an artificer.)? 

On this same day Sayyid Dakni of Shiraz the diviner (ghazba- 
gar ?) was made to wear a dress of honour, given presents, and 
ordered to finish the arched (?) well (AAwaralig-chah) as he best 
knew how. 

(s. The Walidiyyah-risdla (Parental-tract).) 

(Vov. 6th) On Friday the 23rd of the month3 such heat 4 
appeared in my body that with difficulty I got through the 
Congregational Prayer in the Mosque, and with much trouble 
through the Mid-day Prayer, in the book-room, after due time, 
and little by little. Thereafter5 having had fever, I trembled 
less on Sunday (Wov. 28h). During the night of Tuesday © the 
27th of the month Safar, it occurred to me to versify (wagm gilmaq) 

* Humiayiin’s wife was Bega Begim, the later Haji Begim; Kamran’s bride was 
her cousin perhaps named Mah-afriiz (Gul-badan’s Humdyiin-nama f.646). The 
hear-say tense used by the messenger allows the inference that he was not accredited to 
give the news but merely repeated the rumour of Kabul. The accredited bearer-of- 
good-tidings came later (f. 3464). 

? There are three enigmatic words in this section. The first is the Sayyid’s 
cognomen ; was he dakni, rather dark of hue, or zakni, one who knows, or rukni, 
one who props, erects scaffolding, ec. ? The second mentions his occupation ; was 
he a ghazba-gar, diviner (Erskine, water-finder), a 7ida-gar, cuirass-maker, or a jzdd- 
gar, cistern-maker, which last suits with well-making? The third describes the kind 
of well he had in hand, perhaps the stone one of f. 3534; had it scaffolding, or was it 
for drinking-water only (44waralig) ; had it anarch, or was it chambered (4hwdazalig)? 
If Babur’s orders for the work had been preserved,—they may be lost from f. 344, 
trouble would have been saved to scribes and translators, as an example of whose 
uncertainty it may be mentioned that from the third word (4Awdralig?) Erskine 
extracted “‘jets d’eau and artificial water-works "2 and de Courteille ‘‘ ¢az//é dans /e 
roc vif”. 

$ All Babur’s datings in Safar are inconsistent with his of Muharram, if a Muharram 
of 30 days [as given by Gladwin and others]. 

4 hararat. This Erskine renders by ‘‘so violent an illness ” (p. 388), de Courteille 
by ‘‘ ane inflammation d’entrailles” (ii, 357), both swayed perhaps by the earlier 
mention, on Muh. Ioth, of Babur’s medicinal quick-silver, a drug long in use in 
India hie internal affections (Erskine). Some such ailment may have been recorded 
and the record lost (f. 3454 and n. 8), but the heat, fever, and trembling in the illness 
of Safar 23rd, taken with the reference to last’s year’s attack of fever, all point to 
climatic fever. 

5 aindini (or, Gndini). Consistently with the readings quoted in the preceding 
note, E. and de C. date the onset of the fever as Sunday and translate aindini to 
mean “‘twodaysafter”. It cannot be necessary however to specify the interval between 
Friday and Sunday; the text is not explicit ; it seems safe to surmise only that the 
cold fit was less severe on Sunday ; the fever had ceased on the following Thursday. 

© Anglicé, Monday after 6p.m. 

Fol. 3463. 


the Walidiyyah-risala of his Reverence Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah, 
I laid it to heart that if I, going to the soul of his Reverence* 
protection, were freed from this disease, it would be a sign © at 
my poem was accepted, just as the author of the Qasz atwl- 
birda 3 was freed from the affliction of paralysis when his poem 
had been accepted. To this end I began to versify the tract, 2 
using the metre+ of Maulana ‘Abdu’r-rahim Jamis Subhatu'l- 

abrar (Rosary of the Righteous). Thirteen couplets were made — 
in that same night. I tasked myself not to make fewer than Io 
a day ; in the end one day had been omitted. While last year 
every time such illness had happened, it had persisted at least — 
a month or 40 days,5 this year, by God’s grace and his Reverence’s- 
favour, I was free, except for a little depression (afsurda), on ; 
Thursday the 29th of the month (ov. 72th). The end of 

the 8th of the first Rabi‘ (Vov. 20th). One day 52 couplets had : 4 
been made.® _ 

(¢. Troops warned for service.) a 
(Nov. 11th) On Wednesday the 28th of the month royal 

orders were sent on all sides for the armies, saying, “God ~ 

* The Rashahat-i-‘ainwl-hayat (Tricklings from the fountain of life) contains an 
interesting and almost contemporary account of the Khwaja and of his Walidiyyah- 
risala, A summary of what in it concerns the Khwaja can be readin the JRAS. 
Jan. 1916, H. Beveridge’s art. The tract, so far as we have searched, is now known” 
in European literature only through Babur’s metrical translation of it ; and this, again, 
is known only through the Rampur Diwan. [It may be noted here, though the topic 
belongs to the beginning of the Babur-nama (f. 2), that the Rashahat contains particulars i 
about Ahriri’s interventions for peace between Babur’s father ‘Umar Shaikh and those _ 
with whom he quarrelled. ] a 

* “Here unfortunately, Mr. Elphinstone’s Turki copy finally ends” (Erskine), 
that is to say, the Elphinstone Codex belonging to the Faculty of Advocates of 
Edinburgh. my. 

3 This work, Al-busiri’s famous poem in praise of the Prophet, has its most recent ‘EF 
notice in M. René Basset’s article of the Zvcyclopedia of [slam (Leydenand London). 

4 Babur’s technical terms to describe the metre he used are, ramal musaddas — 
makhbiin ‘aris and zarb gith abtar gah makhbin muhsif waan. ‘ 

5 althan yil (u) har mahal miindag ‘airizat kim baldi, from which it seems correct — 
to omit the # (and), thus allowing the reference to be to last year’s illnesses only; 
because no record, of any date, survives of illness lasting even one full month, and _ 
no other year has a /acuma of sufficient length unless one goes improbably far back : for 
these attacks seem to be of Indian climatic fever. One in last year (934.AH.) lasting 
25-26 days (f. 331) might be called a month’s illness ; another or others may have — 



happened in the second half of the year and their record be lost, as several have been. 
lost, to the detriment of connected narrative. “ 

® Mr. Erskine’s rendering (A/emoizrs p. 388) of the above section shows somethi Ban 
of what is gained by acquaintance which he had not, with the Rashahat-- aT hese 
and with Babur’s versified Walidiyyah-risala. 7 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 621 

bringing it about, at an early opportunity my army will be got to 
horse. Let all come soon, equipped for service.” 

(Here the record of 9 days ts wanting.) * 

(u. Messengers from Humayin.) 

(Nov. 21st) On Sunday the 9th of the first Rabi‘, Beg 
Muhammad fa‘allugcht? came, who had been sent last year 
(934.AH.) at the end of Muharram to take a dress of honour and 
a horse to Humayin.3 

(Nov. 22nd) On Monday the Ioth of the month there came 
from Humayiin’s presence Wais Laghari’s (son) Beg-gina (Little 
Beg) and Bian Shaikh, one of Humayiin’s servants who had come 
as the messenger of the good tidings of the birth of Humayiin’s 
son whose name he gave as Al-aman. Shaikh Abi’l-wajd found 
Shah sa‘adatmand + to be the date of his birth. 

(v. Rapid travel.) 

Bian Shaikh set out long after Beg-gina. He parted from 
Humayin on Friday the 9th of Safar (Oct. 23rd) at a place 
below Kishm called Dii-shamba (Monday); he came into Agra 
on Monday the [oth of the first Rabi‘ (Vov. 23rd). He came 
very quickly! Another time he actually came from Qila‘-i-zafar 
to Oandahar in 11 days.5 

* This gap, like some others in the diary of 935 AH. can be attributed safely to 
loss of pages, because preliminaries are now wanting to several matters which Babur 
records shortly after it. Such are (1) the specification of the three articles sent to 
Nasrat Shah, (2) the motive for the feast of f. 3514, (3) the announcement of the approach 
of the surprising group of envoys, who appear without introduction at that entertain- 
ment, in a manner opposed to Babur’s custom of writing, (4) an account of their arrival 
and reception. 

? Land-holder (see Hobson-Jobson s.n. talookdar). 

“ 3 ae long detention of this messenger is mentioned in Babur’s letter to Humayiin 

_ 4 These words, if short a be read in Shih, make 934 by aéjad. The child died in 

infancy ; no son of Humayiin’s had survived childhood before Akbar was born, some 

14 years later. Concerning Abi’l-wajd /arighi, see Habibu’s-styar, lith. ed. ii, 347; 

Muntakhabw t-tawarikh, Bib. Ind. ed. i, 3; and Index s.z. 

5 I am indebted to Mr. A. E. Hinks, Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society, 
for the following approximate estimate of the distances travelled by Bian Shaikh :— 
(a) From Kishm to Kabul 240m.—from Kabul to Peshawar 175m.—from Peshawar 
to Agra (railroad distance) 759 m.—total 1174m. ; dailyaverageczr. 38 miles ; (4) Qila‘-i- 
gafar to Kabul 264m.—Kabul to Qandahar 316m.—total 580m. ; daily average c77. 
53miles. The second journey was made probably in 913 AH. and to inform Babur of 
the death of the Shah of Badakhshan (f. 2136). 


Fol. 347. 

Fol. 3478. 


(w. News of Tahmasp’s victory over the Aizbegs.) eh an 
Bian Shaikh brought news about Shah-zada Tahmasp’s ‘Oe 
advancing out of ‘Iraq and defeating the Atzbeg.t Hereare 
his particulars:—Shah-zada Tahmasp, having come out of ‘Traq 
with 40,000 men arrayed in Rumi fashion of matchlock and cart,* 
advances with great speed, takes Bastam, slaughters Rinish (var. 
Zinish) Aazbeg and his men in Damghan, and'from there passes __ 
right swiftly on.3 Kipik Bi’s son Qambar-i-‘ali Beg is beaten 
by one of the Qzzz/-bash (Red-head)’s men, and with his few __ 
followers goes to ‘Ubaid Khan’s presence. ‘Ubaid Khan finds ~ 
it undesirable to stay near Heri, hurriedly sends off gallopers 
to all the sultans of Balkh, Hisar, Samarkand, and Tashkend 
(Tashkint) and goes himself to Merv. Siiinjak Sl.’s younger son’ c 
Baraq Sl. from Tashkend, Kichim Khan, with (his sons) Aba 
-sa‘id Sl. and Pilad Sl, and Jani Beg Sl. with his sons, from 
Samarkand and Mian-kal, Mahdi Sl.’s and Hamza Sl.’s sons — 
from Hisar, Kitin-qara Sl. from Balkh, all these sultans assemble _ 
right swiftly in Merv. To them their informers (¢é-chz) take a 
news that Shah-zada, after saying, “‘Ubaid Khan is seated near 
Heri with few men only,” had been advancing swiftly with his 
40,000 men, but that when he heard of this assembly (ze. in 

Merv), he made a ditch in the meadow of Radagan4 and seated 
* On Muh. roth 934AH.—Sep. 26th 1528ap. For accounts of the campaign see 
Rieu’s Suppl. Persian Cat. under Histories of Tahmasp (Churchill Collection); the 
Habibw's-siyar and the ‘Alam-arai-‘abbasi, the last a highly rhetorical work. Babur’s 
accounts (Index s,#. Jam) are merely repetitions of news given to him; heis not _ 
responsible for mistakes he records, such as those of f. 354. [It must be mentioned 
that Mr. Erskine has gone wrong in his description of the, battle, the starting-point — 
of error being his reversal of two events, the encampment of Tahmaspat Radaganand 
his passage through Mashhad. A century ago less help, through maps and travel, 
was available than now. ] ; 
* tufak u ardba, the method of array Babur adopted from the Riimi-Persian model. _ 
3 Tahmasp’s main objective, aimed at earlier than the Aizbeg muster in Merv, — 
was Herat, near which ‘Ubaid Khan had been for 7 months. He did not take the 
shortest route for Mashhad, wz. the Damghan-Sabzawar-Nishapir road, but went ——_ 
from Damghan for Mashhad by way of Kalpiish (‘4/am-arai lith.ed. p.45) and = 
Radagan. Two military advantages are obvious on this route; (1) it approaches = 
Mashhad by the descending road of the Kechef-valley, thus avoiding the climb into 
that valley by a pass beyond Nishapiir on the alternative route; and (2) it passes = 
through the fertile lands of Radagan. [For Kalpiish and the route see Fr. military map, 
Sheets Astarabad and Merv, n.e. of Bastam. ] if { 
.. ‘7m. from Kushan and 86m. from Mashhad. As Lord Curzon reports (Persia, — 
ll, 120) that his interlocutors on the spot were not able to explain the word ‘‘Radkan,” 
it may be useful to note here that the town seems to borrow its name from the ancient " 
tower standing near it, the A/i/-7-radagan, or, as Réclus gives it, Zour de méimandan, — 
both names meaning, Tower of the bounteous (or, beneficent, highly-distinguished, 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 623 

himself there.' Here-upon the Aiizbegs, with entire disregard 
of their opponents,” left their counsels at this :—“Let all of us 
sultans and khans seat ourselves in Mashhad ;3 let a few of us 
be told off with 20,000 men to go close to the Qizil-bash camp 4 
and not let them put head out ; let us order magicians 5 to work 
their magic directly Scorpio appears ;° by this stratagem the 
enemy will be enfeebled, and we shall overcome.” So said, they 
march from Merv. Shah-zada gets out of Mashhad.” He 
confronts them near Jam-and-Khirgird.? There defeat befalls the 
Aizbeg side? A mass of sultans are overcome and slaughtered. 

In one letter it (2#d) was written, “It is not known for certain 
that any sultan except Kiichim Khan has escaped ; not a man 
who went with the army has come back up to now.” The 

étc.). (Cf. Vullers Dict. 5.2. r@d; Réclus’ L’ Aste Antérieure p. 219; and O’ Donovan’s 
Merv Oasis.) Perhaps light on the distinguished people (7@dagam) is given by the 
Dabistan’s notice ofan ancient sect, the Radiyan, seeming to be fire-worshippers whose 
chief was Rad-giina, an eminently brave hero of the latter part of Jamshid’s reign 
(8008.c. ?). Of the town Radagan Daulat Shah makes frequent mention. A second 
town so-called and having a tower lies north of Ispahan. 

* In these days of trench-warfare it would give a wrong impression to say that 
Tahmasp entrenched himself; he did what Babur did before his battles at Panipat 
and Kanwa (¢.z.). 

? The Aizbegs will have omitted from their purview of affairs that Tahmasp’s men 
were veterans. . 

3 The holy city had been captured by ‘Ubaid Khan in 933 AH. (1525 AD.), but nothing 
in Bian Shaikh’s narrative indicates that they were now there in force. 

4 Presumably the one in the Radagan-meadow. 

5 using the yada-tash to ensure victory (Index s.7.). 

© If then, as now, Scorpio’s appearance were expected in Oct.-Nov., the Aizbegs 
had greatly over-estimated their power to check Tahmasp’s movements ; but it seems 
fairly clear that they expected Scorpio to follow Virgo in Sept.—Oct. according to the 
ancient view of the Zodiacal Signs which allotted two houses to the large Scorpio and, 
if it admitted Libra at all, placed it between Scorpio’s claws (Virgil’s Georgics i, 32 
and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, ii, 195.—H.B.). 

7 It would appear that the Aiizbegs, after hearing that Tahmasp was encamped at 
Radagan, expected to interpose themselves in his way at Mashhad and to get their 
20,000 to Radagan before he broke camp. Tahmasp’s swiftness spoiled their plan ; 
he will have stayed at Radagan a short time only, perhaps till he had further news of 
the Atizbegs, perhaps also for commissariat purposes and to rest his force. He visited 
the shrine of Imam Reza, and had reached Jam in time to confront his adversaries as 
they came down to it from Zawarabad (Pilgrims’-town). 

® or, Khirjard, as many MSS. have it. Itseems to be a hamlet or suburb of Jam. 
The ‘Alam-arai (lith. ed. p. 40) writes Khusrau-jard-i-Jam (the Khusrau-throne of 
Jam), perhaps rhetorically. The hamlet is Maulana ‘Abdu’r-rahman /amz’s birthplace 
(Daulat Shah’s 7azkirat, E. G. Browne’s ed. p. 483). Jam now appears on maps as 
Turbat-i-Shaikh Jami, the tomb (¢wrdaz) being that of the saintly ancestor of Akbar’s 
mother Hamida-bani. 

9 The ‘A/am-drdai (lith. ed. p. 31) says, but in grandiose language, that ‘Ubaid Khan 
placed at the foot of his standard 40 of the most eminent men of Transoxania who 
prayed for his success, but that as his cause was not good, their supplications were 
turned backwards, and that all were slain where they had prayed. 

Fol. 348. 


Chalma, whose real name is Isma‘il, must be in the fort." its ae 


(x. Letters written by Babur.) f e 
(Nov. 27th and 28th) This same Bian Shaikh was sent quite 
quickly back with letters for Humayiin and Kamran. These 
and other writings being ready by Friday the 14th of the month 
(Nov. 27th) were entrusted to him, his leave was given, and on a 
Saturday the 15th he got well out of Agra. e 


“The first matter, after saying, ‘Salutation’ to Humayiin ~ 
whom I am longing to see, is this :— oe 
Exact particulars of the state of affairs on that side and on 
this 3 have been made known by the letters and dutiful representa- a 
tions brought on Monday the oth of the first Rabi‘ by Beg-gina 
and Bian Shaikh. Ds 

(Zurki) Thank God! a son is born to thee ! 
A son to thee, to me a heart-enslaver (dz/-bandz). 

May the Most High ever allot to thee and to me tidings as 

joyful! So may it be, O Lord of the two worlds !” o 
“Thou sayest thou hast called him Al-aman; God bless and — 4 

prosper this! Thou writest it so thyself (ze. Al-aman), but hast — 


* Here the Ist Pers. trs. (I.O. 215 f. 214) mentions that it was Chalma who wrote and — 
despatched the exact particulars of the defeat of the Atizbegs. This informationexplains 
the presumption Babur expresses. It shows that Chalma was in Hisar where he may 
have written his letter to give news to Humayin. At the time Bian Shaikh left, 
the Mirza was near Kishm; if he had been the enterprising man he was not, one 
would surmise that he had moved to seize the chance of the sultans’ abandonment of 
Hisar, without waiting for his father’s urgency (f. 3484). Whether he had done so 
and was the cause of the sultans’ flight, is not known from any chronicle yet cometo 
our hands. Chalma’s father Ibrahim Janz died fighting for Babur against Shaibaq _ 
Khan in 906 AH. (f. 90d). - 
As the sense of the name-of-office Chalma is still in doubt, I suggest that it may be a 
an equivalent of aftabachi, bearer of the water-bottle on journeys. 7. chalma can — 
mean a water-vessel carried on the saddle-bow; one Chalmaon record was a safarchi; 
if, in this word, safar be read to mean journey, an approach is made to aftabachi 
(fol. 156 and note ; Blochmann’s A.-i-A. p. 378 and n. 3). ae 
* The copies of Babur’s Turki letter to Humayin and the later one to Khwaja Kalan 
(f. 359) are in some MSS. of the Persian text translated only (I.O. 215 f.214); in — 
others appear in Turki only (1.0. 217 f. 240) ; in others appear in Turki and Persian 
(B. M. Add. 26,000 and I.O, 2989) ; while in Muh. Shirazi’s lith. ed. they are omitted 
altogether (p. 228). ee 
3 Trans- and Cis-Hindukush. Payanda-hasan (in one of his useful glosses to the _ 
Ist Pers. trs.) amplifies here by ‘‘ Khurasan, Ma wara’u’n-nahr and Kabul”. i 


aa P 



935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 625 

over-looked that common people mostly say alama or atlaman.* 
Besides that, this A/ is rare in names.2, May God bless and 
prosper him in name and person; may He grant us to keep 
Al-aman (peace) for many years and many decades of years ! 3 
May He now order our affairs by His own mercy and favour ; 
not in many decades comes such a chance as this!” 4 

“Again :—On Tuesday the 11th of the month (Vov. 23rd) came 
the false rumour that the Balkhis had invited and were fetching 
Qurban 5 into Balkh.” 

“ Again :—Kamran and the Kabul begs have orders to join 
thee ; this done, move on Hisar, Samarkand, Heri or to what- 
ever side favours fortune. Mayst thou, by God’s grace, crush 
foes and take lands to the joy of friends and the down-casting 
of adversaries! Thank God! now is your time to risk life and 
slash swords.° Neglect not the work chance has brought; slothful 
life in retirement befits not sovereign rule :— 

(Persian) He grips the world who hastens ; 
Empire yokes not with delay ; 
All else, confronting marriage, stops, 
Save only sovereignty.7 

If through God’s grace, the Balkh and Hisar countries be won 
and held, put men of thine in Hisar, Kamran’s men in Balkh. 
Should Samarkand also be won, there make thy seat. Hisar, 
God willing, I shall make a crown-domain. Should Kamran 
regard Balkh as small, represent the matter to me; please God! 
I will make its defects good at once out of those other countries.” 

“Again :—As thou knowest, the rule has always been that 

* The words Babur gives as mispronunciations are somewhat uncertain in sense ; 
manifestly both are of ill-omen :—Al-aman itself [of which the a/amd of the Hai. MS. 
and Ilminsky may be an abbreviation, is the cry of the vanquished, ‘‘ Quarter ! mercy !”; 
Ailaman and also a/aman can represent a Turkman raider. 

? Presumably amongst Timirids. 

3 Perhaps Babur here makes a placatory little joke. 

4 z.e. that offered by Tahmasp’s rout of the Aiizbegs at Jam. 

5 He was an adherent of Babur. Cf. f.353. 

© The plural ‘‘ your” will include Humayiin and Kamran. Neither had yet shewn 
himself the heritor of his father’s personal dash and valour ; they had lacked the stress 
which shaped his heroism. ; 

7 My husband has traced these lines to Nizami’s Khusrau and Shirin. [They occur 
on f. 2564 in his MS. of 317 folios.] Babur may have quoted from memory, since his 
version varies. The lines need their context to be understood ; they are part of 
Shirin’s address to Khusrau when she refuses to marry him because at the time he is 
fighting for his sovereign position ; and they say, in effect, that while all other work 
stops for marriage (kadkhudai), kingly rule does not. 

Fol. 3484. 

Fol. 349- 

Fol. 3494. 


when thou hadst six parts, Kamran had five; this having been 
constant, make no change.” hte As, 

“ Again :—Live well with thy younger brother. Elders must 
bear the burden! I have the hope that thou, for thy part, wilt 
keep on good terms with him ; he, who has grown up an active © y 
and excellent youth, should not fail, for his part, in loyal duty 
to thee.” ? 

“ Again :—Words from thee are somewhat few ; no person has 
come from thee for two or three years past; the man I sent to 
thee (Beg Muhammad ¢a‘a//ugchi) came back in something over 
a year; is this not so?” a. 

“Again :—As for the “retirement”, “retirement”, spoken of in 
thy letters,—retirement is a fault for sovereignty; asthe honoured __ 
(Sa‘di) says :—3 . 

(Persian) If thy foot be fettered, choose to be resigned ; 
If thou ride alone, take thou thine own head. 

No bondage equals that of sovereignty ; retirement matches not 
with rule.” Sg 
“ Again :—Thou hast written me a letter, as I ordered thee to A 
do ; but why not have read it over? If thou hadst thought of 
reading it, thou couldst not have done it, and, unable thyself to 
read it, wouldst certainly have made alteration in it. Though by 
taking trouble it can be read, it is very puzzling, and who ever 
saw an enigma in prose?4 Thy spelling, though not bad,isnot 
quite correct ; thou writest d/tafat with a (dtafat) and giling 
with ya (gilinj?).5 Although thy letter can be read if every sort a 

* Ailighlar kitarimlik kirak ; 2nd Pers. trs. buzurgin bardasht mi baid kardand. 
This dictum may be a quotation. I have translated it to agree with Babur’s reference 
to the ages of the brothers, but ai/agh/ar expresses greatness of position as well as 
seniority in age, and the dictum may be taken as a Turki version of ‘‘ Moblesse oblige”, 
and may also mean ‘‘ The great must be magnanimous”. (Cf. de C.’s Dict. sa. 
hiitarimlth. ) [It may be said of the verb éardashtan used in the Pers. trs., that 
Abi'l-fazl, perhaps translating £i/drim/ik reported to him, puts it into Babur’s mouth __ 
when, after praying to take Humiyiin’s illness upon himself, he cried with conviction, 

Ihave borne it away” (A.N. trs. H.B. i, 276). ] a 

? If Babur had foreseen that his hard-won rule in Hindiistan was to be given tothe ~ 
winds of one son’s frivolities and the other’s disloyalty, his words of scant content with 
what the Hindiistan of his desires had brought him, would have expressed a yet keener 
pain (Rampir Diwan E.D.R.’s ed. p.15 1.5 fr. ft.). i 

; Bostan, cap. Advice of Noshirwan to Hurmuz (H.B.). 

: A little joke at the expense of the mystifying letter. . 

For yd, Mr. Erskine writes 4e. What the mistake was is an open question; I have 

guessed an exchange of z for #, because such an exchange is not infrequent amongst 
Turki long vowels. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 627 

of pains be taken, yet it cannot be quite understood because of 
that obscure wording of thine. Thy remissness in letter-writing 
seems to be due to the thing which makes thee obscure, that is 
to say, toelaboration. In future write without elaboration ; use 
plain, clear words. So will thy trouble and thy reader’s be less.” 

“ Again:—Thou art now to go on a great business ;* take 

counsel with prudent and experienced begs, and act as they say. 
If thou seek to pleasure me, give up sitting alone and avoiding 
society. Summon thy younger brother and the begs twice daily 
to thy presence, not leaving their coming to choice; be the 
business what it may, take counsel and settle every word and 
act in agreement with those well-wishers.” 
_ “Again :—Khwaja Kalan has long had with me the house- 
friend’s intimacy ; have thou as much and even more with him. 
If, God willing, the work becomes less in those parts, so that 
thou wilt not need Kamran, let him leave disciplined men in 
Balkh and come to my presence.” 

“ Again :—Seeing that there have been such victories, and such 
conquests, since Kabul has been held, I take it to be well-omened ; 
I have made it a crown-domain ; let no one of you covet it.” 

“ Again :—Thou hast done well (yakhshi qgilib sin) ; thou hast 
won the heart of Sl. Wais;? get him to thy presence; act by 
his counsel, for he knows business.” 

“Until there is a good muster of the army, do not move out.” 

“ Bian Shaikh is well-apprized of word-of-mouth matters, and 
will inform thee of them. These things said, I salute thee and 
am longing to see thee.”— 

The above was written on Thursday the 13th of the first Rabi‘ 
(Nov. 26th). To the same purport and with my own hand, 
I wrote also to Kamran and Khwaja Kalan, and sent off the 
letters (by Bian Shaikh). 

(Here the record fails from Rabi‘ 15th to 19th.) 

(y. Plans of campaign.) 

(Dec. 2nd) On Wednesday the 19th of the month (Radz‘ Z.) 
the mirzas, sultans, Turk and Hind amirs were summoned for 

* That of reconquering Timirid lands. 
? of Xu/ab ; he was the father of Haram Begim, one of Gul-badan’s personages. 

Fol. 350. 

Fol. 3504. 

Fol. 351. 


counsel, and left the matter at this :—That this year the army — 
must move in some direction ; that ‘Askari should go in advance ~ 
towards the East, be joined by the sultans and amirs from beyond 
Gang (Ganges), and march in whatever direction favoured fortune. — 
These particulars having been written down, Ghidsu’d-din the 
armourer was given rendezvous for 16 days,’ and sent galloping © 

off, on Saturday the 22nd of the month, to the amirs of the East _ yl 

headed by SI. Junaid Bar/as. His word-of-mouth message was, 
that ‘Askari was being sent on before the fighting apparatus, 
culverin, cart and matchlock, was ready ; that it was the royal 
order for the sultans and amirs of the far side of Gang to muster 
in ‘Askari’s presence, and, after consultation with well-wishers 
on that side, to move in whatever direction, God willing ! might 

favour fortune ; that if there should be work needing me, please } 

God! I would get to horse as soon as the person gone with the 
(16 days) tryst (s#z‘@d@) had returned ; that explicit representation 
should be made as to whether the Bengali (Nasrat Shah) were 
friendly and single-minded ; that, if nothing needed my presence 
in those parts, I should not make stay, but should move else- 
where at once ;? and that after consulting with well-wishers, they 
were to take ‘Askari with them, and, God willing! settle matters 
on that side. 

(Here the record of 5 days ts wanting.) 

(2. ‘Askari receives the insignia and rank of a royal commander.) 

(Dec. 12th) On Saturday the 29th of the first Rabi‘, ‘Askari 
was made to put on a jewelled dagger and belt, and a royal 
dress of honour, was presented with flag, horse-tail standard, 
drum, a set (6-8) of tipichag (horses), 10 elephants, a string 
of camels, one of mules, royal plenishing, and royal utensils. 
Moreover he was ordered to take his seat at the head of a Diwan. 
On his mulla and two guardians were bestowed jackets having 
buttons 3; on his other servants, three sets of nine coats. 

1 Gin ati giinlak m:ljar bila, as on f. 3546, and with exchange of T. m:lar for P. 
mi’ad, f. 3556. 

* Probably into Rajpit lands, notably into those of Salahu’d-din. 

9 tukhmalig chakmanlar ; as tukhma means both button and gold-embroidery, it 

peal right, especially of Hindistan articles, to translate sometimes in the second 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 629 

(aa. Babur visits one of his officers.) 

(Dec. 13th) On Sunday the last day of the month (Radz‘L. 30th)! 
I went to Sl. Muhammad Lakhshi’s house. After spreading 
a carpet, he brought gifts. His offering in money and goods 
was more than 2/aks.2,~_ When food and offering had been set 
out, we went into another room where sitting, we ate ma‘jin. 
We came away at the 3rd watch (midnight ?), crossed the water, 
and went to the private house. 

(6b. The Agra-Kabul road measured.) 

(Dec. 17th) On Thursday the 4th of the latter Rabi‘, it was 
settled that Chiqmaq Beg with Shahi famghachi’s3 clerkship, 
should measure the road between Agra and Kabul. At every 
9th kuroh (cir.18m.), a tower was to be erected 12garis high + and 
having a char-dara 5 on the top; at every 18th kuroh (cir. 36m.),° 
6 post-horses were to be kept fastened ; and arrangement was to 
be made for the payment of post-masters and grooms, and for 
horse-corn. The order was, “If the place where the horses are 
fastened up,7 be near a crown-domain, let those there provide for 
the matters mentioned ; if not, let the cost be charged on the beg 

t These statements of date are consistent with Babur’s earlier explicit entries and 
with Erskine’s equivalents of the Christian Era, but at variance with Gladwin’s and 
with Wiistenfeldt’s calculation that Rabi‘II. 1st was Dec. 13th. Yet Gladwin (Revenue 
Accounts, ed. 1790AD. p. 22) gives Rabi‘ I. 30 days. Without in the smallest degree 
questioning the two European calculations, I follow Babur, because in his day there 
may have been allowed variation which finds no entry in methodical calendars. 
Erskine followed Babur’s statements ; he is likely nevertheless to have seen Gladwin’s 
book. : 

? Erskine estimated this at £500, but later cast doubts on such estimates as being 
too low (Hzstory of India, vol. i, App. D.). 

3 The bearer of the stamp (¢amgha@) who by impressing it gave quittance for the 
payment of tolls and other dues. 

4 Either 24ft. or 36ft. according to whether the short or long gai be meant 
(tafra). These towers would provide resting-place, and some protection against ill- 
doers. They recall the two mi/-2-radagan of Persia (f. 347 2.9), the purpose of which 
is uncertain. Babur’s towers were not ‘‘ os mindrs”, nor is it said that he ordered 
each kuroh to be marked on the road. Some of the hos minars on the ‘‘ old Mughal 
roads” were over 30ft. high ; a considerable number are entered and depicted in the 
Annual Progress Report of the Archzological Survey for 1914 (Northern Circle, p. 45 
and Plates 44, 45). Some at least have a /ower chamber. 

5 Four-doored, open-on-all-sides. We have not found the word with this meaning 
in Dictionaries. It may translate H. chaukandi. 

© Erskine makes 9 fos (kurohs) to be 13-14miles, perhaps on the basis of the smaller 
gaz of 24inches. 

7 altt yam-ati baghlaghailar which, says one of Erskine’s manuscripts, is called 
a dak-choki. 

630 - HINDUSTAN an 

in whose pargana the post-house may be.” Chiqmaq Beg got 
out of Agra with Shahi on that same day. Spee 

Fol. 3510. (Author's note on the kuroh.) These kurohs were established in relation to 
the mi/, in the way mentioned in the A/wdin :—* ‘ 
(Zurki) Four thousand paces (gadam) are one mi/ ; 

Know that Hind people call this a £uroh ; 

The pace (gadamz) they say is a gavi and a half (36in.) ; 
Know that each gaz (24in.) is six hand-breadths (¢a@/amz) 

That each ¢#/am is four fingers (az/zh), 
Each ai/ik, six barley-corns. Know this knowledge.? 

The measuring-cord (aa@)3 was fixed at 40 gdari, each being the one-and- 
a-half ga@vi mentioned above, that is to say, each is 9 hand-breadths. 

(cc. A feast.) 

(Dec. 18th) On Saturday the 6th of the month (Rabi II.) 
there was a feast + at which were present Qizil-bash (Red-head), 
and Aizbeg, and Hindi envoys.5 The Qizil-bash envoys sat 

* Neither Erskine (ems. p. 394), nor de Courteille (A/éms. ii, 370) recognized the 
word A/udin here, although each mentions the poem later (p. 431 and ii, 461), deriving 
his information about it from the Akbar-nadma, Erskine direct, de Courteille by way 
of the Turki translation of the same Akéar-nama passage, which Ilminsky found in 
Kehr’s volume and which is one of the much discussed ‘** Fragments”, at first taken 
to be extra writings of Babur’s (cf. Index zz /oco s.m. Fragments). Ilminsky (p. 455) 
prints the word clearly, as one who knows it ; he may have seen that part of the poem 
itself which is included in Berésine’s Chrestomathie Turque (p. 226to p.272), underthe = 
title Fragment d’un poeme inconnu de Babour, and have observed that Babur himself © 
shews his title to be 1/udim, in the lines of his colophon (p. 271), ; 

Chi bian gildim anda shar‘iyat, 

Ni ‘ajab gar Mubin didim at ? 
(Since in it I have made exposition of Laws, what wonder if I named it A/udin 
(exposition) ?) Cf. Zranslator’s Note, p.437. [Berésine says (Ch.T.) that he prints 
half of his “‘ wzigue manuscrit” of the poem. ] 

* The passage Babur quotes comes from the usin section on tayammum mas@ la — 
(purification with sand), where he tells his son sand may be used, S# yurag balsa sindin — 
air bir mil (if from thee water be one mi/ distant), and then interjects the above — 
expats of what the mi/is. Two lines of his original are not: with the Badur- 

3 The fandé was thus 120ft. long. Cf. A.-i-A, Jarrett i, 414; Wilson’s Glossary of 
Indian Terms and Gladwin’s Revenue Accounts, p. 14. 

* Babur’s customary method of writing allows the inference that he recorded, in 
due place, the coming and reception of the somewhat surprising group of guests now 
mentioned as at this entertainment. That preliminary record will have been lost in one 
or more of the small gaps in his diary of 935AH. The envoys from the Samarkand 
Aizbegs and from the Persian Court may have come in acknowledgment of the Fa¢h- 

nama which announced victory over Rana Sanga ; the guests from Farghana will have 
accepted the invitation sent, says Gul-badan, ‘“‘in all directions,” after Babur’s defeat 
of Sl. Ibrahim Zédi, to urge hereditary servants and Timirid and Chingiz-khanid 
kinsfolk to come and see prosperity with him now when ‘‘the Most High has bestowed 
sovereignty ” (f.293a@; Gul-badan’s H.N. f. 11). oe 

_5 Hindi here will represent Rajpit. D’Herbélot’s explanation of the name Qizil- 
bash (Red-head) comes in usefully here :—‘‘ KEzEL BASCH or KizIL BASCH. Mot 
Ture qui signifie 7¢e rouge. Les Turcs appellent les Persans de ce nom, depuis 
qu'Ismaél Sofi, fondateur de la Dynastie des princes qui regnent aujourd’hui en Perse, 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 631 

under an awning placed some 70-80 g@ris * on my right, of the 
begs Yinas-i-‘ali being ordered to sit with them. On my left 
the Atizbeg envoys sat in the same way, of the begs ‘Abdu’l-lah 
being ordered to sit with them. I sat on the north side of 
a newly-erected octagonal pavilion (Zé/ar) covered in with khas ?. 
Five or six garis on my right sat Takhta-bigha SI. and ‘Askari, 
with Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid and Khwaja Kalan, descendants of 
his Reverence the Khwaja,3 and Khwaja Chishti (var. Husaini), 
and Khalifa, together with the Zafizes and mullas dependent on 
the Khwajas who had come from Samarkand. Five or six garis 
on my left sat Muhammad-i-zaman M. and Tang-atmish Sl. 4 
and Sayyid Rafi, Sayyid Rimi, Shaikh Abi’l-fath, Shaikh 
Jamali, Shaikh Shihabu’d-din‘A7vaé and Sayyid Dakni(var. Zakni, 
Rukni). Before food all the sultans, khans, grandees, and amirs 
brought gifts5 of red, of white, of black,® of cloth and various 
other goods. They poured the red and white on a carpet I had 
ordered spread, and side by side with the gold and silver piled 
plenishing, white cotton piece-cloth and purses (dadra) of money. 
While the gifts were being brought and before food, fierce camels 
and fierce elephants7 were set to fight on an island opposite,® 
so too a few rams; thereafter wrestlers grappled. After the 

commanda a ses soldats de porter un bonnet rouge autour duquel il y a une écharpe ou 
Turban a douze plis, en mémoire et 4 ’honneur des 12 Imams, successeurs d’ Ali, 
desquels il prétendoit descendre. Ce bonnet s’appelle en Persan, 7@/, et fut institué 
Yan 907¢ de Hég.” Tahmasp himself uses the name Qizil-bash ; Babur does so too. 
Other explanations of it are found (Steingass), but the one quoted above suits its use 
without contempt. (Cf. f. 354 n.3). 

* cir. 140—150ft. or more if the 36in. gari be the unit. : 

? Andropogon muricatus, the scented grass of which the roots are fitted into window 
spaces and moistened to mitigate dry, hot winds. Cf. Hobson-/Jobson s.n. Cuscuss. 

3 A nephew and a grandson of Ahrari’s second son Yahya (f. 3474) who had 
stood staunch to Babur till murdered in 906AH.-1500aD. (804). They are likely to 
be those to. whom went a copy of the A/udin under cover of a letter addressed to 
lawyers of Ma wara’u’n-nahr (f.351n.1). The Khwajas were in Agra three weeks 
after Babur finished his metrical version of their ancestor’s Walidiyyah-risdla ; 
whether their coming (which must have been announced some time before their 
arrival), had part in directing his attention to the tract can only be surmised (f. 346). 

4 He was an Aiizbeg (f. 371) and from his association here with a Bai-qara, and, 
later with Qasim-i-husain who was half Bai-qara, half Aiizbeg, seems likely to be of 
the latter’s family (Index s.772.). 

5 sachag kitirdt (kilturdi?) No record survives to tell the motive for this feast ; 
perhaps the gifts made to Babur were congratulatory on the birth of a grandson, the 
marriage ofa son, and on the generally-prosperous state of his affairs. 

© Gold, silver and copper coins. 

7 Made so by éhang or other exciting drug. 

® aral, presumably one left by the winter-fall of the Jumna ; or, a peninsula. 

Fol. 352. 

Fol. 3524. 


chief of the food had been set out, Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid and 

Khwaja Kalan were made to put on surtouts (jabdah) of fine © i 

muslin,? spotted with gold-embroidery, and suitable dresses of 
honour, and those headed by Mulla Farrikh and Hafiz? had 
jackets put onthem. On Kiichtim Khan’s envoy 3 and on Hasan 
Chalabi’s younger brother* were bestowed silken head-wear 
(dashlig) and gold-embroidered surtouts of fine muslin, with 
suitable dresses of honour. Gold-embroidered jackets and silk 
coats were presented to the envoys of Abi-sa‘id Sl. (Aazbeg), 
of Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pulad Sl., and of Shah Hasan 
(Arghtin). The two Khwajas and the two chief envoys, that is 
to say Kicchim Khan’s retainer and Hasan Chaladi’s younger 
brother, were presented with a silver stone’s weight of gold and 
a gold stone’s weight of silver. 

(Author's note on the Turki stone-weight.) The gold stone (¢ash) is 500 misgals, 
that is to say, one Kabul stv ; the silver stone is 250 msgals, that is to say, half 
a Kabul siv.5 

To Khwaja Mir Sultan and his sons, to Hafiz of Tashkint, 
to Mulla Farrikh at the head of the Khwajas’ servants, and 
also to other envoys, silver and gold were given with a quiver.® 
Yadgar-i-nasir7 was presented with a dagger and belt. On Mir 

* Scribes and translators have been puzzled here. My guess at the Turki clause is 
aurang airalik kish jabbah. In reading muslin, I follow Erskine who worked in 

ae and could take local opinion ; moreover gifts made in Agra probably would be 

2 For one Hafiz of Samarkand see f. 2376. 

> Kuchiim was Khaqan of the Aiizbegs and had his seat in Samarkand. One of 
his sons, Abii-sa‘id, mentioned below, had. sent envoys. With Abii-sa‘id is named 
Mibr-ban who was one of Kiichiim’s wives; Pulad was their son. Mihr-ban was, 
I think, a half-sister of Babur, a daughter of ‘Umar Shaikh and Umid of Andijan 
(f. 9), and a full-sister of Nasir. No doubt she had been captured on one of the 
occasions when Babur lost to the Aiizbegs. In 925AH.-1519AD. (f.2376) when he 
sent his earlier Diwan to Pulad Sl. (7rans/lator’s Vote, p. 438) he wrote a verse on its 
back which looks to be addressed to his half-sister through her son. 

* Tahmasp’s envoy ; the title Chalabi shews high birth, 

5 This statement seems to imply that the weight made of silver and the weight made 
of gold were of the same size and that the differing specific gravity of the two metals, — 
that of silver being cer. 10 and that of gold cév, 20—gave their equivalents the proportion 
Babur states. Persian Dictionaries give sang (tash), a weight, but without further 
information. We have not found mention of the /ash as a recognized Turki weight; 
perhaps the word /dsh stands for an ingot of unworked metal of standard size. (Cf. znter 
alios libros, A.-i-A. Blochmann p. 36, Codrington’s Musalman Numismatics p. 117, 
concerning the misgal, dinar, etc.) 

° tarkash bila,” These words are clear in the Hai. MS. but uncertain in some 
others. E. and de C. have no equivalent of them. Perhaps the coins were given by 
the quiverful ; that a quiver of arrows was given is not expressed. 

’ Babur’s half-nephew ; he seems from his name Keepsake-of-nasir to have been 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 633 

Muhammad the raftsman who was deserving of reward for the 
excellent bridge he had made over the river Gang (Ganges),! 
a dagger was bestowed, so too on the matchlockmen Champion 
| pahlawan| Haji Muhammad and Champion Buhlil and on Wali 
the cheeta-keeper (Aarschz) ; one was given to Ustad ‘Ali’s son 
also. Gold and silver were presented to Sayyid Daud Garm- 
sivt. Jackets having buttons,? and silk dresses of honour were 
presented to the servants of my daughter Ma‘stma3 and my 
son Hind-al. Again :—presents of jackets and silk dresses of 
honour, of gold and silver, of plenishing and various goods were 
given to those from Andijan, and to those who had come from 
Sikh and Hushiar, the places whither we had gone landless and 
homeless.+ Gifts of the same kind were given to the servants 
of QOurban and Shaikhi and the peasants of Kahmard.5 

After food had been sent out, Hindistani players were 
ordered to come and show their tricks. Lillis came.® Hindistani 
performers shew several feats not shewn by (Tramontane) ones. 
One is this :—They arrange seven rings, one on the forehead, 
two on the knees, two of the remaining four on fingers, two on 
toes, and in an instant set them turning rapidly. Another is 
this :—Imitating the port of the peacock, they place one hand 
on the ground, raise up the other and both legs, and then in an 
instant make rings on the uplifted hand and feet revolve rapidly. 
Another is this :—In those (Tramontane) countries two people 
grip one another and turn two somersaults, but Hindistani /i/zs, 
clinging together, go turning over three or four times. Another 
is this :—a /#/z sets the end of a 12 or 14foot pole on his middle 
and holds it upright while another climbs up it and does his 
tricks up there. Another is this -—A small /#/7 gets up on a big 
one’s head, and stands there upright while the big one moves 

t 934AH.-1528 ap. (f. 336). 

? Or, gold-embroidered. 

3 Wife of Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza. 

4 These Highlanders of Asfara will have come by invitation sent after the victory at 
Panipat ; their welcome shows remembrance of and gratitude for kindness received 
a quarter of a century earlier. Perhaps villagers from Dikh-kat will have come too, 
who had seen the Padshah run barefoot on their hills (Zzdex s. 27. ). 

5 Here gratitude is shewn for protection given in 9IOAH.—1504 AD. to the families of 
Babur and his men when on the way to Kabul. Qurban and Shaikhi were perhaps 
in Fort Ajar (f. 1224, f. 126). 

© Perhaps these acrobats were gipsies. 

Fol. 353- 

Fol. 3534. 

Fol. 354. 


quickly from side to side shewing his tricks, the little one shewing 
his on the big one’s head, quite upright and without tottering. __ 

Many dancing-girls came also and danced. 
A mass of red, white, and black was scattered (sachi/dz) on 
which followed amazing noise and pushing. Between the 
Evening and Bed-time Prayers I made five or six special people 
sit in my presence for over one watch. At the second watch of 
the day (9 a.m., Sunday, Rabz' I. 7th) having sat in a boat, I went 
to the Eight-Paradises. | | 

(dd. ‘Askari starts eastwards.) 

(Dec. 20th) On Monday (8th) ‘Askari who had got (his army) 
out (of Agra) for the expedition, came to the Hot-bath, took 
leave of me and marched for the East. 

(ee. A vistt to Dhilpir.) 

(Dec. 21st) On Tuesday (Radz‘ IT. oth) 1 went to see the 
buildings for a reservoir and well at Dilpir.t I rode from the 
(Agra) garden at one watch (pahr) and one gari (9.22 a.m.), and 
I entered the Dilpir garden when 5 garis of the Ist night-watch 
(pas)? had gone (7.40p.m.).3 

(Dec. 23rd) On Thursday the 11th day of the month the 
stone-well (sangin-chah), the 26 rock-spouts (¢a@sh-tar-nau) and 
rock-pillars (¢ash-sitin), and the water-courses (@rig/ar) cut on 
the solid slope ( yak para gia) were all ready.4 At the 3rd watch 
(pahr) of this same day preparation for drawing water from the 
well was made. On account of a smell (ad) in the water, 
it was ordered, for prudence’ sake, that they should turn the 
well-wheel without rest for 15 days-and-nights, and so draw off 
the water. Gifts were made to the stone-cutters, and labourers, 
and the whole body of workmen in the way customary for 
master-workmen and wage-earners of Agra. 

* This may be the one with which Sayyid Dakni was concerned (f. 346). 

* Babur obviously made the distinction between pakr and fas that he uses the first 
for day-watches, the second for those of the night. 

_ 3 Anglicé, Tuesday, Dec. 21st ; by Muhammadan plan, Wednesday 22nd. Dhilpir 
is 34m. s. of Agra ; the journey of Iohrs, 20m. would include the nooning and the 
time taken in crossing rivers. 

* The well was to fill a cistern ; the 26 spouts with their 26 supports were to take 
water into (26?) conduits. Perhaps ¢ésh means that they were hewn in the solid rock ; 
perhaps that they were on the outer side of the reservoir. They will not have been 
built of hewn stone, or the word would have been sangin or tashdin. 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 635 

(Dec. 24th) We rode from Dilpir while one gavz of the 
Ist watch (pakr) of Friday remained (czr. 8.40a.m.), and we 
crossed the river (Jumna) before the Sun had set. 

(Here the record of 3 days 1s wanting.) * 

(ff. A Persian account of the battle of Jam.) 

(Dec. 28th) On Tuesday the 16th of the month (Radz*‘ JZ.) 
came one of Div Sl.’s? servants, a man who had been in the fight 
between the Qizil-bash and Aiizbeg, and who thus described 
it :—The battle between the Aitizbegs and Turkmans 3 took place 
on ‘Ashiir-day (Muh. roth) near Jam-and-Khirgird4 They 
fought from the first dawn till the Mid-day Prayer. The 
Aiizbegs were 300,000; the Turkmans may have been (as is 
said?) 40 to 50,000; he said that he himself estimated their 
dark mass at 100,000; on the other hand, the Aizbegs said 
they themselves were 100,000. The Qizil-bash leader (adam) 
fought after arraying cart, culverin and matchlockmen in the 
Rimi fashion, and after protecting himself.5 Shah-zada® and 
Juha Sl. stood behind the carts with 20,000 good braves. The 
rest of the begs were posted right and left beyond the carts. 
These the Atizbeg beat at once on coming up, dismounted and 

* One occupation of these now blank days is indicated by the date of the ‘‘ Rampur 
Diwan”, Thursday Rabi‘ II. 15th (Dec. 27th). 

2 The demon (or, athlete) sultan of Rumelia (Xml) ; once Tahmasp’s guardian 
( Taszkirat-i-Tahmdasp, Bib. Ind. ed. Phillott, p.2). Some writers say he was put to 
death by Tahmasp (@¢. 12) in 933AH. ; if this were so, it is strange to find a servant 
described as his in 935AH. (An account of the battle is given in the Sharaf-nama, 
written in 1005 AH. by Sharaf Khan who was reared in Tahmfasp’s house. The book 
has been edited by Veliaminof-Zernof and translated into French by Charmoy ; cf. 
Trs. vol. ii, part i, p. 555.—. Beveridge.) 

3 This name, used by one who was with the Shah’s troops, attracts attention ; it 
may show the composition of the Persian army ; it may differentiate between the 
troops and their ‘‘ Qizil-bash leader”. 

4 Several writers give Sarii-qamsh (Charmoy, voseau jaune) as the name of the 
village where the battle was fought; Sharaf Khan gives ‘Umarabad and mentions 
that after the fight Tahmasp spent some time in the meadow of Sari-qamsh. 

5 The number of Tahmasp’s guns being a matter of interest, reference should be 
made to Babur’s accounts of his own battles in which he arrayed in Rimi (Ottoman) 
fashion ; it will then be seen that the number of carts does not imply the number of 
guns (Index s.7. araba, cart). 

© This cannot but represent Tahmasp who was on the battle-field (see his own story 
infra). He was 14 years old; perhaps he was called Shah-zada, and not Shah, on 
account of his youth, or because under guardianship (?). Readers of the Persiar 
histories of his reign may know the reason. Babur hitherto has always called the boy 
Shah-zada ; after the victory at Jam, he styleshim Shah. Jiha Sl]. (7a4/é) who was 
with him on the field, was Governor of Ispahan. 

Fol. 3540. 


overcame many, making all scurry off. He then wheeled to the 
(Qizil-bash) rear and took loot in camel and baggage. Atlength — 
those behind the carts loosed the chains and came out. Het 

also the fight was hard. Thrice they flung the Atizbeg back ; 
by God’s grace they beat him. Nine sultans, with Kichim 
Khan, ‘Ubaid Khan and Abi-sa‘id Sl. at their head, were 
captured ; one, Abii-sa‘id Sl. is said to be alive; the rest have 
gone to death! ‘Ubaid Khan’s body was found, but not his 
head. Of Atizbegs 50,000, and of Turkmans 20,000 were slain.? | 

(Here matter seems to have been lost.) 3 
(gg. Plan of campaign.) | 
(Dec. 30th) On this same day (Thursday Radz‘ //, 78th) came 

Ghiagu’d-din the armourer + who had gone to Jina-pir (Jinpir) 
with tryst of 16 days,5 but, as Sl. Junaid and the rest had led 

* If this Persian account of the battle be in its right place in Babur’s diary, it is 

singular that the narrator should be so ill-informed at a date allowing facts to be — ¥ 
known ; the three sultans he names as killed escaped to die, Kichim in 937AH.— 

1530 AD., Abii-sa‘id in 940 AH.—1I533AD., ‘Ubaid in 946AH.—1539AD. (Lane- 
Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties). It would be natural for Babur to comment on the 
mistake, since envoys from two of the sultans reported killed, were in Agra. There 
had been time for the factsto be known: the battle was fought on Sep. 26th ; the 
news of it was in Agra on Nov. 23rd; envoys from both adversaries were at Babur’s 
entertainment on Dec. 19th. From this absence of comment and for the reasons 
indicated in note 3 (fra), it appears that matter has been lost from the text. 

* Tahmasp’s account of the battle is as follows (7.-2- 7. p. 11) :—‘*‘ I marched against 
the Atizbegs. The battle took place outside Jam. At the first onset, Atizbeg 

prevailed over Qizil-bash. Ya‘qiib Sl. fled and Sl. Walama 7aA/# and other officers oh 

of the right wing were defeated and put to flight. Putting my trust in God, I prayed ~ 
and advanced some paces. . . . One of my body-guard getting up with ‘Ubaid struck 
him with a sword, passed on, and occupied himself with another. Qiulij Bahadur and 
other Atizbegs carried off the wounded ‘Ubaid ; Kichkianji (Kichim) Khan and 
Jani Khan Beg, when they became aware of this state of affairs, fled to Merv. Men 
who had fled from our army rejoined us that day. That night I spent on the barren 
plain (sahra’). I did not know what had happened to ‘Ubaid. I thought perhaps 
they were devising some stratagem against me.” The ‘A.-‘A. says that ‘Ubaid’s 
assailant, on seeing his low stature and contemptible appearance, left him for a more 
worthy foe. 

3 Not only does some comment from Babur seem needed onan account of deaths he 
knew had not occurred, but loss of matter may be traced by working backward from 
his next explicit date (Friday 19¢k), to do which shows fairly well that the ‘‘same 
day” will be not Tuesday the 16th but Thursday the 18th. Ghiasu’d-din’s reception 
was on the day preceding Friday 19th, so that part of Thursday’s record (as shewn 
by ‘on this same day ”), the whole of Wednesday’s, and (to suit an expected comment 
by Babur on the discrepant story of the Auzbeg deaths) part of Tuesday’s are missing. 
The gap may well have contained mention of Hasan Chaladi’s coming (f. 357), or 
explain why he had not been at the feast with his younger brother. 

* gurchi, perhaps body-guard, life-guardsman. 

® As on f. 350 (9.v. p. 628 n. 1) atin alti gunluk biiljar (or, m: jar) bila. 

935 AH.—SEP. 151rH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 637 

out their army for Kharid,t he (Ghiasu’d-din) was not able to be 
back at the time fixed.? Sl. Junaid said, by word-of-mouth, 
“Thank God! through His grace, no work worth the Padshah’s 
attention has shewn itself in these parts ; if the honoured Mirza 
(‘Askari) come, and if the sultans, khans and amirs here-abouts 
be ordered to move in his steps, there is hope that everything in 
these parts will be arranged with ease.” Though such was Sl. 
Junaid’s answer, yet, as people were saying that Mulla Muhammad 
Mazhab, who had been sent as envoy to Bengal after the Holy- 
battle with Sanga the Pagan,3 would arrive today or tomorrow, 
his news also was awaited. 

(Dec. 31st) On Friday the 19th of the month I had eaten 
majun and was sitting with a special few in the private house, 
when Mulla Mazhab who had arrived late, that is to say, in the 
night of Saturday,t came and waited on me. By asking one 
particular after another, we got to know that the attitude of the 
Bengali 5 was understood to be loyal and single-minded. 

( Jan. 2nd) On Sunday (Radé JT, 21st), 1 summoned the Turk 
and Hind amirs to the private house, when counsel was taken 
and the following matters were brought forward:—As the 
Bengali (Nasrat Shah) has sent us an envoy ® and is said to be 
loyal and single-minded, to go to Bengal itself would be 
improper ; if. the move be not on Bengal, no other place on that 
side has treasure helpful for the army ; several places to the west 
are both rich and near, 

(Zurkz) Abounding wealth, a pagan people, a short road ; 
Far though the East lie, this is near. 

At length the matter found settlement at this :—As our westward 
road is short, it will be all one if we delay a few days, so that 
our minds may be at ease about the East. Again Ghiasu’d-din 
the armourer was made to gallop off, with tryst of 20 days,” to 

* A sub-division of the Ballia district of the United Provinces, on the right bank of 
the Ghogra. 

? z.e. in 16days; he was 24 or 25 days away. 

3 The envoy had been long in returning ; Kanwa was fought in March, 1527; it is 
now the end of 1528 ap. 

4 Rabi‘ II. 20th—January Ist 1529AD. ; Anglicé, Friday, after 6p.m. 

5 This “‘ Bengali” is territorial only ; Nasrat Shah was a Sayyid’s son (f. 271). 

© Isma ‘il Mita (f. 357) who will have come with Mulla Mazhab. 

7 mi‘ad, cf. f.3506 and f.3544. Ghiasu’d-din may have been a body-guard. 


Fol. 355. 

Fol. 3556. 

Fol. 356. 


convey written orders to the eastern amirs for all the sultans, — 
khans, and amirs who had assembled in “Askari’s presence, to 
move against those rebels.‘ The orders delivered, he was to 
return by the trysted day with what ever news there might be. 

(hh. Baliichi incursions.) 

In these days Muhammadi Kikildash made dutiful representa- 
tion that again Baliichis had come and overrun several places. 
Chin-timiir Sl. was appointed for the business ; he was to gather 
to his presence the amirs from beyond Sihrind and Samana 
and with them, equipped for 6 months, to proceed against the 
Balichis; namely, such amirs as ‘Adil Sultan, Sl. Muh. Da/dai, 
Khusrau Kikildash, Muhammad ‘Ali /ang-jang, ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz 
the Master-of-the-horse, Sayyid ‘Ali, Wali Qizil, Qaracha, Halahil, 
‘Ashiq the House-steward, Shaikh ‘Ali, Kitta (Beg Kuhbur), Gujir 
Khan, Hasan ‘Ali Sizvddz. These were to present themselves at — 
the Sultan’s call and muster and not to transgress his word by road 
or in halt.2, The messenger 3 appointed to carry these orders was 
‘Abdu’l-ghaffar ; he was to deliver them first to Chin-timir Sl, — 
then to go on and shew them to the afore-named begs who were 
to present themselves with their troops at whatever place the 
Sultan gave rendezvous (d#/7ar) ;+ ‘Abdu’l-ghaffar himself was 
to remain with the army and was to make dutiful representation 
of slackness or carelessness if shewn by any person soever ; this 
done, we should remove the offender from the circle of the 
approved (muwapjah-jirgast) and from his country or fargana. 
These orders having been entrusted to ‘Abdu’l-ghaffar, words- 
of-mouth were made known to him and he was given leave to go. 

(The last explicit date ts a week back.) 

z Lidi Afghans and their friends, including Biban and Bayazid. 
yullig térali hs Memoirs, p. 398, ‘*should act in every respect in perfect conformity 
to his commands” ; A/émoires ii, 379, ‘‘chacun suivant son rang et sa dignité.” 

* tawachi. Babur’s uses of this word support Erskine in saying that ‘‘ the sawacht J 

is an officer who corresponds very nearly to the Turkish chawush, or special messenger” 
(Zenker, p. 346, col. iii) ‘* but he was also often employed to act as a commissary for 
providing men and stores, as a commissioner in superintending important affairs, as 
an aide-de-camp in carrying orders, etc.” 

* Here the Hai. MS. has the full-vowelled form, 42/jar. Judging from what that 
Codex writes, i/jar may be used for a rendezvous of troops, m.ljar or b:ar for any 
other kind of tryst (f. 350, p. 628 n.1; Index s. nn.), also for a shelter. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5ruH 1529 AD. 639 

(zz. News of the loss of Bthar reaches Dhilpir.) 

(Jan. 9th) On the eve of Sunday the 28th of the month 
(Raébz‘ IT.) we crossed the Jin (Jumna) at the 6th gavz of the 
3rd watch (2.15 a.m.) and started for the Lotus-garden of Dilpir. 
The 3rd watch was near * (Sunday mid-day) when we reached it. 
Places were assigned on the border of the garden, where begs 
and the household might build or make camping-grounds for 

( Jan. 13th) On Thursday the 3rd of the first Jumada, a place 
was fixed in the s.e. of the garden for a Hot-bath ; the ground 
was to be levelled ; I ordered a plinth (?) (Aursz) erected on the 
levelled ground, and a Bath to be arranged, in one room of which 
was to be a reservoir 10 X IO, 

On this same day Khalifa sent from Agra dutiful letters of 
Qazi Jia and Bir-sing Deo, saying it had been heard said that 
Iskandar’s son Mahmid (ZLadz) had taken Bihar (town). This 
news decided for getting the army to horse. 

(Jan. 14th) On Friday (/umada I. 4th), we rode out from the 
Lotus-garden at the 6th gavz (8.15 a.m.) ; at the Evening Prayer 
we reached Agra. We met Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza on the 
road who would have gone to Dilpir, Chin-timir also who must 
have been coming into Agra.? 

(Jan. 15th) On Saturday (5¢%) the counselling begs having 
been summoned, it was settled to ride eastwards on Thursday 
_the loth of the month (/az. 27s). 

(77. News of Badakhshén.) 

On this same Saturday letters came from Kabul with news 
that Humayin, having mustered the army on that side (Tra- 
montana), and joined SI. Wais to himself, had set out with 
40,000 men for Samarkand ;3 on this Sl. Wais’ younger brother 

7 yawishiib aidi, which I translate in accordance with other uses of the verb, as 
meaning approach, but is taken by some other workers to mean ‘‘ near its end”’. 

? Though it is not explicitly said, Chin-timur may have been met with on the road ; 
as the “‘also” (ham) suggests. 

3 To the above news the 4éar-ndma adds the important item reported by Humayin, 
that there was talk of peace. Babur replied that, if the time for negotiation were not 
past, Humayiin was to make peace until such time as the affairs of Hindistin were 
cleared off. This is followed in the A.N. by a seeming quotation from Babur’s letter, 
saying in effect that he was about to leave Hindistan, and that his followers in Kabul 
and Tramontana must prepare for the expedition against Samarkand which would be 
made on his own arrival. None of the above matter is now with the Babur-ndma ; 

Fol. 3568. 

Fol. 357. 


Shah-qiili goes and enters Hisar, Tarstin Muhammad leaves 
Tirmiz, takes Qabadian and asks for help; Humayin sends 
Tilik Kikildash and Mir Khwurd * with many of his men and 
what Mughiils there were, then follows himself. 

(Here 4 days record ts wanting.) 

(kk. Babur starts for the East.) / 

(Jan. 20th) On Thursday the 10th of the first Jumada, I set 
out for the East after the 3rd gavz (cir. 7.10a.m.), crossed Jin 
by boat a little above Jalisir, and went to the Gold-scattering- 
garden.3 It was ordered that the standard (¢#gh), drum, stable 
and all the army-folk should remain on the other side of the 
water, opposite to the garden, and that persons coming for an 
interview + should cross by boat. 

(4. Arrivals.) 

(Jan. 22nd) On Saturday (72th) Isma‘l Mita, the Bengal 
envoy brought the Bengali’s offering (Nasrat Shah’s), and waited 
on me in Hindistan fashion, advancing to within an arrow’s 
flight, making his reverence, and retiring. They then put on him 
the due dress of honour (442Zat) which people call * * * *5, and 

either it was there once, was used by Abi’l-fazl and lost before the Persian trss. were 
made; or Abii’l-fazl used Babur’s original, or copied, letter itself. That desire for 
peace prevailed is shewn by several matters :—Tahmasp, the victor, asked and obtained 
the hand of an Aiizbeg in marriage ; Aiizbeg envoys came to Agra, and with them Turk 
Khwajas having a mission likely to have been towards peace (f. 3574); Babur’s wish 
for peace is shewn above and on f. 359 in a summarized letter to Humayin. (Cf. Abi’l- 
ghazi’s Shajarat-i- Turk | Histoire des Mongols, Désmaisons’ trs. p. 216]; Akbar-nama, 
H.B.’s trs. i, 270.) a 
A here-useful slip of reference is made by the translator of the 424ar-nama (/.¢. n. 3) 
tothe Fragment (A/émoires ii, 456) instead of to the Babur-ndama translation (Mémoires 
ii, 381). The utility of the slip lies in its accompanying comment that de C.’s translation 
is in closer agreement with the Abar-ndma than with Babur’s words. Thus the 
Akbar-ndma passage is brought into comparison with what it is now safe to regard as 
its off-shoot, through Turki and French, in the Fragment. When the above comment 

on their resemblance was made, we were less assured than now as to the genesis of 

the Fragment (Index s.. Fragment). 

* Hind-al’s guardian (G. B.’s Humadyin-nama trs. p. 106, n.1). 

* Nothing more about Humiayin’s expedition is found in the B.N.; he left 
Badakhshan a few months later and arrived in Agra, after his mother (f. 380d), at a date 
in August of which the record is wanting. 

Sunder 6m. from Agra. Gul-badan (f. 16) records a visit to the garden, during 
which her father said he was weary of sovereignty. Cf. f.3314, p. 589 n. 2. 

4 kitrnish kilkin kishilar. 

5 MSS. vary or are indecisive as to the omitted word. Iam unable to fill the gap. 
Erskine has *‘ Sir AMawineh (or hair-twist) ” (p. 399), De Courteille, Szr-mouineh 

ye ras Miina means ermine, sable and other fine fur (Shamszwl-lighat, p 274, 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1258 To SEP. 51H 1529 AD. 641 

brought him before me. He knelt thrice in our fashion, advanced, 
handed Nasrat Shah's letter, set before me the offering he had 
brought, and retired. 

(Jan. 24th) On Monday (74th) the honoured Khwaja ‘Abdu’l 
-haqq having arrived, I crossed the water by boat, went to his 
tents and waited on him." 

(Jan. 25th) On Tuesday (757k) Hasan Chalabi arrived and 
waited on me.? 

(mm. Incidents of the eastward march.) 

On account of our aims (cha@pdiig) for the army,3 some days 
were spent in the Char-bagh. 

(Jan. 27th) On Thursday the 17th of the month, that ground 
was left after the 3rd gavz (7.10a.m.), I going by boat. It was 
dismounted 7 kurohs (14 m.) from Agra, at the village of Anwar.4 

(Jan. 30th) On Sunday (/umdada TI. 20th), the Atizbeg envoys 
were given their leave. To Kiichtim Khan’s envoy Amin Mirza 
were presented a dagger with belt, cloth of gold,5 and 70,000 
tankas.© Abii-sa‘id’s servant Mulla Taghai and the servants of Fol. 3574. 
Mihr-ban Khanim and her son Pilad Sl. were made to put on 
dresses of honour with gold-embroidered jackets, and were 
presented also with money in accordance with their station. 

( Jan. 31st?) Next morning? (Jonday 21st?) leave was given to 
Khwaja ‘Abdu’l-haqq for stay in Agra and to Khwaja Yahya’s 

* His brother Hazrat Makhdimi Nira (Khwaja Khawand Mahmiid) is much 
celebrated by Haidar Mirza, and Babur describes his own visit in the words he uses of 
the visit of an inferior to himself. Cf. Zarikh-i-rashidi trs. pp. 395, 478; Axkbar- 
nama trs., i, 356, 360. 

? No record survives of the arrival of this envoy or of why he was later in coming 
than his brother who was at Babur’s entertainment. Cf. f. 3614. 

3 Presumably this refers to the appliances mentioned on f. 3506. 

4 f. 332, n.3. 

5 sarbaft m:l:k. Amongst gold stuffs imported into Hindistan, Abii’1-fazl mentions 
milak which may be Babur’s cloth. It came from Turkistan (A.-i-A. Blochmann, 
p. 92 and n.). 

° A tang is a small silver coin of the value of about a penny (Erskine). 

7 tanglasi, lit. at its dawning. It is not always clear whether /amg/ast means, 
Anglicé, next dawn or day, which here would be Monday, or whether it stands for 
the dawn (daylight) of the Muhammadan day which had begun at 6p.m. on the previous 
evening, hereSunday. When Babur records, e.g. a late audience, /amg/asi, following, 
will stand for the daylight of the day of audience. The point is of some importance 
as bearing on discrepancies of days, as these are stated in MSS., with European 
calendars ; it is conspicuously so in Babur’s diary sections. 

Fol. 358° 


grandson Khwaja Kalan for Samarkand, who had come by way 
of a mission from Aiizbeg khans and sultans.* 

In congratulation on the birth of Humayiin’s son and Kamran’s 
marriage, Mulla Tabrizi and Mirza Beg Taghai? were sent with 
gifts (sdachag) to each Mirza of 10,000 shahrukhis, a coat I had 
worn, and a belt with clasps. Through Mulla Bihishti were 
sent to Hind-al an inlaid dagger with belt, an inlaid ink-stand, 
a stool worked in mother-o’pearl, a tunic and a girdle, together 
with the alphabet of the Baburi script and fragments (gzta‘/ar) 
written in that script. To Humayin were sent the translation 
(tarjuma) and verses made in Hindistan.4 To Hind-al and 
Khwaja Kalan also the translation and verses were sent. They 
were sent too to Kamran, through Mirza Beg Taghai, together 
with head-lines (sav-khat) in the Baburi script.5 

(Feb. rst) On Tuesday, after writing letters to be taken by 
those going to Kabul, the buildings in hand at Agra and Dalpar 
were recalled to mind, and entrusted to the charge of Mulla 
Oasim, Ustad Shah Muhammad the stone-cutter, Mirak, Mir Ghias, 
Mir Sang-tarash (stone-cutter) and Shah Baba the spadesman. 
Their leave was then given them. 

(Feb. 2nd) The first watch (6a.m.) was near ® when we rode 
out from Anwar (Wednesday, Jumada I, 23rd); in the end,? we 
dismounted, at the Mid-day Prayer, in the village of Abapir, one 
kuroh (2m.) from Chandawar.® 

(Feb. 3rd) On the eve of Thursday (24¢h)9 ‘Abdu’l-malik 
the armourer’® was joined with Hasan Cha/adi and sent as envoy 

2 <gtee tarigi bila ; their special mission may have been to work for peace (f. 3594, 

n. I). 

* He may well be Kamran’s father-in-law Sl.‘ Ali Mirza Taghai Begchik. 

3 nimcha u takband. The tak-band is a silk or woollen girdle fastening with 
a “‘hook and eye” (Steingass), perhaps with a buckle. 

* This description is that of the contents of the ‘‘ Rampur Diwan” ; the tarjuma 
being the Walidiyyah-risdla (f. 361 and n.). What is said here shows that four copies 
went to Kabul or further north. Cf. Appendix Q. ; 

5 Sar-khat may mean ‘‘ copies” set for Kamran to imitate. 

° bir pahr yawiishib aidi ; 1.0. 215 f.221, garib yak pas voz bid. 
< anne a word which may reveal a bad start and uncertainty as to when and where 

o halt. 
a This, and not Chandwar (f. 3314), appears the correct form. Neither this place nor 
Abapir is mentioned in the G. of I.’s Index or shewn in the I.S. Mapof 1900(ef. f. 3316 

n. 3). Chandawar lies s.w. of Firizabad, and near a village called Sufipir. 
® Anglicé, Wednesday after 6p.m., 
*° or life-guardsman, body-guard. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 643 

to the Shah* ; and Chapiiq ? was joined with the Atizbeg envoys 
and sent to the Atizbeg khans and sultans. 

We moved from Abapiir while 4 garis of the night remained 
(4.30a.m.). After passing Chandawar at the top of the dawn, 
I got into a boat. I landed in front of Rapriand at the Bed-time 
Prayer got to the camp which was at Fathpir.3 

(Feb. 4th and 5th) Having stayed one day (Frzday) at Fathpir, 
we got to horse on Saturday (26¢/) after making ablution (waz) 
at dawn. We went through the Morning Prayer in assembly near 
Rapri, Maulana Muhammad of Farab beingtheleader(zmam). At 
sun-rise I got into a boat below the great crook4 of Rapri. 

Today I put together a line-marker (s7star) of eleven lines 5 
in order to write the mixed hands of the translation.© Today 

* This higher title for Tahmasp, which first appears here in the B.N., may be an 
early slip in the Turki text, since it occurs in many MSS. and also because ‘* Shah 
-zada”’ reappears on f. 359. 

2 Slash-face, balafré; perhaps Ibrahim Begchik (Index s.z.), but itis long since he 
was mentioned by Babur, at least by name. He may however have come, at this time 
of reunion in Agra, with Mirza Beg Taghai (his uncle or brother ?), father-in-law of 

3 The army will have kept to the main road connecting the larger towns mentioned 
and avoiding the ravine district of the Jumna. What the boat-journey will have been 
between high banks and round remarkable bends can be learned from the G. of I. and 
Neave’s District Gazetteer of Mainpiri. Rapri is on the road from Firizabad to the 
ferry for Bateswar, where a large fair is held annually. (It is misplaced further east 
in the I.S. Map of 1900.) There are two Fathpirs, n.e. of Rapri. 

4 auligh tighdining tabi. Here it suits to take the Turki word ¢#ghdi to mean 
bend of a river, and as referring to the one shaped (on the map) like a soda-water 
bottle, its neck close to Rapri. Babur avoided it by taking boat below its mouth.— 
In neither Persian translation has ¢#ghai been read to mean a bend of a river ; the 
first has az pdyan riiia Rapri, perhaps referring to the important ford (Jaya) ; the 
second has az sir bulandi kalin Rapri, perhaps referring toa height at the meeting of 
the bank of the ravine down which the road to the ford comes, with the high bank 
of the river. Three examples of ¢#ghdi or tagai [a synonym given by Dictionaries], 
can be seen in Abi’ l-ghazi’s Shajrat-i-Turk, Fraehn’s imprint, pp. 106, 107, I19 
(Désmaisons’ trs. pp. 204, 205, 230). In each instance Désmaisons renders it by 
coude, elbow, but one of the examples may need reconsideration, since the word has 
the further meanings of wood, dense forest by the side of a river (Vambéry), prairie 
(Zenker), and reedy plain (Shaw). 

5 Blochmann describes the apparatus for marking lines to guide writing (A.-i-A. 
trs. p.52 n.5) :—On a card of the size of the page to be written on, two vertical lines 
are drawn within an inch of the edges; along these lines small holes are pierced at 
regular intervals, and through these a string is laced backwards and forwards, care 
being taken that the horizontal strings are parallel. Over the lines of string the pages 
are placed and pressed down ; the strings then mark the paper sufficiently to guide the 

° tarkib (ning) khati bila tarjuma bitir aiichiin. The Rampir Diwan may supply 
the explanation of the uncertain words ¢arkib khati. The “‘ translation” (4ax7uma), 
mentioned in the passage quoted above, is the Walidiyyah-risala, the first item of the 
Diwan, in which it is entered on crowded pages, specially insufficient for the larger 
hand of the chapter-headings. The number of lines per page is 13; Babur now 

Fol. 358¢. 


the words of the honoured man-of-God admonished my 

(Feb. 6th) Opposite Jakin,? one of the Rapri parganas, we 
had the boats drawn to the bank and just spent the night in 
them. We had them moved on from that place before the dawn 
(Sunday 27th), after having gone through the Morning Prayer. 
When I was again on board, Pay-master S]. Muhammad came, 
bringing a servant of Khwaja Kalan, Shamsu’d-din Muhammad, 
from whose letters and information particulars about the affairs of 
Kabul became known.3 Mahdi Khwaja also came when I was in 
the boat. At the Mid-day Prayer I landed ina garden opposite 
Etawa, there bathed (ghus/) in the Jin, and fulfilled the duty of 
prayer. Moving nearer towards Etawa, we sat down in that 
same garden under trees on a height over-looking the river, and 
there set the braves to amuse us.5 Food ordered by Mahdi 
Khwaja, was set before us. At the Evening Prayer we crossed 
the river ; at the bed-time one we reached camp. 

There was a two or three days’ delay on that ground both to 
collect the army, and to write letters in answer to those brought 
by Shamsu’d-din Muhammad. 

(un. Letters various.) 

(Feb. 9th) On Wednesday the last day (3o¢h) of the Ist Jumada, 
we marched from Etawa, and after doing 8furohs (16m.), dis- 
mounted at Miri-and-Adisa.® 

fashions a line-marker for 11. He has already despatched 4 copies of the translation 
(f. 3574); he will have judged them unsatisfactory; hence to give space for the 
mixture of hands (¢arkid khati), z.e. the smaller hand of the poem and the larger of 
the headings, he makes an 11 line marker. 

* Perhaps Ahrari’s in the Walidiyyah-risala, perhaps those of Muhammad. A 
sara a ag the Rampir Diwan connects with this admonishment [Plate xiva, 2nd 

* Jakhan (G. of Mainpiiri). The G. of Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 213, gives this 
as some 18m. n.w. of Etawa and as lying amongst the ravines of the Jumna. 

3 f. 3596 allows some of the particulars to be known. 

* Mahdi may have come to invite Babur to the luncheon he served shortly after- 
wards. The Hai. MS. gives him the honorific plural; either a second caller was 
with him or an early scribe has made a slip, since Babur never so-honours Mahdi. This 
small point touches the larger one of how Babur regarded him, and this in connection 
with the singular story Nizimu’d-din Ahmad tells in his 7% abagat-t-akbari about 
Khalifa’s wish to supplant Humayiin by Mahdi Khwaja (Index s.27.). 

° yigitlarni shokhliggha saldig, perhaps set them to make fun. Cf. f. 366, yigitlar bir 

para shokhlig gildilar. Muh. Shirazi (p. 323 foot) makes the startling addition of dar 

ab (andakhtim), 7.¢. he says that the royal party flung the braves into the river. 
.. The Gazetteer of Etawa (Drake-Brockman) p. 186, s.2. Baburpir, writes of two 
village sites [which from their position are Miuri-and-Adiisa], as known by the name 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 TO SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 645 

Several remaining letters for Kabul were written on this same 
ground. One to Humayiin was to this purport :—If the work 
have not yet been done satisfactorily, stop the raiders and thieves 
thyself; do not let them embroil the peace now descending 
amongst the peoples. Again, there was this :—I have made 
Kabul a crown-domain, let no son of mine covet it. Again :—that 
I had summoned Hind-al. 

Kamran, for his part, was written to about taking the best of 
care in intercourse with the Shah-zada,? about my bestowal on 
himself of Multan, making Kabul a crown-domain, and the coming 
of my family and train.3 

As my letter to Khwaja Kalan makes several particulars 
known, it is copied in here without alteration :—* 


“ After saying ‘Salutation to Khwaja Kalan’, the first matter 
is that Shamsu’d-din Muhammad has reached Etawa, and that 
the particulars about Kabul are known.” 

“Boundless and infinite is my desire to go to those parts.5 
Matters are coming to some sort of settlement in Hindistan ; 
there is hope, through the Most High, that the work here will soon 
bearranged. This work brought to order, God willing ! my start 
will be made at once.” 

“How should a person forget the pleasant things of those 
countries, especially one who has repented and vowed to sin no 
more? How should he banish from his mind the permitted 
flavours of melons and grapes? Taking this opportunity,° 

Sarai Baburpir from having been Babur’s halting-place. They are 24m. to the s.e. of 
Etawa, on the old road for Kalpi. Near the name Baburpir in the Gazetteer Map 
there is Muhuri (Miri ?) ; there is little or no doubt that Sarai Baburpir represents the 
camping-ground Miri-and-Adiisa. 

* This connects with Kitin-gara’s complaints of the frontier-begs (f. 361), and with 
the talk of peace (f. 3564). 

? This injunction may connect with the desired peace ; it will have been prompted 
by at least a doubt in Babur’s mind as to Kamran’s behaviour perhaps e.g. in manifested 
dislike for a Shia‘. Concerning the style Shah-zada see f. 358, p. 643, n. I. 

3 Kamran’s mother Gul-rukh Aegchik will have been of the party who will have 
tried in Kabul to forward her son’s interests. 

4 f. 348, p. 624, n. 2. 

5 Kabul and Tramontana. 

° Presumably that of Shamsu’d-din Muhammad’s mission. One of Babur’s couplets 
expresses longing for the fruits, and also for the ‘‘ running waters”, of lands other 
than Hindistan, with conceits recalling those of his English contemporaries in verse, 
as indeed do several others of his short poems (Rampur Diwan Plate xvii A.). 


Fol, 359. 

Fol, 3594. 

Fol, 360, 


a melon was brought to me; to cut andeatit affected me strangely ; 
I was all tears!” 

“ The unsettled state’ of Kabul had already been written of 
tome. After thinking matters over, my choice fell on this :-— 
How should a country hold together and be strong (marbut 
u maszbut), if it have seven or eight Governors? Under this 
aspect of the affair, I have summoned my elder sister (Khan- 
zada) and my wives to Hindistan, have made Kabul and its 
neighbouring countries a crown-domain, and have written in 
this sense to both Humayiinand Kamran. Leta capable person 
take those letters to the Mirzas. As you may know already, I had 
written earlier to them with the same purport. About the safe- 
guarding and prosperity of the country, there will now be no 
excuse, and not a word to say. Henceforth, if the town-wall ? 
be not solid or subjects not thriving, if provisions be not in store 
or the Treasury not full, it will all be laid on the back of the 
inefficiency of the Pillar-of-the State.” 3 

“ The things that must be done are specified below ; for some 
of them orders have gone already, one of these being, ‘ Let 
treasure accumulate.’ Thethingswhich must be done are these :— 
First, the repair of the fort ; again :—the provision of stores ; 
again :—the daily allowance and lodging+ of envoys going back- 
wards and forwards5; again :—let money, taken legally from 
revenue,° be spent for building the Congregational Mosque; 
again :—the repairs of the Karwan-sara (Caravan-sarai) and the 
Hot-baths ; again :—the completion of the unfinished building 
made of burnt-brick which Ustad Hasan ‘Ali was constructing in 
the citadel. Let this work be ordered after taking counsel with 
Ustad SI. Muhammad ; if a design exist, drawn earlier by Ustad 

* Hai. MS. a marbitlighi ; so too the 2nd Pers. trs. but the Ist writes wazrani 
u harabi which suits the matter of defence. 
* gurghan, walled-town ; from the mazbat following, the defences are meant. 

* vis. Governor Khwaja Kalan, on whose want of dominance his sovereign makes 
good-natured reflection, 

4 ‘alifau ginal ; cf. 3648. 

5 Following ailcht (envoys) there is in the Hai. MS. and in I.O. 217 a doubtful 
word, biimla, yiimla ; 1.0. 215 (which contains a Persian trs. of the letter) is obscure, 
Ilminsky changes the wording slightly ; Erskine has a free translation. Perhaps it is 
yaumi, daily, misplaced (see above). 

° Perhaps, endow the Mosque so as to leave no right of property in its revenues to 
their donor, here Babur. Cf. Hughes’ Dict. of Islims.nn. shari‘*, masjid and wagf. 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 647 

Hasan ‘Ali, let Ustad Sl. Muhammad finish the building precisely 
according to it ; if not, let him do so, after making a gracious and 
harmonious design, and in such a way that its floor shall be level 
with that of the Audience-hall; again :—the Khwurd-Kabul 
dam which is to hold up the But-khak-water at its exit from the 
Khwurd-Kabul narrows; again :—the repair of the Ghazni 
dam‘; again :—the Avenue-garden in which water is short and 
for which a one-mill stream must be diverted ?; again:—I had 
water brought from Titiim-dara to rising ground south-west of 
Khwaja Basta, there made a reservoir and planted young trees. 
The place got the name of Belvedere,3 because it faces the ford 
and gives a first-rate view. The best of young trees must be 
planted there, lawns arranged, and borders set with sweet-herbs 
and with flowers of beautiful colour and scent ; again :—Sayyid 
Oasim has been named to reinforce thee; again :—do not neglect 
the condition of matchlockmen and of Ustad Muhammad Amin 
the armourer*; again :—directly this letter arrives, thou must get 
my elder sister (Khan-zada Begim) and my wives right out of 
Kabul, and escort them to Nil-ab. However averse they may still 
be, they most certainly must start within a week of the arrival of 
this letter. For why? Both because the armies which have gone 
from Hindiistanto escort them are suffering hardship in a cramped 
place (tar yirda), and also because they 5 are ruining the country.” 

“Again :—I made it clear in a letter written to ‘Abdu’l-lah 
Casas), that there had been very great confusion in my mind 

(dighdugha), to counterbalance being in the oasis (wadz) of 

penitence. This quatrain was somewhat dissuading (manz‘) :—® 

* f.139. Khwaja Kalan himself had taken from Hindistan the money for repairing 
this dam. 

2 sapgun alip ; the 2nd Pers. trs. as if from satgun alip, kharida, purchasing. 

3 mazar-gah, perhaps, theatre, as showing the play enacted at the ford. Cf. ff. 137, 
236, 2484. Titin-dara will be Masson’s Tiitam-dara. Erskine locates Titin- Sra 
some 8 os (16m.) n.w. of Hipian (Upian). Masson shews that it was a charming 
place ( Journeys in Biluchistan, Afghanistan and the Panj-ab, vol. iii, cap. vi and vii). 

4 jibachi. Babur’s injunction seems to refer to the maintaining of the corps and the 
manufacture of armour rather than to care for the individual men involved. 

5 Either the armies in Nil-ab, or the women in the Kabul-country (f. 375). 

© Perhaps what Babur means is, that both what he had said to ‘Abdu’l-lah and 
what the quatrain expresses, are dissuasive from repentance. Erskine writes (Mems. 
p. 403) but without textual warrant, ‘‘I had resolution enough to persevere”; de 
Courteille (AZems. ii, 390), ‘‘ Voici un quatrain gui exprime au juste les difficultés de 
ma position.” 

Fol. 3608, 

Fol. 361. 


Through renouncement of wine bewildered am I ; 
How to work know I not, so distracted am I ; 
While others repent and make vow to abstain, 

I have vowed to abstain, and repentant am I. 

A witticism of Banai’s came back to my mind :—One day when 
he had been joking in ‘Ali-sher Beg’s presence, who must have 
been wearing a jacket with buttons, “Ali-sher Beg said, ‘Thou 
makest charming jokes ; but for the buttons, I would give thee 
the jacket; they are the hindrance (manz‘).’ Said Bandai, ‘What 
hindrance are buttons? It is button-holes (7#édagz) that hinder.’ ? 
Let responsibility for this story lie on the teller! hold me excused 
for it ; for God’s sake do not be offended by it.3 Again :—that 
quatrain was made before last year, and in truth the longing and 
craving for a wine-party has been infinite and endless for two 
years past, so much so that sometimes the craving for wine 
brought me to the verge of tears. Thank God! this year that 
trouble has passed from my mind, perhaps by virtue of the 
blessing and sustainment of versifying the translation. Do thou 
also renounce wine! If had with equal associates and boon- 
companions, wine and company are pleasant things; but with 
whom canst thou now associate? with whom drink wine? Ifthy 
boon-companions are Sher-i-ahmad and Haidar-quli, it should 
not be hard for thee to forswear wine. So much said, I salute 
thee and long to see thee.” 5 

The above letter was written on Thursday the Ist of the latter 
Jumada (Fed. roth). It affected me greatly to write concerning 

* The surface retort seems connected with the jacket, perhaps with a request for 

the gift of it. 
_ * Clearly what recalled this joke of Banai’s long-silent, caustic tongue was that 
its point lay ostensibly ina baffled wish—in ‘Ali-sher’s professed desire to be generous 
and a professed impediment, which linked in thought with Babur’s*desire for wine, 
baffled by his abjuration. So much Banai’s smart verbal retort shows, but beneath 
this is the doudle-entendre which cuts at the Beg as miserly and as physically impotent, 
a defect which gave point to another jeer at his expense, one chronicled by Sam Mirza 
and translated in Hammer-Purgstall’s Geschichte von schinen Redehtinste Persiens, art. 
CLV. (CE. f. 179-80. )—The word mddagi is used metaphorically for a button-hole ; 
like na-mardi, It carries secondary meanings, miserliness, impotence, efc. (Cf. 
Wollaston’ s English-Persian Dictionary s.n. button-hole, where only we have found 
madagi with this sense. ) 

3 The Ist Pers. trs. expresses ‘all these jokes”, thus including with the double- 
meanings of mddagi, the jests of the quatrain. 

* The Ist Pers. trs. fills out Babur’s allusive phrase here with ‘‘ of the Walidiyyah”. 
His wording allows the inference that what he versified was a prose Turki translation 
ofa probably Arabic original. 

* Erskine comments here on the non-translation into Persian of Babur’s letters. 
Many MSS., however, contain a translation (f. 348, p. 624, n. 2 and E.’s n. f. 3779). 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 649 

those matters, with their mingling of counsel. The letters were 
entrusted to Shamsu’d-din Muhammad on Friday night,* he was 
apprized of word-of-mouth messages and given leave to go. 

(00. Complaints from Balkh.) 

(Feb. 11th) On Friday ( /umada IT. 2nd) we did 8 kurohs (16 m.) 
and dismounted at Jumandna.?_ Today a servant of Kitin-qara 
Sl. arrived whom the Sultan had sent to his retainer and envoy 
Kamalu’d-din Q7@@,3 with things written concerning the behaviour 
of the begs of the (Balkh) border, their intercourse with himself, 
and complaints of theft and raid. Leave to go was given to 
Qiaq, and orders were issued to the begs of the border to put an 
end to raiding and thieving, to behave well and to maintain 
intercourse with Balkh. These orders were entrusted to Kitin 
-qara S].’s servant and he was dismissed from this ground. 

A letter, accepting excuse for the belated arrival of Hasan 
Chalabi, was sent to the Shah today by one Shah-quli who had 
come to me from Hasan Cha/adi and reported the details of the 

Fol. 3614. 

battle (of Jam).5 Shah-quli was given his leave on this same > 

day, the 2nd of the month. 

(pp. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.) 
(Feb. 12th) On Saturday (3rd) we did 8 kurohs (16m.) and 
dismounted in the Kakiira and Chachawali° parganas of Kalpi. 
(Fed. 13th) On Sunday the 4th of the month, we did 9urohs 
(18m.) and dismounted in Dirapiir 7 a pfargana of Kalpi. Here 
I shaved my head,’ which I had not done for the past two 
months, and bathed in the Singar-water (Sengar). 

t Anglicé, Thursday after 6p.m. 

2 What would suit measurement on maps and also Babur’s route is ‘‘ Jumoheen” 
which is marked where the Sarai Baburpir-Atsu-Phaphand road turns south, east of 
Phaphand (I.S. Map of 1900, Sheet 68). 

3 var. Qabag, Qatak, Qandk, to each of which a meaning might be attached. Babur 
had written to Humayin about the frontier affair, as one touching the desired peace 
(f. 359). j 

4 This will refer to the late arrival in Agra of the envoy named, who was not with 
his younger brother at the feast of f. 3514 (f. 357, p. 641, n. 2).—As to Tahmasp’s style, 
see f. 354, f. 358. 

5 Shah-quli may be the ill-informed narrator of f. 354. 

® Both are marked on the southward road from Jumoheen (Jumandna?) for Auraiya. 

7 The old Kalpi argana having been sub-divided, Dirapir is now in the district of 
Cawnpore (Kanhpir). 

8 That this operation was not hair-cutting but head-shaving is shewn by the verbs 
T. girmagq and its Pers. trs. tarash kardan. To shave the head frequently is common 
in Central Asia. 

Fol. 362. 


(Feb. rgth) On Monday (5th) we did 14kurohs (28m.), and 
dismounted in Chaparkada* one of the farganas of Kalpi. 3 

(Feb. 15th) At the dawn of Tuesday (64), a Hindistani servant 
of Qaracha’s arrived who had taken a command (/farman) from 
Mahim to Qaracha from which it was understood that she was 
on the road. She had summoned escort from people in Lahor, 
Bhira and those parts in the fashion I formerly wrote orders 
(parwanas) with my own hand. Her command had been written 
in Kabul on the 7th of the Ist Jumada ( Jan. 17th).? : 

(Feb. 16th) On Wednesday (72h) we did 7kurohs (14m.), and 
dismounted in the Adampir pargana.3 Today I mounted before 
dawn, took the road 4 alone, reached the Jin (Jumna), and went 
on along its bank. When I came opposite to Adampir, I had 
awnings set up on an island (d@ra/) near the camp and seated 
there, ate main. 

Today we set Sadiq to wrestle with Kalal who had come to 
Agra with a challenges In Agra he had asked respite for 
20 days on the plea of fatigue from his journey ; as now 40-50 
days had passed since the end of his respite, he was obliged to 
wrestle. Sadiq did very well, throwing him easily. Sadiq was 
given 10,000 zankas, a saddled horse, a head-to-foot, and a jacket 
with buttons ; while Kalal, to save him from despair, was given 
3000 tankas, spite of his fall. 

* This will be Chaparghatta on the Dirapir-Bhognipir-Chaparghatta-Misanagar 
road, the affixes Aada and ghatta both meaning house, temple, eéc. 

* Mahim, and with her the child Gul-badan, came in advance of the main body of 
women. Babur seems to refer again to her assumption of royal style by calling her 
vane Governor (f. 369 and n.). It is unusual that no march or halt is recorded on 

is day. 

* or, Arampir. We have not succeeded in finding this place ; it seems to have 
been on the west bank of the Jumna, since twice Babur when on the east bank, writes 
of coming opposite to it (susra and f.379). If no move was made on Tuesday, 
Jumada II. 6th (cf. last note), the distance entered as done on Wednesday would 
locate the halting-place somewhere near the Akbarpir of later name, which stands on 
a road and ata ferry. Butifthe army did a stage on Tuesday, of which Babur omits 
mention, Wednesday’s march might well bring him opposite to Hamirpiar and to the 

Rampur ”-ferry, The verbal approximation of Arampiir and ‘‘ Rampur” arrests 
attention.—Local encroachment by the river, which is recorded in the District 
Gazetteers, may have something to do with the disappearance from these most useful 
books and from maps, of pargana Adampi (or, Arampir). 

4 tieshlas, It suits best here, since solitude is the speciality of the excursion, to 
eee Pegi ee to take the road, Fr. cheminer. 

awi vila; Mems. p. 404, challenge; Aéms. ii 1, 21 avait fai 
a truth probably, but oe felenaa only. : + 30 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 651 

The carts and mortar were ordered landed from the boats, 
and we spent 3 or 4 days on this same ground while the road 
was made ready, the ground levelled and the landing effected. 

(Feb. 27st) On Monday the 12th of the month ( /umada /T,), 
we did 12urohs (24m.) and dismounted at Kurarah.t Today 
I travelled by litter. 

(Feb. 22nd—-25th) After marching 12 kurohs (24m.) from 

Kirarah (73¢), we dismounted in Kiria? a pargana of Karrah. 

From Kiria we marched 8 £urohs (16m.) and dismounted (74¢h) 
in Fathpir-Aswa.3 After 8kurohs (16m.) done from Fathpir, 
we dismounted (75¢#) at Sarai Munda.4 . . . Today at the Bed- 
time Prayer (Friday 16th, after dark), S\. Jalalu’d-din (Shargz) § 
came with his two young sons to wait on me. 

(Feb. 26th) Next day, Saturday the 17th of the month, we did 
$8kurohs (16m.), and dismounted at Dugdugi a Karrah pargana 
on the bank of the Gang.® 

(Feb. 27th) On Sunday (78th) came to this ground Muhammad 
Sl. M., Ni-khib (or, Bi-khib) Sl. and Tardika (or, Tardi yekka, 

(Feb. 28th) On Monday (79¢h) ‘Askari also waited on me. 
They all came from the other side of Gang (Ganges). ‘Askari 
and his various forces were ordered to march along the other 
bank of the river keeping opposite the army on this side, and 
wherever our camp might be, to dismount just opposite it. 

(99. News of the Afghans.) 

While we were in these parts news came again and again that 
Sl. Mahmiid (Ziidz) had collected 10,000 Afghans ; that he had 

* This will be more to the south than Kira Khas, the headquarters of the large 
district ; perhaps it is ‘‘ Koora Khera” (? Kira-khiraj) which suits the route (I.S. 
Map, Sheet 88). 

? Perhaps Kunda Kanak, known also as ‘*‘ Kuria, Koria, Kura and Kunra Kanak ” 
(D.G. of Fathpir). 

3 Haswa or Hanswa. The conjoint name represents two villages some 6m. apart, 
and is today that of their railway-station. 

* almost due east of Fathpiir, on the old King’s Highway (Badshahi Sar-rah). 

5 His ancestors had ruled in Jiinpir from 1394 to 1476aAD., his father Husain 
Shah having been conquered by Sl. Sikandar Za#di at the latter date. He was one 
of three rivals for supremacy in the East (.Skarg), the others being Jalalu’d-din Nahani 
and Mahmiid Lidi,—Afghansall three. Cf. Erskine’s History of India, Babur, i, 501. 

° This name appears on the I.S. Map, Sheet 88, but too far north to suit Babur’s 

distances, and also off the Sarai Munda-Kusar-Karrah road. The position of Naubasta 
suits better. 

Fol. 362d. 

Fol. 363. 


detached Shaikh Bayazid and Biban with a mass of men towards | 

Sarwar [Gorakhpir] ; that he himself with Fath Khan Sarwéanit 5 ie 
was on his way along the river for Chunar; that Sher Khan Sar a 

whom I had favoured last year with the gift of several parganas 
and had left in charge of this neighbourhood,’ had joined these 
Afghans who thereupon had made him and a few other amirs 

cross the water; that Sl. Jalalu’d-din’s man in Benares had not 

been able to hold that place, had fled, and got away ; what he 
was understood to have said being, that he had left soldiers 
(stpahilar) in Benares-fort and gone along the river to fight 
Sl. Mahmid.? 

(rr. Incidents of the march resumed.) 

(March rst) Marching from Dugdugi (Tuesday, Jumada I. 
20th) the army did 6kurohs (12m.) and dismounted at Kusar,3 
3 or 4kurohs from Karrah. I went by boat. Westayed here3or4 
days because of hospitality offered by Sl. Jalalu’d-din. 

(March 4th) On Friday (23rd), I dismounted at Sl. Jalalu’d- 

din’s house inside Karrah-fort where, host-like, he served me 

a portion of cooked meat and other viands.4 After the meal, 

he and his sons were dressed in unlined coats (yaktaz jamah) 

and short tunics (zimcha).5 At his request his elder son was 
given the style Sl. Mahmiid.® On leaving Karrah, I rode about 
one kuroh (2m.) and dismounted on the bank of Gang. 

Here letters were written and leave was given to Shahrak 

Beg who had come from Mahim to our first camp on Gang os 
(ze. Dugdugi). As Khwaja Yahya’s grandson Khwaja Kalan 

* Sher Khan was associated with Didi Bibi in the charge of her son’s affairs. 
Babur s favours to him, his son Humiayiin’s future conqueror, will have been done during 
the Eastern campaign in 934AH., of which so much record is missing. Cf. 7arikh-z- 

sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India, iv, 301 et seg. for particulars of Sher Khan 
(Farid Khan Sar Afghan), 

* In writing ‘* Sl. Mahmiid”, Babur is reporting his informant’s style, he himself — 4 

calling Mahmid ‘* Khan” only (f. 363 and f. 363). 
_ 3 This will be the more northerly of two Kusars marked as in Karrah ; even so, it 
is a very long 6£uroks (12m.) from the Dugdugi of the I.S. Map (cf. n. supra). 

* bir para ash u ta‘am, words which suggest one of those complete meals served, 
each item on its separate small dish, and all dishes fitting like mosaic into one tray. 
T. ash iscooked meat (f.2 n. 1 and f. 3434); Ar. ¢a‘am will be sweets, fruit, bread, 
perhaps rice also. 

5 The yaktai, one-fold coat, contrasts with the d#-tahi, two-fold(A.-i-A. Bib. Ind. 
ed., p. 101, and Blochmann’s trs. p. 88). 
This acknowledgement of right to the style Sultan recognized also supremacy of 
the Sharqi claim to rule over that of the Nihani and Lidi competitors. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 653 

had been asking for the records I was writing,t I sent him by 
Shahrak a copy I had had made. 

(March 5th) On Saturday move was made at dawn (2¢2h), 
I going by boat direct, and after 4 £urohs done (8m.), halt was 
made at Koh.? Our ground, being so near, was reached quite 
early. After awhile, we seated ourselves inside 3 a boat where 
we ate ma‘juin. We invited the honoured Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh- 
shahid 4 who was said to be in Nir Beg’s quarters (aw), invited 
also Mulla Mahmid (/ardaéz?), bringing him from Mulla ‘Ali 
Khan’s. After staying for some time on that spot, we crossed 
the river, and on the other side, set wrestlers to wrestle. In 
opposition to the rule of gripping the strongest first, Dost-i-yasin 
-khair was told not to grapple with Champion Sadiq, but with 
others ; he did so very well with eight. 

(ss. News of the Afghan enemy.) 

At the Afternoon Prayer, Sl. Muhammad the Pay-master came 
by boat from the other side of the river, bringing news that the 
army of Sl. Iskandar’s son Mahmiid Khan whom rebels style 

* mindin biti tirgin wagai‘. This passage Teufel used to support his view that 
Babur’s title for his book was Wagdi*, and not Aadbur-nama which, indeed, Teufel 
describes as the Kazaner Ausgabe adoptirte Titel. Babur-nama, however, is the 
title [or perhaps, merely scribe’s name] associated both with Kehr’s text and with the 
Haidarabad Codex.—I have found no indication of the selection by Babur of any 
title ; he makes no mention of the matter and where he uses the word wagd@i‘ or its 
congeners, it can be readasacommon noun. In his colophon to the Rampur Diwan, 
it is a parallel of ash‘ar, poems. Judging from what is found in the A/udin, it may 
be right to infer that, if he had lived to complete his book—now broken off s.a. 
QI14AH. (f.2166)—he would have been explicit as to its title, perhaps also as to his 
grounds for choosing it. Such grounds would have found fitting mention in a preface 
to the now abrupt opening of the Babur-nama (f. 16), and if the Malfazat-7-timiri be 
Timir’s authentic autobiography, this book might have been named as an ancestral 
example influencing Babur to write his own. Nothing against the authenticity of the 
Malfazat can be inferred from the circumstance that Babur does not name it, because 
the preface in which such mention would be in harmony with eg. his Walédiyyah 
preface, was never written. It might accredit the /a//azat to collate passages having 
common topics, as they appear in the Babur-ndma, Malfizat-t-timari and Zafar- 
nama (cf. E. & D.’s H. of I. iv, §59 for a discussion by Dr. Sachau and Prof. Dowson 
on the Ma/fazat). (Cf. Z.D.M. xxxvii, p.184, Teufel’s art. Babur und ‘Abi’ lfazl ; 
Smirnow’s Cat. of Manuscrits Turcs, p.142; Index ix loco s.nn. Mubin and Title.) 

* Koh-khiraj, Revenue-paying Koh (H. G. Nevill’s D. G. of Allahabad, p. 261). 

8 kima aichida, which suggests a boat with a cabin, a dajra@ (Hobson-Jobson s.n. 

4 He had stayed behind his kinsman Khwaja Kalan. Both, as Babur has said, 
were descendants of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Advari. Khwaja Kalan was a grandson of 
Ahrari’s second son Yahya ; Khwaja ‘Abdu’sh-shahid was the son of his fifth, Khwaja 
*Abdu’l-lah (Khwajagin-khwaja). ‘Abdu’sh-shahid returned to India under Akbar, 
received a fief, maintained 2,000 poor persons, left after 20 years, and died in 
Samarkand in 982 an.—1574-5 AD. (A.-i-A., Blochmann’s trs. and notes, pp. 423, 539). 


Fol. 3634. 


Sl. Mahmid,' had broken up. The same news was brought in 
by a spy who had gone out at the Mid-day Prayer from where 
we were ; and a dutiful letter, agreeing with what the spy had 
reported, came from Taj Khan Sdrang-khani between the A fter- 
noon and Evening Prayers. Sl. Muhammad gave the following 
particulars :—that the rebels on reaching Chunar seemed to have 
laid siege to it and to have done a little fighting, but had risen 
in disorderly fashion when they heard of our approach ; that 
Afghans who had crossed the river for Benares, had turned back 
in like disorder; that two of their boats had sunk in crossing and 
a body of their men been drowned. 

(tt. Lnucidents of the eastward march resumed.) 

(March 6th) After marching at Sunday’s dawn (25th) and 
doing Okurohs (12m.), Sir-auliya,? a pargana of Piag *3 was 
reached. I went direct by boat. 

Aisan-timir Sl. and Tikhta-bigha SI. had dismounted half- 
way, and were waiting to see me.‘ JI, for my part, invited them 
into the boat. Tikhta-bigha S]. must have wrought magic, for 
a bitter wind rose and rain began to fall. It became quite 
windy (?)5 on which account I ate main, although I had done 
so on the previous day. Having come to the encamping- 
ground... .° 

* f. 363, f. 3630. 

* Not found on maps ; OOjani or Ujahni about suits the measured distance. 

3 Prayag, llahabad, Allahabad. Between the asterisk in my text (supra) and the 
one following ‘‘ ford” before the foliation mark f. 364, the Hai. MS. has a lacuna 
which, as being preceded and followed by broken sentences, can hardly be due 
to a scribe’s skip, but may result from the loss of a folio. What I have entered 
above between the asterisks is translated from the Kehr-Ilminsky text ; it is in the 
two Persian translations also. Close scrutiny of it suggests that down to the end of 
the swimming episode it is not in order and that the account of the swim across the 
Ganges may be a survival of the now missing record of 934AH. (f. 339). It is singular 
that the Pers. trss. make no mention of Piag or of Sir-auliya ; their omission arouses 
speculation, as to in which text, the Turki or Persian, it was first tried to fill what remains 
a gap in the Hai. Codex. A second seeming sign of disorder is the incomplete 
sentence yirtgha kilid, which is noted below. A third is the crowd of incidents now 
standing under ‘‘ Tuesday ”. A fourth, and an important matter, is that on grounds 
noted at the end of the swimming passage (p.655 n.3) it is doubtful whether that 
passage 1s in its right place.—It may be that some-one, at an early date after Babur’s 
death, tried to fill the /acuna discovered in his manuscript, with help from loose folios 
or parts of them. Cf. Index s. 2. swimming, and f. 3774, p. 680 n. 2. 

* The Chaghatai sultans will have been with ‘Askari east of the Ganges. 

5 tur hawalik; Mems. p. 406, viol f ind ; ii = 
Poet nk P- 409, violence of the wind ; A/éms. ii, 398, une tempéra 

* yurtgha kilts, an incomplete sentence. 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5ruH 1529 AD. 655 

(March 7th?) Next day (Monday 26th?) we remained on the 
same ground. 

(March Sth?) On Tuesday (27th?) we marched on. 

Opposite the camp was what may be an island,* large and 
verdant. I went over by boat to visit it, returning to the boat 
during the Ist watch (6-9a.m.). While I rode carelessly along 
the ravine (ar) of the river, my horse got to where it was fissured 
and had begun to give way. I leapt off at once and flung myself 
on the bank; even the horse did not go down; probably, however, 
if I had stayed on its back, it and I would have gone down 
together. . 

On this same day, I swam the Gang-river (Ganges), counting 
every stroke ;? I crossed with 33, then, without resting, swam 
back. I had swum the other rivers, Gang had remained to do.3 

We reached the meeting of the waters of Gang and Jin at the 
Evening Prayer, had the boat drawn to the Piag side, and got 
to camp at I watch, 4 gavis (10.30p.m.). 

(March 9th) On Wednesday (_/umada IT. 28th) from the Ist 
watch onwards, the army began to cross the river Jin ; there were 
420 boats.4 

(March 11th) On Friday, the Ist of the month of Rajab, 
I crossed the river. 

(March 14th) On Monday, the 4th of the month, the march 

* arial bar aikandur, phrasing implying uncertainty ; there may have been anisland, 
or such a peninsula as a narrow-mouthed bend ofa river forms, or a spit or bluff 
projecting into the river. The word @ra/ represents Aihi-si-arasi, Miyan-da-ab, 
Entre-eaux, Twixt-two-streams, Mesopotamia. 

? gual; Pers. trss. dast andakhtan and dast. Presumably the 33 strokes carried the 
swimmer across the deep channel, or the Ganges was crossed higher than Piag. 

3 The above account of Babur’s first swim across the Ganges which is entered under 
date Jumada II. 27th, 935 AH. (March 8th, 1529AD.), appears misplaced, since he 
mentions under date Rajab 25th, 935AH. (April 4th, 1529ap. f. 3664), that he had 
swum the Ganges at Baksara (Buxar) a year before, z.e. on or close to Rajab 25th, 
934AH. (April 15th, 1528Ap.). Nothing in his writings shews that he was near 
Piag (Allahabad) in 934AH. ; nothing indisputably connects the swimming episode 
with the “‘ Tuesday” below which it now stands ; there is no help given by dates. 
One supposes Babur would take his first chance to swim the Ganges ; this was offered 
at Qanauj (f. 336), but nothing in the short record of that time touches the topic. The 
next chance would be after he was in Aid, when, by an unascertained route, perhaps 
down the Ghogra, he made his way to Baksara where he says (f. 3664) he swam the 
river. Taking into consideration the various testimony noted, [Index s.z. swimming] 
there seems warrant for supposing that this swimming passage is a survival of the 
missing record of 934 AH. (f. 339). Cf. £3774, p.680 and n. 2 for another surmised 
survival of 934 AH. 

4 “Friday” here stands for Anglicé, Thursday after 6p.m.; this, only, suiting 
Babur’s next explicit date Sha‘ban Ist, Saturday. 

Fol. 364. 


for Bihar began along the bank of Jin. After 5£urohs (10m.) 
done, halt was made at Lawain.* I went by boat. The people 
of the army were crossing the Jin up to today. They were 
ordered to put the culverin-carts? which had been landed at 
Adampir, into boats again and to bring them on by water from 

On this ground we set wrestlers to wrestle. Dost-i-yasin 
-khair gripped the boatman Champion of Lahor; the contest 
was stubborn ; it was with great difficulty that Dost gave the 
throw. A head-to-foot was bestowed on each. 

(March 15th and 16th) People said that ahead of us was 
a swampy, muddy, evil river called Tis.3 In order to examine 
the ford *4 and repair the road, we waited two days ( 7wesday 
Ramzan 5th and Wednesday 6th) on this ground. For the horses 
and camels a ford was found higher up, but people said laden carts 
could not get through it because of its uneven, stony bottom, 
They were just ordered to get them through. 

(March 17th) On Thursday (7¢2) we marched on. I myself 
went by boat down to where the Tiis meets the Gang (Ganges), 
there landed, thence rode up the Tis, and, at the Other Prayer, 

* The march, beginning on the Jumna, is now along the united rivers. 

? garb-zanlik arabalar. Were the carts are those carrying the guns. 

3 From the particulars Babur gives about the Tiis (Tons) and Karma-nasa, it would 
seem that he had not passed them last year, an inference supported by what is known 
of his route in that year :—He came from Gialiar to the Kanar-passage (f. 336), there 
crossed the Jumna and went direct to Qanauj (f. 335), above Qanauj bridged the 
Ganges, went on to Bangarmau (f. 338), crossed the Gimti and went to near the 
junction of the Ghogra and Sarda (f. 3384). The next indication of his route is that 
he is at Baksara, but whether he reached it by water down the Ghogra, as his 
meeting with Muh. Ma ‘rif Harmaiz suggests (f. 377), or by land, nothing shews. From 
Baksara (f. 366) he went up-stream to Chausa (f. 3654), on perhaps to Sayyidpir, 2m. 
from the mouth of the Gimti, and there left the Ganges for Jinpir (f. 365). I have 
found nothing about his return route to Agra ; it seems improbable that he would go so 
far south as to near Pidg; a more northerly and direct road to Fathpir and Sarai 
Baburpir may have been taken.—Concerning Babur’s acts in 934 AH. the following 
item, (met with since I was working on 934.AH. ), continues his statement (f. 3384) that 
he spent a few days near Aiid (Ajédhya) to settle its affairs. The D.G. of Aysabaa 
(H. FE. Nevill) p.173 says ‘‘In 1528 ap. Babur came to Ajodhya (Aid) and halted 
a week. He destroyed the ancient temple” (marking the birth-place of Rama) ‘‘and 
on its site built a mosque, still known as Babur’s Mosque . . ._ It has two inscrip- 
tions, one on the outside, one on the pulpit ; both are in Persian ; and bear the date 
935AH.” This date may be that of the completion of the building. —( Corrigendum :— 
On f. 339 n. 1, Ihave too narrowly restricted the use of the name Sarji. Babur used it 
to describe what the maps of Arrowsmith and Johnson shew, and not only what the 

Gazetteer of India map of the United Provinces does. It applies to the Sarda (f. 339) 
as Babur uses it when writing of the fords. ) 

* Here the lacuna of the Hai. Codex ends. 

 -eeeeeee ee *eer e  e  e ee 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 657 

reached where the army had encamped after crossing the ford. 
Today 6kurohs (12m.) were done. 

(March 18th) Next day (Friday Sth), we stayed on that 

(March roth) On Saturday (9th), we marched 12kurohs and 
got to the bank of Gang again at Nuliba." 

(March 20th) Marching on (Sunday roth), we did Skurohs of 
road, and dismounted at Kintit.? 

(March 21st) Marching on (Monday 11th), we dismounted at 
Nanapur.3 Taj Khan Sdrang-khani came from Chunar to this 
ground with his two young sons, and waited on me. 

In these days a dutiful letter came from Pay-master Sl. 
Muhammad, saying that my family and train were understood to 
be really on their way from Kabul.4 

(March 23rd) On Wednesday (73th) we marched from that 
ground. I visited the fort of Chunar, and dismounted about 
one kuroh beyond it. 

During the days we were marching from Piag, painful boils 
had come out on my body. While we were on this ground, an 
Ottoman Turk (Rimi) used a remedy which had been recently 
discovered in Rim. He boiled pepper in a pipkin; I held the 
sores in the steam and, after steaming ceased, laved them with 
the hot water. The treatment lasted 2 sidereal hours. 

While we were on this ground, a person said he had seen 
tiger and rhinoceros on an a@ra/5 by the side of the camp. 

(March 24th?) In the morning (74th ?), we made the hunting- 
circle ° on that @ra/, elephants also being brought. Neither tiger 
nor rhino appeared ; one wild buffalo came out at the end of 
the line. A bitter wind rising and the whirling dust being 
very troublesome, I went back to the boat and init to the camp 
which was 2furohs (4m.) above Banaras. 

_* Perhaps, where there is now the railway station of ‘‘ Nulibai” (I.S. Map). The 

direct road on which the army moved, avoids the windings of the river. 

* This has been read as T. Zit, P. dik, Eng. village and Fr. vzdlage. 

3 ** Nankunpur” lying to the north of Puhari railway-station suits the distance 
measured on maps. 

4 These will be the women-travellers. 

5 Perhaps jungle tracts lying in the curves of the river. 

° jirga, which here stands for the beaters’ incurving line, witness the exit of the 
buffalo at the end. Cf. f. 3670 for a sivga of boats. 

Fol. 3646. 

Fol. 365. 


(uu. News of the Afghans.) #3 

(March 25th(?) and 26th) Having heard there were many 
elephants in the Chunar jungles, I had left (Thursday’s) ground 
thinking to hunt them, but Taj Khan bringing the news (/rzday 
15th(2)) that Mahmiid Khan (Ladz) was near the Son-water, 
I summoned the begs and took counsel as to whether to fall 
upon him suddenly. In the end it was settled to march on 
continuously, fast’ and far. 

(March 27th) Marching on (Sunday 17th), we did 9 kurohs 
(18m.), and dismounted at the Bilwah-ferry.? 

(March 28th) On Monday night3 the 18th of the month, 
Tahir was started for Agra from this camp (Bilwah-ferry), taking 
money-drafts for the customary gifts of allowance and lodging # 
to those on their way from Kabul. 

Before dawn next morning (Monday) I went on by boat. 
When we came to where the Gii-water (Gimti) which is the 
water of Jiinpiir, meets the Gang-water (Ganges), I went a little 
way up it and back. NarrowerS though it is, it has no ford; the 
army-folk crossed it (last year) by boat, by raft, or by swimming 
their horses. 

To look at our ground of a year ago,®° from which we had started — ; : 

for Jinputr,? I went to about a £uroh lower than the mouth of 
the Junpir-water (Gimti). A favourable wind getting up behind, 
our larger boat was tied to a smaller Bengali one which, spreading 

its sail, made very quick going. Two garis of day remained a 
(5.15 p.m.) when we had reached that ground (Sayyidpur ?), we a 

went on without waiting there, and by the Bed-time Prayer had 
got to camp, which was a kuroh above Madan-Benares,® long 
before the boats following us. Mughil Beg had been ordered to 

* austin auzagh, many miles and many hours ? 

* Bulloa? (I.S.Map). 

3 Anglicé, Sunday after 6p.m. 

4 ‘alufa u gunal (f. 3596). 

* than the Ganges perhaps ; or narrowish compared with other rivers, e.g. Ganges, 
Ghogra, and Jin. 

° yil-tiargi yiirt, by which is meant, I think, close to the same day a year back, and 
not an indefinite reference to some time in the past year. 

: Maps make the starting-place likely to be Sayyidpir. 

re-named Zamania, after Akbar’s officer ‘Ali-quli Khan Khan-i-zaman, and now 
the head-quarters of the Zamania fargana of Ghazipir. Madan-Benares was in 

Akbar’s sarkér of Ghazipir. (It was not identified by E. or by deC.) Cf D.G. of 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 659 

measure all marches from Chunar on the direct road, Lutfi Beg 
to measure the river’s bank whenever I went by boat. The direct 
road today was said to be 11 kurohs (22m.), the distance along 
the river, 18 (36m.). 

(March 29th) Next day (Tuesday 19th), we stayed on that 

(March 30th) On Wednesday (20¢h), we dismounted a kuroh 
{2m.) below Ghazipir, I going by boat. 

(March 31st) On Thursday (27st) Mahmid Khan Wuhani* 
waited on me on that ground. On this same day dutiful letters ? 
came from Bihar Khan Azhari’s son Jalal Khan (Vuanz),3 from 
Nasir Khan (V#fanz)’s son Farid Khan,* from Sher Khan Sar, 
from ‘Alatl Khan Szr also, and from other Afghan amirs. Today 
came also a dutiful letter from ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Master-of-the-horse, 
which had been written in Lahor on the 20th of the latter Jumada 
(Feb. 29th), the very day on which Qaracha’s Hindistani servant 
whom we had started off from near Kalpi,5 reached Lahor. 
“Abdu’l-‘aziz wrote that he had gone with the others assigned to 
meet my family at Nil-ab, had met them there on the 9th of the 
latter Jumada (Fed. 18th), had accompanied them to Chin-ab 
(Chan-ab), left them there, and come ahead to Lahor where he 
was writing his letter. 

(April rst) We moved on, I going by boat, on Friday (Rajab 
22nd). landed opposite Chausa to look at the ground of a year 
ago® where the Sun had been eclipsed and a fast kept.7 After 
I got back to the boat, Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza, coming up 
behind by boat, overtook me; at his suggestion ma‘jzin was eaten. 

The army had dismounted on the bank of the Karma-nasa- 
river, about the water of which Hindiis are understood to be 
extremely scrupulous. They do not cross it, but go past its 

* In the earlier part of the Hai. Codex this Afghan tribal-name is written Nahani, 
but in this latter portion a different scribe occasionally writes it Liihani (Index s.z. ). 

? ‘arza-dasht, 7.e. phrased as from one of lower station to a superior. 

3 His letter may have announced his and his mother Didi Bibi’s approach (f. 368-9). 

* Nasir Khan had been an amir of Sl. Sikandar Za@a@?. Sher Khan Sar married his 
widow “*Guhar Kusain”, bringing him a large dowry (A.N. trs. p. 327; and 7arikk- 
t-sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India iv, 346). . 

5 He started from Chaparghatta (f. 3614, p. 650 n. 1). 

® yil-turgi yurt. 

7 “‘This must have been the Eclipse of the 1oth of May 1528 ap. ; a fast is enjoined 
on the day of an eclipse ” (Erskine). 

Fol. 3655. 

Fol. 366. 

Fol. 3664. 


mouth by boat along the Gang (Ganges). They firmly believe 
that, ifits water touch a person, the merit of his works is destroyed; 
with this belief its name accords.t I went some way up it by 
boat, turned back, went over to the north bank of Gang, and tied 
up. There the braves made a little fun, some wrestling. Muhsin 
the cup-bearer challenged, saying, “I will grapple with four or 
five.” The first he gripped, he threw; the second, who was 
Shadman (Joyous), threw him, to Muhsin’s shame and vexation. 
The (professional) wrestlers came also and set to. 

(April 2nd) Next morning, Saturday (237d) we moved, close 
to the Ist watch (6 a.m.), in order to get people off to look at the 
ford through the Karma-nasa-water. I rode up it for not less 
than a kuroh (2 m.), but the ford being still far on,? took boat and 
went to the camp below Chausa. 

Today I used the pepper remedy again; it must have been 
somewhat hotter than before, for it blistered (gapardz) my body, 
giving me much pain. 

(April 3rd) We waited a day for a road to be managed across 
a smallish, swampy rivulet heard to be ahead.3 

(April 4th) On the eve of Monday (25¢/),4 letters were written 
and sent off in answer to those brought by the Hindustani foot- 
man of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz. 

The boat I got into at Monday’s dawn, had to be towed because 
of the wind. On reaching the ground opposite Baksara (Buxar) 
where the army had been seated many days last year,5 we went 
over to look at it. Between 40 and 50 landing-steps had been 
then made on the bank ; of them the upper two only were left, 
the river having destroyed the rest. Main was eaten after 
return to the boat. We tied up at an dra/® above the camp, set 
the champions to wrestle, and went on at the Bed-time Prayer. 
A year ago (yi/-taéir), an excursion had been made to look at the 
ground on which the camp now was, I passing through Gang 

* Karma-naSa means loss of the merit acquired by good works. 

* The I.S. Map marks a main road leading to the mouth of the Karma-nasa and no 
other leading to the river for a considerable distance up-stream. 

3 Perhaps ‘* Thora-nadee” (I.S. Map). 

* Anglicé, Sunday after 6 p.m. 

5 anthan yil. 

° Perhaps the d#-da between the Ganges and ‘‘ Thora-nadee”. 

ee eee ee 

935 AH.—SEP. 15rH 1528 tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 661 

swimming (? dastak bila), some coming mounted on horses, some 
on camels. That day I had eaten opium. 

(vv. Incidents of the military operations.) | 
(April 5th) At Tuesday’s dawn (26¢h), we sent out for news 
not under 200 effective braves led by Karim-birdi and Haidar 
the stirrup-holder’s son Muhammad ‘Ali and Baba Shaikh. 
While we were on this ground, the Bengal envoy was com- 

-manded to set forth these three articles :-— ? 

(April 6th) On Wednesday (27¢#) Yiinas-i-‘ali who had been 
sent to gather Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza’s objections to Bihar, 
brought back rather a weak answer. 

Dutiful letters from the (Farmiili) Shaikh-zadas of Bihar gave 

__news that the enemy had abandoned the place and gone off. 

(April 7th) On Thursday (28th) as many as 2000 men of 
the Turk and Hind amirs and quiver-wearers were joined to 
Muhammad ‘Ali /azg-jang’s son Tardi-muhammad, and he was 
given leave to go, taking letters of royal encouragement to people 
in Bihar. He was joined also by Khwaja Murshid ‘/v@gi who 
had been made Diwan of Bihar. 

(April Sth (?)) Muhammad-i-zaman M. who had consented to 
go to Bihar, made representation of several matters through 

* yil-tir . . . Gang-stii-din min dastak bila autub, ba‘si at, ba‘si tiwah minib, 
hilib, sair gililib aidi. Some uncertainty as to the meaning of the phrase dastak bila 
auth is caused by finding that while here de Courteille agrees with Erskine in taking 
it to mean swimming, he varies later (f. 3734) to appuydés sur une piece de bots. Taking 
the Persian translations of three passages about crossing water into consideration (p. 655 
after f. 3630, f. 3664 (here), f. 3734), and also the circumstances that E. and de C. are 
once in agreement and that Erskine worked with the help of Oriental mzumsis, I incline 
to think that dastak bila does express swimming.—The question of its precise meaning 
bears on one concerning Babur’s first swim across the Ganges (p. 655, n. 3).—Perhaps 
I should say, however, that if the sentence quoted at the head of this note stood alone, 
without the extraneous circumstances supporting the reading of dastak bila to mean 
swimming, I should incline to read it as stating that Babur went on foot through the 
water, feeling his footing with a pole (dastak), and that his followers rode through the 
ford after him. Nothing in the quoted passage suggests that the horses and camels 
swam. But whether the Ganges was fordable at Baksara in Babur’s time, is beyond 

* fasil soz, which, manifestly, were to be laid before the envoy’s master. The articles 
are nowhere specified ; one is summarized merely on f. 365. Theincomplete sentence 
of the Turki text (sara) needs their specification at this place, and an explicit state- 
ment of them would have made clearer the political relations of Babur with Nasrat 
Shah.—A folio may have been lost from Babur’s manuscript ; it might have specified 
the articles, and also have said something leading to the next topic of the diary, now 
needing preliminaries, vz. that of the Mirza’s discontent with his new appointment, 
a matter not mentioned earlier. 

Fol. 367. 

Fol. 3674. 

662 HINDUSTAN em _ . 

Shaikh Zain and Yinas-i-‘ali. He asked for reinforcement ; for 
this several braves were inscribed and several others were mi 
his own retainers. i 
(April 9th)* On Saturday the Ist of the month of Shatban, we 
left that ground where we had been for 3 or 4 days. I Pa o 
visit Bhijpir and Bihiya,? thence went to camp. | 
Muhammad ‘Ali and the others, who had been sent out for 
news, after beating a body of pagans as they went along, reached ay 
the place where Sl]. Mahmid (Laz) had been with perhaps 2000 © 3 
men. He had heard of our reconnaissance, had broken up, killed 
two elephants of his, and marched off. He seemed to have left 
braves and an elephant 3 scout-fashion; they made no stand when — 
our men came up but took to flight. Ours unhorsed a few of his, . 
cut one head off, brought in a few good men alive. 

(ww. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.) 

(April roth) We moved on next day (Sunday 2nd), I going bye 
boat. From our today’s ground Muhammad-i-zaman M. crossed — ¥ 
(his army) over the river (Son), leaving none behind. We spent — 
2 or 3 days on this ground in order to put his work through and ag 
get him off. i 

(April 13th) On Wednesday the 4th4of the month, Muhammadaal a : 
i-zaman M. was presented witha royal head-to-foot, a sword and 
belt, a ¢jpuchag horse and an umbrella.s He also was made to. 
kneel (yakindurildi) for the Bihar country. Of the Bihar revenues _ 
one krur and 25 daks were reserved for the Royal Treasury ; its — 
Diwani was entrusted to Murshid ‘Jragqi. by 

(April rgth) 1 \eft that ground by boat on Thursday (6th). — 
I had already ordered the boats to wait, and on getting up with ~~ 
them, I had them fastened together abreast in line.° Though all: 4 

* This suits Babur’s series, but Gladwin and Wiistenfeld have 10th. zs 

® The first is near, the second on the direct road from Buxar for Arrah. cc a 

’ The Hai. MS. makes an elephant be posted as the sole scout ; others post a sardar, ey: i‘. 
or post braves ; none post man and beast. 

‘ This should be 5th ; perhaps the statement is confused through the pres being» si 
given late, Anglicé, on Tuesday 4th, Islamicé on Wednesday night. a 

° The Mirza’s Timirid birth and a desire in Babur to give high status to a repre- 
sentative he will have wished to leave in Bihar when he himself went to his western e 
dominions, sufficiently explain the bestowal of this sign of sovereignty. i: 

° jirga. This instance of its use shews that Babur had in mind not a completed. 

circle, but a line, or in sporting parlance, not a hunting- circle but a beaters’-line. 

[Cf. f. 251, f. 3644 and infra of the crocodile.] The word is used also for a goversiniy 
circle, a tribal-council. 

>. A ee eee 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 663 

were not collected there, those there were greatly exceeded the 
breadth of the river. They could not move on, however, so- 
arranged, because the water was here shallow, there deep, here 
swift, there still. A crocodile (ghariza/) shewing itself, a terrified 
fish leaped so high as to fall into a boat; it was caught and 
brought to me. 

When we were nearing our ground, we gave the boats names :— 
a large’ one, formerly the Baburi,? which had been built in Agra 
before the Holy-battle with Sanga, was named Asaish (Repose).3 
Another, which Araish Khan had built and presented to me this 
year before our army got to horse, one in which I had had a 
platform set up on our way to this ground, was named Araish 
(Ornament). Another, a good-sized one presented to me by 

_ Jalalu’d-din Shargi, was named the Gunjaish (Capacious) ; in it 

I had ordered a second platform set up, on the top of the one 
already init. To a little skiff, having a chaukandi,* one used for 
every task (ar dish) and duty, was given the name Farmaish 

(April 15th) Next day, Friday (7¢#), no move was made. 
Muhammad-i-zaman M. who, his preparations for Bihar complete, 
had dismounted one or two £urohs from the camp, came today to 
take leave of me.5 

(ax. News of the army of Bengal.) 

Two spies, returned from the Bengal army, said that Bengalis® 
under Makhdim-i-‘alam were posted in 24 places on the Gandak 
and there raising defences ; that they had hindered the Afghans 
from carrying out their intention to get their families across the 

* atligh (kima). Does aiiligh (ailig, ulig) connect with the ‘‘ bulky Oolak or 
baggage-boat of Bengal” ? (Hobson-Jobson s.n. Woolock, oolock). 

* De Courteille’s reading of Ilminsky’s ‘‘ Baburi” (p. 476) as Bairi, old servant, 
hardly suits the age of the boat. 

3 Babur anticipated the custom followed e.g. by the White Star and Cunard lines, 
when he gave his boats names having the same terminal syllable ; his is @s/ ; on it he 
makes the quip of the far dish of the Farmaish. 

4 As Vullers makes Ar. ghurfat a synonym of chaukandi, the Farmiish seems likely 
to have had a cabin, openatthesides. De Courteille understood it to have a rounded 
gee ne E. & D.’s History of India v, 347, 503n.; and Gul-badan’s H.N. trs. 
p. 98, n. 2. 

g e ep ai rukhsat ald; phrasing which bespeaks admitted equality, that of Timirid 

e z.¢. subjects of the Afghan ruler of Bengal; many will have been Biharis and 
Pirbiyas. Makhdim-i-‘alam was Nasrat Shah’s Governor in Hajipir. 

Fol. 363. 

Fol. 3680. 


river (Ganges?), and had joined them to themselves.t This news 
making fighting probable, we detained Muhammad-i-zaman 
Mirza, and sent Shah Iskandar to Bihar with 3 or 400 men. 

(wy. Incidents of the eastward march resumed.) 

(April 16th) On Saturday (8¢#) a person came in from Didi 
and her son Jalal Khan (son) of Bihar Khan ? whom the Bengali 
(Nasrat Shah) must have held as if eye-bewitched.3 After letting 
me know they were coming,‘ they had done some straight fighting 
to get away from the Bengalis, had crossed the river,5 reached 
Bihar, and were said now to be on their way to me. 

This command was given today for the Bengal envoy Isma‘il 
Mita :—Concerning those three articles, about which letters have 
already been written and despatched, let him write that an answer 
is long in coming, and that if the honoured (Nasrat Shah) be loyal 
and of single-mind towards us, it ought to come soon. 

(April 17th) Inthe night of Sunday (9¢/) ® a man came in from 
Tardi-muhammad /ang-jang to say that when, on Wednesday 
the 5th of the month Sha‘ban, his scouts reached Bihar from this 
side, the Shiqdar of the place went off by a gate on the other side. 

On Sunday morning we marched on and dismounted in the 
pargana of Ari (Arrah),7 

(ss. News and negociations.) 

To this ground came the news that the Kharid ® army, with 
100-150 boats, was said to be on the far side of the Sari near the 

* This might imply that the Afghans had been prevented from joining Mahmid Khan — 
Ludi near the Son. 

* Sl. Muhammad Shah Miihani Afghan, the former ruler of Bihar, dead within a 
year. He had trained Farid Khan S#v in the management of government affairs ; had 

given him, for gallant encounter with a tiger, the title Sher Khan by which, or its 
higher form Sher Shah, history knows him, and had made him his young son’s 

“deputy”, an office Sher Khan held after the father’s death in conjunction with the _ | 

vs —— Diidii Bibi (7arikh-i-sher-shahi, E. & D.’s History of India iv, 325 
et seq.). 

* gits baghi yiistinliig ; by which I understand they were held fast from departure, 
as ¢.g. a mouse by the fascination of a snake. 

: f. 365 mentions a letter which may have announced their intention. 

* Ganges ; they thus evaded the restriction made good on other Afghans. 

* Anglicé, Saturday 8th after 6 p.m. . 

’? The D.G. of Shahadbad (pp. 20 and 127) mentions that ‘‘ it is said Babur marched 
to Arrah after his victory over Mahmiid Ziaz”, and that ‘‘local tradition still points to 
a place near the Judge’s Court as that on which he pitched his camp”. 

Kharid which is now a pargana of the Ballia district, lay formerly on both sides 

of the Ghogra. When the army of Kharid opposed Babur’s progress, it acted for Nasrat 
Shah, but this Babur diplomatically ignored in assuming that there was peace between 

935 AH.—SEP. 157TH 1528 to SEp. 5TH 1529 AD. 665 

meeting of Sari and Gang (Ghogra and Ganges). As a sort of 
peace existed between us and the Bengali (Nasrat Shah Afghan), 
and as, for the sake of a benediction, peace was our firstendeavour 
whenever such work was toward as we were now on, we kept to 
our rule, notwithstanding his unmannerly conduct in setting 
himself on our road;' we associated Mulla Mazhab with his 
envoy Isma‘il Mita, spoke once more about those three articles 
(fasl soz), and decided to let the envoy go. 

(April 18th) On Monday (Zo¢h) when the Bengal envoy came 
to wait on me, he was let know that he had his leave, and what 
follows was mentioned :2—“ We shall be going to this side and 
that side, in pursuit of our foe, but no hurt or harm will be done 
to any dependency of yours. As one of those three articles said,3 
_ when you have told the army of Kharid to rise off our road and 
to go back to Kharid, let a few Turks be joined with it to reassure 
these Kharid people and to escort them to their own place. If 
they quit not the ferry-head, if they cease not their unbecoming 
words, they must regard as their own act any ill that befalls 
them, must count any misfortune they confront as the fruit of 
their own words.” 

(April 20th) On Wednesday (72¢h) the usual dress of honour 
was put on the Bengal envoy, gifts were bestowed on him and 
his leave to go was given. 
| (April 21st) On Thursday (73th) Shaikh Jamali was sent with 
_ royal letters of encouragement to Didi and her son Jalal Khan. 
_ Today a servant of Mahim’s came, who will have parted from 
the Wali(?)5 on the other side of the Bagh-i-safa. 

Bengal and himself.—At this time Nasrat Shah held the riverain on the left bank of the 
Ghogra but had lost Kharid of the right bank,- which had been taken from him by 
Jinaid Barlas. A record of his occupation still survives in Kharid-town, an inscription 
dated by his deputy as for 1529 AD. (District Gazetteer of Ballia (H.R. Nevill), and 
D.G. of Stran (L. L. S. O’ Malley), Historical Chapters). 

* Babur’s opinion of Nasrat Shah’s hostility is more clearly shewn here than in the ~ 

verbal message of f. 369. 

* This will be an unceremonious summary of a word-of-mouth message. 

3 Cf. f. 3664, p. 661 n. 2. 

4 This shews that Babur did not recognize the Saran riverain down to the Ganges 
as belonging to Kharid. His offered escort of Turks would safe-guard the Kharidis 
if they returned to the right bank of the Ghogra which was in Turk possession. 

5 The Hai. MS. has w/z, clearly written; which, as a word representing Mahim 
would suit the sentence best, may make playful reference to her royal commands 
(f. 3614), by styling her the Governor (wa/z). Erskine read the word as a place-name 
Dipali, which I have not found ; De Courteille omits Ilminsky’s w-ras (p. 478). The 
MSS. vary and are uncertain. 

Fol. 369. 


(April 23rd) On Saturday (157h) an envoy from ‘Iraq, Murad 
Qajar* the life-guardsman, was seen. a 

(April 24th) On Sunday (76th) Mulla Mazhab réceie his a 
usual keepsakes (yadgarlar) and was given leave to go. . 

Fol. 3694. (April 25th) On Monday (77¢/) Khalifa was sent, with geraul 
begs, to see where the river (Ganges) could be crossed. a 

(April 27th) On Wednesday, (79¢h) Khalifa again was sent 
out, to look at the ground between the two rivers (Ganges and 

On this same day I rode southward in the Ari (Arrah) pargana 
to visit the sheets of lotus? near Ari. During the excursion 
Shaikh Giiran brought me fresh-set lotus-seeds, first-rate little 
things just like pistachios. The flower, that is to say, the zz/ifar 
(lotus), Hindtstanis call kuzwul-kikri (lotus-pistachio), and its 
seed diidah (soot). | 

As people said, “ The Son is near,” we went to refresh ourselves 
on it. Masses of trees could be seen down-stream ; “ Munir is 
there,” said they, “ where the tomb is of Shaikh Yahya the father 
of Shaikh Sharafu’d-din Mumirz.”3 It being so close, I crossed 
the Son, went 2 or 3 kurohs down it, traversed the Munir orchards, 
made the circuit of the tomb, returned to the Son-bank, made 
ablution, went through the Mid-day Prayer before time, and 
made forcamp. Some of our horses, being fat,4 had fallen behind ; 
some were worn out ; a few people were left to gather them 
together, water thes: rest them, and bring them on without A 
pressure ; but for this many would have been ruined. ; 

When we turned back from Munir, I ordered that some-one — 

Fol. 370. should count a horse’s steps between the Son-bank and the camp. 
They amounted to 23,100, which is 46,200 paces, which is i 

* This is the “‘ Kadjar” of Réclus’ Z’ Asie antérieure and is the name of the Turkman 4 
tribe to which the present ruling house of Persia belongs. ‘‘ Turkman” might be 
taken as applied to Shah Tahmasp by Div Sultan’s servant on f. 354. 

* Nelumbium speciosum, a water-bean of great beauty. 

3 Shaikh Yahya had been the head of the Chishti Order. His son (d. 782 AH.— 
1380-1 AD.) was the author of works named by Abii'l-fazl as read aloud to Akbar, a 
discursive detail which pleads in my excuse that those who know Babur well cannot 
but see in his grandson’s character and success the fruition of his mental characteristics 
and of his labours in Hindiistan. (For Sharafu’d-din A/uniri, cf. Khazinatu’l-asfiya 
ji, 390-92; and Ayin- -t-akbari s.n.) “y 

* Kostenko’s Zurkistan Region describes a regimen for horses which Babur will 

have seen in practice in his native land, one which prevented the defect that hindered — i 
his at Munir from accomplishing more ‘than some 30 miles before mid-day. 


935 AH.—SeEp. 15TH 1528 To SEP. DTH 1529 AD. 667 

kurohs (23 m.).t Itis about half a £uroh from Munir to the Son ; 
the return journey from Munir to the camp was therefore 12 kurohs 
(24m.). In addition to this were some 15-16 kurohs done in 
visiting this and that place ; so that the whole excursion was one 
of some 30 kurohs(60m.). Six garis of the Ist night-watch had 
passed [8.15 p.m.] when we reached the camp. 

(April 28th) At the dawn of Thursday (Sha‘ban 79¢h) SI. 
Junaid Barlas came in with the Jinpir braves from Jiinptr. I let 
him know my blame and displeasure on account of his delay ; 
I did not see him. Qazi Jia I sent for and saw. 

(aaa. Plan of the approaching battle with the Bengal army.) 
On the same day the Turk and Hind amirs were summoned 
for a consultation about crossing Gang (Ganges), and matters 
found settlement at this? -—that Ustad ‘Ali-quli should collect 
mortar, firzmgi,3 and culverin+ to the point of rising ground 
between the rivers Sari and Gang, and, having many match- 
lockmen with him, should incite to battle from that place ; 5 that 

* The distance from Munir to the bank of the Ganges will have been considerably 
longer in Babur’s day than now because of the change of the river’s course through 
its desertion of the Burh-ganga channel (cf. next note). 

2 In trying to locate the site of Babur’s coming battle with the forces of Nasrat 
Shah, it should be kept in mind that previous to the 18th century, and therefore, 
presumably, in his day, the Ganges flowed in the “‘ Burh-ganga” (Old Ganges) channel 
which now is closely followed by the western boundary of the Ballia pargaza of Dii-aba ; 
that the Ganges and Ghogra will have met where this old channel entered the bed of 
the latter river ; and also, as is seen from Babur’s narrative, that above the confluence 
the Ghogra will have been confined toa narrowed channel. When the Ganges flowed 
in the Burh-ganga channel, the now Ballia pargana of Di-aba was a sub-division of 
Bihiya and continuous with Shahabad. From it in Bihiya Babur crossed the Ganges 
into Kharid, doing this at a place his narrative locates as some 2miles from the con- 
fluence. Cf. D.G. of Ballia, pp. 9, 192-3, 206, 213. It may be observed that the 
former northward extension of Bihiya to the Burh-ganga channel explains Babur’s 
estimate (f. 370) of the distance from Munir to his camp on the Ganges ; his 124. 
{24m.) may then have been correct ; it is now too high. 

3 De Courteille, Azerrier, which may bea balista. Babur’s writings give no indica- 
tion of other than stone-ammunition for any projectile-engine or fire-arm. Cf. R. W. F. 
Payne-Gallwey’s Projectile-throwing engines of the ancients. 

4 Sir R. W. F. Payne-Gallwey writes in Zhe Cross-dow (p. 40 and p. 41) what may 
apply to Babur’s sard-zax (culverin ?) and ¢¢fang (matchlock), when he describes the 
larger culverin as a heavy hand-gun of from 16—181b., as used by the foot-soldier and 
requiring the assistance of an attendant to work it ; also when he says that it became 
the portable arquebus which was in extensive use in Europe by the Swiss in 1476 aD. ; 
and that between 1510 and 1520 the arquebus described was superseded by what is 
still seen amongst remote tribes in India, a matchlock arquebus. 

5 The two positions Babur selected for his guns would seem to have been opposite 
two ferry-heads, those, presumably, which were blocked against his pursuit of Biban 
and Bayazid. ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement will have been on the high bank of old alluvium 
of south-eastern Kharid, overlooking the narrowed channel demanded by Babur’s 

Fol. 3703. 


Mustafa, he also having many matchlockmen, should get his — 
material and implements ready on the Bihar side of Gang, alittle 
below the meeting of the waters and opposite to where on an 
island the Bengalis had an elephant and a mass of boats tied — 
up, and that he should engage battle from this place;* that — 
Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and the others inscribed for the work 
should take post behind Mustafa as his reserve; that both for 4 
Ustad ‘Ali-quli and Mustafa shelters (szudjar) for the culverin- — 
firers should be raised by a mass of spadesmen and coolies (kahar) — 
under appointed overseers ; that as soon as these shelters were 
ready, ‘Askari and the sultans inscribed for the work should cross 
quickly at the Haldi-passage? and come down on the enemy ; — 
that meantime, as Sl. Junaid and Qazi Jia had giveninformation — 
about a crossing-place3 8 kurohs (16m.) higher up,4 Zard-rii(Pale- — 
face ?) should go with a few raftsmen and some of the people of 
the Sultan, Mahmiid Khan WV#Zani and Qazi Jia to look at that 
crossing ; and that, if crossing there were, they should go over ~ 
at once, because it was rumoured that the Bengalis were planning _ 
to post men at the Haldi-passage. ‘ 

A dutiful letter from Mahmid Khan the Military-collector — 
(shigdar) of Sikandarpiir now came, saying that he had collected 
as many as 50 boats at the Haldi-passage and had given wages — 
to the boatmen, but that these were much alarmed at the rumoured 
approach of the Bengalis. a 

(April 30th) As time pressed 5 for crossing the Sari, I did not — 
wait for the return of those who had gone to look at the passage, ~ 

narrative, one pent in presumably by sankar reefs such as there are in the region. As 4 
illustrating what the channel might have been, the varying breadth of the Ghogra along — 
the ‘Azamgarh District may be quoted, wz. from 10miles to 2/5m., the latter being 
where, as in Kharid, there is old alluvium with ankar reefs preserving the banks. Ce a 
Reid’s Report of Settlement Operations in ‘Azamgarh, Sikandarpur, and Bhadaon.— 
Firishta gives Badri as the name of one ferry (lith. ed. i. 210). 4 
* Mustafa, like ‘Ali-quli, was to take the offensive by gun-fire directed on the opposite 
bank. Judging from maps and also from the course taken by the Ganges through the 
Burh-ganga channel and from Babur’s narrative, there seems to have been a narrow 
reach of the Ghogra just below the confluence, as well as above. a 
* This ferry, bearing the common name Haldi (turmeric), is located by the course a" 
of events as at no great distance above the enemy’s encampment above the confluence. 
It cannot be the one of Sikandarpiir West. 4 
3 guszr, which here may mean a casual ford through water low just before the Rains. 
As it was not found, it will have been temporary. 
4 z.e. above Babur’s positions. 
5 sarwar (or dar) wagt. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 669 

but on Saturday (2757) summoned the begs for consultation and 
said, “As it has been reported that there are (no?) crossing-places 
(fords?) along the whole of the ground from Chatur-mik in Sikan- 
darpir to Baraich and Aid," let us, while seated here, assign the 
large force to cross at the Haldi-passage by boat and from there 
to come down on the enemy ; let Ustad ‘Ali-quli and Mustafa 
engage battle with gun (of), matchlock, culverin and firzngz, and 
by this draw the enemy out before ‘Askari comes up.? Let us 
after crossing the river (Ganges) and assigning reinforcement to 
Ustad ‘Ali-quli, take our stand ready for whatever comes; if 
‘Askari’s troops get near, let us fling attack from where we are, 
cross over and assault ; let Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza and those 
appointed to act with him, engage battle from near Mustafa on 
_ the other side of Gang.” 

The matter having been left at this, the force for the north of 
the Gang was formed into four divisions to start under ‘Askari’s 
command for the Haldi-passage. One division was of ‘Askari 
and his retainers ; another was Sl. Jalalu’d-din Sargz; another 
was of the Aiizbeg sultans Qasim-i-husain Sultan, Bi-khib Sultan 
and Tang-aitmish Sultan, together with Mahmiid Khan Vihani 
of Ghazipir, Baba Qashqa’s Kiki, Tilmish Avzdeg, Qurban of 
Chirkh, and the Darya-khanis led by Hasan Khan; another was 
of Misa SI. (Farmalz) and Sl. Junaid with what-not of the Jinpir 
army, some 20,000 men. Officers were appointed to oversee the 
getting of the force to horse that very night, that is to say, the 
night of Sunday.3 

(May 1st) The army began to cross Gang at the dawn of 
Sunday (Sha‘ban 22nd); I went over by boat at the Ist watch 
(6a.m.). Zard-rii and his party came in at mid-day; the ford 
itself they had not found but they brought news of boats and of 

having met on the road the army getting near them.4 

* The preceding sentence is imperfect and varies inthe MSS. The Ist Pers. trs., the 
wording of which is often explanatory, says that there were o passages, which, as there 
were many ferries, will mean fords. The Haldi-guzr where ‘Askari was to cross, will 
have been far below the lowest Babur mentions, vz. Chatur-mik (Chaupara). 

* This passage presupposes that guns in Kharid could hit the hostile camp in Saran. 
If the river narrowed hereas it does further north, the Ghazi mortar, which seems to 
have been the only one Babur had with him, would have carried across, since it threw 
a stone 1,600 paces (gadam, f.309). Cf. Reid’s Report quoted above. 

3 Anglicé, Saturday after 6p.m. 

* yagin bulghin fauj, var. ta‘in balghan fauj, the army appointed (to cross). The 
boats will be those collected at the Haldi-ferry, and the army ‘Askari’s. 


Fol. 371. 

Fol. 3714. 

Fo). 372. 


(May 3rd) On Tuesday (Sha‘ban 24th) we marched from a 
where the river had been crossed, went on for nearly one kuroh 
(2m.) and dismounted on the fighting-ground at the confluence.* 
I myself went to enjoy Ustad ‘Ali-quli’s firing of culverin and 
firingi; he hit two boats today with jirimgi-stones, broke them 
and sank them. Mustafa did the same from his side. I had 
the large mortar? taken to the fighting-ground, left Mulla Ghulam 
to superintend the making of its position, appointed a body of 
vasawals 3 and active braves to help him, went to an island facing 
the camp and there ate ma‘un. 

Whilst still under the influence of the confection4 I had the 
boat taken to near the tents and there slept. A strange thing 
happened in the night, a noise and disturbance arising about the 
3rd watch (midnight) and the pages and others snatching up 
pieces of wood from the boat, and shouting “Strike! strike!” 
What was said to have led to the disturbance was that a night- 
guard who was in the Farmaish along-side the Asaish in which 
I was sleeping,5 opening his eyes from slumber, sees a man with 
his hand on the Asaish as if meaning to climb into her. They 
fall on him ;° he dives, comes up again, cuts at the night-guard’s 
head, wounding it a little, then runs off at once towards the river.” 
Once before, on the night we returned from Munir, one or two 
night-guards had chased several Hindistanis from near the boats, 
and had brought in two swords and a dagger of theirs. The Most 
High had me in His Keeping! 

(Persian) Were the sword of the world to leap forth, 
It would cut not a vein till God will.® 

* z#.e. near ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement. 2 Cf. f. 303, f. 309, f. 337 and n. 4. 

3 ** The yasdwal is an officer who carries the commands of the prince, and sees them 
ns ” (Erskine). Here he will have been the superintendent of coolies moving 

* ma‘jiin-nak which, in these days of Babur’s return to obedience, it may be right to 
translate in harmony with his psychical outlook of self-reproach, by »a‘jan-polluted. 
Though he had long ceased to drink wine, he still sought cheer and comfort, in his 
laborious days, from inspiriting and forbidden confections. 

5 Probably owing to the less precise phrasing of his Persian archetype, Erskine here. 

has reversed the statement, made in the Turki, that Babur slept in the Asaish (not the 4 A E 


_ ° aiistida tashla@r. An earlier reading of this, viz. that stones were thrown on the 
intruder is negatived by Babur’s mention of wood as the weapon used. 

_? st sri which, as the boats were between an island and the river’s bank, seems 
likely to mean that the man went off towards the main stream. Jems. p. 415, ‘‘made 
his escape in the river”; Méms. ii, 418, dans la direction du large. 

* This couplet is quoted by Jahangir also (7#s#é, trs. Rogers & Beveridge, i, 348). 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 671 

(May gth) At the dawn of Wednesday (2574), I went in the 
boat Gunjaish to near the stone-firing ground (dé@sh-atar-yir) and 
there posted each soever to his work. 

(666. Details of the engagement.) 

Aighan-birdi I/ughi/, leading not less than 1,000 men, had 
been sent to get, in some way or other, across the river (Sari) one, 
two, three kurohs (2, 4,6m.) higher up. A mass of foot-soldiers, 
crossing from opposite ‘Askari’s camp," landed from 20-30 boats 
on his road, presumably thinking to show their superiority, but 
Aighan-birdi and his men charged them, put them to flight, took 
a few and cut their heads off, shot many with arrows, and got 
possession of 7 or 8 boats. Today also Bengalis crossed ina few 
boats to Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza’s side, there landed and 
provoked to fight. When attacked they fled, and three boat- 
loads of them were drowned. One boat was captured and brought 
tome. In this affair Baba the Brave went forward and exerted 
himself excellently. 

Orders were given that in the darkness of night the boats 
Aighan-birdi had captured should be drawn? up-stream, and 
that in them there should cross Muhammad Sl. Mirza, Yakka 
Khwaja, Yiinas-i-‘ali, Aighan-birdi and those previously assigned 
to go with them. 

Yoday came a man from ‘Askari to say that he had crossed 
the [Sarii]-water, leaving none behind, and that he would come 
down on the enemy at next day’s dawn, that is to say, on 
Thursday’s. Here-upon those already ordered to cross over 
were told to join ‘Askari and to advance upon the enemy 
with him. : 

At the Mid-day Prayer a person came from Usta, saying 
“The stone is ready; what is the order?” The order was, “Fire 
this stone off ; keep the next till I come.” Going at the Other 
Prayer in a very small Bengali skiff to where shelter (mu/jar) 
had been raised, I saw Usta fire off one large stone and several 

* This, taken with the positions of other crossing-parties, serves to locate ‘Askari’s 

**Haldi-passage” at no great distance above ‘Ali-quli’s emplacement at the confluence, 
and above the main Bengal force. 

* perhaps, towed from the land. I have not found Babur using any word which 
clearly means to row, unless indeed a later rawan does so. The force meant to cross 
in the boats taken up under cover of night was part of Babur’s own, no doubt. 

Fol. 3720. 

Fol. 373. 



small firingi ones. Bengalis have a reputation for fire-working ;* 
we tested it now; they do not fire counting to hit a particular 
spot, but fire at random. ; 
At this same Other Prayer orders were given to draw a few 
boats up-stream along the enemy’s front. A few were got past 
without a “ God forbid !”? from those who, all unprotected, drew 
them up. Aisan-timir Sl. and Tikhta-bigha SI. were ordered 
to stay at the place those boats reached, and to keep watch over 
them. I got back to camp in the Ist night-watch of Thursday.3 

Near midnight came news from (Atighan-birdi’s) boats which : 

were being drawn up-stream, “The force appointed had gone 
somewhat ahead ; we were following, drawing the boats, when 
the Bengalis got to know where we were drawing them and 
attacked. A stone hit a boatman in the leg and broke it, we 
could not pass on.” 

(May 5th) At dawn on Thursday (Sha‘ban 26th) came the 
news from those at the shelter, “ All the boats have come from 
above. The enemy’s horse has ridden to meet our approaching 
army.” On this, I got our men mounted quickly and rode out 
to above those boats5 that had been drawn up in the night. 
A galloper was sent off with an order for Muhammad Sl. M. and 
those appointed to cross with him, to do it at once and join 
‘Askari. The order for Aisan-timir Sl. and Tukhta-bigha Sl. 
who were above these boats,° was that they should busy them- 
selves to cross. Baba Sl. was not at his post.7 

" atish-bazi lit. fire-playing, if a purely Persian compound ; if a@zsh be Turki, it 
means discharge, shooting, The word ‘‘ fire-working” is used above under the nearest 
to contemporary guidance known to me, zzz. that of the list of persons who suffered in 
the Patna massacre ‘‘ during the troubles of October 1763 AD.”, in which list are the 
names of four Lieutenants fire-workers (Calcutta Review, Oct. 1884, and Jan. 1885, 
art. The Patna Massacre, H. Beveridge). 

* bi tahashi, without protest or demur. 

3 Anglicé, Wednesday after 6p.m. 

* Perhaps those which had failed to pass in the darkness ; perhaps those from 
Haldi-guzr, which had been used by ‘Askari’s troops. There appear to be obvious 
reasons for their keeping abreast on the river with the troops in Saran, in order to 
convey reinforcements or to provide retreat. 

5 kimalar aiistida, which may mean that he came, on the high bank, to where the 
boats lay below. 

° as in the previous note, kimalar aiistida. These will have been the few drawn 
up-stream along the enemy’s front. 

7 The reproach conveyed by Babur’s statement is borne out by the strictures of 
ore i Dighlat on Baba Sultan’s neglect of duty (7arikh-i-rashidi trs. 

ap. lxxvii). 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 to SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 673 

Aisan-timir Sl. at once crosses, in one boat with 30-40 of his 
retainers who hold their horses by the mane at the boat-side. 
A second boat follows. The Bengalis see them crossing and 
start off a mass of foot-soldiers for them. To meet these go 7 or 
$8 of Aisan-timir Sl.’s retainers, keeping together, shooting off 
arrows, drawing those foot-soldiers towards the Sultan who mean- 
time is getting his men mounted; meantime also the second boat 
is moving (rawdz). When his 30-35 horsemen charge those 
foot-soldiers, they put them well to flight. Aisan-timir did 
distinguished work, first in crossing before the rest, swift, steady, 
and without a “God forbid !”, secondly in his excellent advance, 
with so few men, on such a mass of foot, and by putting these to 
flight. Tuikhta-bigha Sl. also crossed. Then boats followed 

__ one after another. Lahoris and Hindistanis began to cross 

from their usual posts? by swimming or on bundles of reeds.” 
Seeing how matters were going, the Bengalis of the boats opposite 
the shelter (Mustafa’s), set their faces for flight down-stream. 
Darwish-i-muhammad Saréax, Dost Lord-of-the-gate, Nir 
Beg and several braves also went across the river. I madea man 
gallop off to the Sultans to say, “ Gather well together those who 
cross, go close to the opposing army, take it in the flank, and 
get to grips.” Accordingly the Sultans collected those who 
crossed, formed up into 3 or 4 divisions, and started for the foe. 
As they draw near, the enemy-commander, without breaking his 
array, flings his foot-soldiers to the front and socomeson. Kiki 
comes up with a troop from ‘Askari’s force and gets to grips on 
his side; the Sultans get to grips on theirs ; they get the upper 
hand, unhorse man after man, and make the enemy scurry off. 
Kiki’s men bring down a Pagan of repute named Basant Rad 
and cut off his head ; 10 or 15 of his people fall on Kiki's, and 
are instantly cut to pieces. Tikhta-bigha SI. gallops along the 
enemy’s front and gets his sword well in. Mughil ‘Abdu’l- 

Z yusiinlig tishi, Pers. trss. tarf khiid, i.e. their place in the array, a frequent 

* dastak bila dosta-i-gaimish bila, Cf. f. 3634 and f. 3664, for passages and notes 
connected with swimming and dastak. Erskine twice translates dastak bila by 
swimming ; but here de Courteille changes from his earlier 2 /a nage (f. 3664) to 
appuyeés sur une piece de bois. Perhaps the swift current was crossed by swimming 
with the support of a bundle of reeds, perhaps on rafts made of such bundles (cf. 
Heat toad London News, Sep. 16th, 1916, for a picture of Indian soldiers so crossing 
on rafts), 

Fol. 37 3¢. 

Fol. 374. 

Fol. 3746. 


wahhab and his younger brother gets theirs in well too. Mughil 
though he did not know how to swim, had crossed the river 
holding to his horse’s mane. 

[I sent for my own boats which were behind ;* the Farmaish 
coming up first, I went over in it to visit the Bengalis’ encamping- 
grounds. I then went into the Gunjaish. “Is there a crossing- 
place higher up?” I asked. Mir Muhammad the raftsman 
represented that the Sari was better to cross higher up ;? 
accordingly the army-folk 3 were ordered to cross at the higher 
place he named. 

While those led by Muhammad Sl. Mirza were crossing the 
river,+ the boat in which Yakka Khwaja was, sank and he went 
to God’s mercy. His retainers and lands were bestowed on his 
younger brother Qasim Khwaja. 

The Sultans arrived while I was making ablution for the Mid- 
day Prayer; I praised and thanked them and led them to expect 
csuerdon and kindness. ‘Askari also came; this was the first 
affair he had seen ; one well-omened for him ! 

As the camp had not yet crossed the river, I took my rest in 
the boat Gunjaish, near an island. 

(ccc. Various incidents of the days following the battle.) 

(May 6th) During the day of Friday (Sha‘ban 27th) we landed 
at a village named Kindih 5 in the Nirhun fargana of Kharid on 
the north side of the Sarii.® 

(May 8th) On Sunday (29¢#) Kiki was sent to Hajipir for 


* perhaps they were in the Burh-ganga channel, out of gun-fire. 

* If the Ghogra flowed at this point in a narrow channel, it would be the swifter, 
and less easy to cross than where in an open bed. 

3 chirtk-aili, a frequent compound, but one of which the use is better defined in the 
latter than the earlier part of Babur’s writings to represent what then answered to an 
Army Service Corps. This corps now crosses into Saran and joins the fighting force. 

* This appears to refer to the crossing effected before the fight. 

_ 5 or Kiindbah. TI have not succeeded in finding this name in the Nirhun fazgana ; 
it may have been at the southern end, near the ‘‘Domaigarh” of maps. In it was 
Tir-mihani, perhaps a village (f. 377, f. 381). 

° This passage justifies Erskine’s surmise (Memoirs, p. 411, n. 4) that the Kharid- 
country lay on both banks of the Ghogra. His further surmise that, on the east bank 
of the Ghogra, it extended to the Ganges would be correct also, since the Ganges 
flowed, in Babur’s day, through the Burh-ganga (Old Ganges) channel along the 

southern edge of the present Kharid, and thus joined the Ghogra higher than it 
now does. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 675 

Shah Muhammad (son) of Ma‘riff to whom in last year’s 
campaign (934 AH.) I had shown great favour and had given the 
Saran-country, had done well on several occasions, twice fighting 
and overcoming his father Ma‘rif.t' At the time when SI. 
Mahmid Ladi perfidiously took possession of Bihar and was 
opposed by Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, Shah Muhammad had 
no help for it, he had to join them ; but even then, when people 
were saying wild words about him, he had written dutifully 
to me. When ‘Askari crossed at the Haldi-passage, Shah 
Muhammad had come at once with a troop, seen him and with 
him gone against the Bengalis. He now came to this ground 
and waited on me. 

During these days news came repeatedly that Biban and 

_ Shaikh Bayazid were meaning to cross the Sari-river. 

In these days of respite came the surprising news from Sanbal 
(Sambhal) where ‘Ali-i-ytisuf had stayed in order to bring the 
place into some sort of order, that he and a physician who was 
by way of being a friend of his, had gone to God’s mercy on 
one andthesameday. ‘Abdu'l-lah (£z/@ddar) was ordered to go 
and maintain order in Sanbal. 

(May 13th) On Friday the 5th of the month Ramzan, ‘Abdu’l- 
lah was given leave for Sanbal.? 

(ddd. News from the westward.) 

In these same days came a dutiful letter from Chin-timir Sl. 
saying that on account of the journey of the family from Kabul, 
several of the begs who had been appointed to reinforce him, had 
not been able to join him ;3 also that he had gone out with 
Muhammadi and other begs and braves, not less than 100urohs 

* Bayazid and Ma‘rif Aarmiulz were brothers. Bayazid had taken service with 
Babur in 932 Au. (1526 ap.), left him in 934AH. (end of 1527 AD.) and opposed him 
near Qanij. Ma‘rif, long a rebel against Ibrahim Zdaz, had never joined Babur; 
two of his sons did so; of the two, Muhammad and Misa, the latter may be the one 
mentioned as at Qanij, ‘* Ma‘rif’s son” (f. 336).—For an interesting sketch of 
Marif’s character and for the location in Hindistan of the Farmili clan, sce the 
Wagtat-t-mushtagi, E. & D.’s History of India, iv, 584.—In connection with Qaniij, 
the discursive remark may be allowable, that Babur’s halt during the construction of 
the bridge of boats across the Ganges in 934 AH. is still commemorated by the name 
Badshah-nagar of a village between Bangarmau and Nanamau (Elliot’s Ovaz, p. 45). 

? On f. 381 ‘Abdu’l-lah’s starting-place is mentioned as Tir-mihani. 

3 The failure to join would be one of the evils predicted by the dilatory start of the 
ladies from Kabul (f. 3604). 

Fol. 375. 

Fol. 3754. 


(200m.), attacked the Baliichis and given them a good beating." 
Orders were sent through ‘Abdu’l-lah (£z¢abdar) for the Sultan 
that he and Sl. Muhammad Dzii/dai, Muhammadi, and some of 
the begs and braves of that country-side should assemble in 
Agra and there remain ready to move to wherever an enemy 

(eee. Settlement with the Nuhani Afghans.) 

(May 16th) On Monday the 8th of the month, Darya Khan’s 
grandson Jalal Khan to whom Shaikh Jamali had gone, came 
in with his chief amirs and waited on me.? Yahya Wa/anz also 
came, who had already sent his younger brother in sign of 
submission and had received a royal letter accepting his service. 
Not to make vain the hope with which some 7 or $8,000 WViihant 
Afghans had come in to me, I bestowed 50/aks from Bihar on 
Mahmid Khan WVihani, after reserving one rar for Government 
uses (khalsa), and gave the remainder of the Bihar revenues in 
trust for the above-mentioned Jalal Khan who for his part agreed 
to pay one &rir of tribute. Mulla Ghulam yasdéwal was sent to 
collect this tribute; Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza received the 

(fff. Peace made with Nasrat Shah.) 

(May 19th) On the eve of Thursday (z7zh) that retainer of 
Khalifa’s, Ghulam-i-‘ali by name, who in company with a retainer 
of the Shah-zada of Mungir named Abi’l-fath,5 had gone earlier 
than Isma‘l Mita, to convey those three articles (/as/ soz), now 
returned, again in company with Abi’l-fath, bringing letters for 
Khalifa written by the Shah-zada and by Husain Khan Laskar(?) 
Wazir, who, in these letters, gave assent to those three conditions, 
took upon themselves to act for Nasrat Shah and interjected 
a word for peace. As the object of this campaign was to put 

* The order for these operations is given on f. 3554. 

* f.369. The former Nihani chiefs are now restored to Bihar as tributaries of Babur. 

3 Erskine estimated the svar at about £25,000, and the 50 /aks at about £12,500. 

* The Mirza thus supersedes Junaid Bar/as in Jinpir.—The form Jinapar used 
above and elsewhere by Babur and his Persian translators, supports the Gazetteer of 

/ndia x\v, 74 as to the origin of the name Jinpar. 

° a son of Nasrat Shah. No record of this earlier legation is with the Babur-nama 
manuscripts ; probably it has been lost. The only article found specified is the one 

asking for the removal of the Kharid army from a ferry-head Babur wished to use ; 
Nasrat Shah’s assent to this is an anti-climax to Babur’s victory on the Ghogra. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 ro SEP. 5rH 1529 AD. 677 

down the rebel Afghans of whom some had taken their heads 

and gone off, some had come in submissive and accepting my 

service, and the remaining few were in the hands of the Bengali Fol. 376. 
(Nasrat Shah) who had taken them in charge, and as, moreover, 
the Rains were near, we in our turn wrote and despatched words 
for peace on the conditions mentioned. 

(ggg. Submissions and guerdon.) 

(May 21st) On Saturday (13th) Isma‘il Ja/wani, ‘Alatil Khan 
Niuhani, Auliya Khan Ashragi(?) and 5 and 6 amirs came in 
and waited on me. 

Today guerdon was bestowed on Aisan-timir Sl. and Tukhta- 
bigha Sl, of swords and daggers with belts, cuirasses, dresses 

- of honour, and ¢iichadg horses ; also they were made to kneel, 
__ Aisan-timir Sl. for the grant of 36 /aks from the Narnil pargana, 
 Takhta-bugha SI. for 30 /eks from that of Shamsabad. 

(hhh. Pursuit of Bayazid and Biban.) 

(May 23rd) On Monday the (5th of the month (Ramzan), we 
marched from our ground belonging to Kindbah (or Kiindih) on 
the Sari-river, with easy mind about Bihar and Bengal, and 
resolute to crush the traitors Biban and Shaikh Bayazid. 

(May 25th) On Wednesday (772%) after making two night- 
halts by the way, we dismounted at a passage across the Sari, 

_ called Chaupara-Chaturmik of Sikandarpir.t From today 

_ people were busy in crossing the river. 

_ As news began to come again and again that the traitors, 
_ after crossing Sarii and Gogar,? were going toward Lukni,3 the 


* Chaupara is at the Saran end of the ferry, at the Sikandarpir one is Chatur-mik 
(Four-faces, an epithet of Brahma and _Vishnu). 

? It may be inferred from the earlier use of the phrase Gogar (or Gagar) and Sarit 
(Siri or Sird), on f. 338-84, that whereas the rebels were, earlier, for crossing Sarii only, 
z.e. the Ghogra below its confluence with the Sarda, they had now changed for crossing 
above the confluence and further north. Such a change is explicable by desire to avoid 
encounter with Babur’s following, here perhaps the army of Aid, and the same desire 
is manifested by their abandonment of a fort captured (f. 3774) some days before the 
rumour reached Babur of their crossing Sari and Gogar.—Since translating the passage 
on f. 338, I have been led, by enforced attention to the movement of the confluence of 
Ghogra with Ganges (Sari with Gang) to see that that translation, eased in obedience 
to distances shewn in maps, may be wrong and that Babur’s statement that he dis- 
mounted 2-3 kurohs (4-6m.) above Aiid at the confluence of Gogar with Sari, may 
have Some geographical interest and indicate movement of the two affluents such e.g. 
as is indicated of the Ganges and Ghogra by tradition and by the name Burh-ganga 
(cf. f. 370, p. 667, n. 2). 

3 or L:kniir, perhaps Liknii or Likniir. The capricious variation in the MSS. 

Fol. 3766. 


following leaders were appointed to bar (their) crossing * :—The 
Turk and Hind amirs Jalalu’d-din Shargé, ‘Ali Khan Farmali; — 
Tardika (or, Tardi yakka), Nizam Khan of Biana, together with 
Talmish Azzbeg, Qurban of Chirk and Darya Khan (of Bhira’s — 
son) Hasan Khan. They were given leave to go on the night a 
of Thursday.? 4 
(777. Damage done to the Babur-nama writings.) . 

That same night when 1 watch (pds), 5 garis had passed (air. 
10.55p.m.) and the ¢arawih-prayers were over,> such a storm P 
burst, in the inside of a moment, from the up-piled clouds of | 
the Rainy-season, and such a stiff gale rose, that few tents were 
left standing. I was in the Audience-tent, about to write (Aztabat 
gila dir aidim) ; before I could collect papers and sections,4 the 
tent came down, with its porch, right on my head. The ine q 
went to pieces.5 God preserved me! no harm befell me! ia 
Sections and book ® were drenched under water and gathered — a 
together with much difficulty. We laid them in the folds of — 
a woollen throne-carpet,7 put this on the throne and on it piled — 
blankets. The storm quieted down in about 2 garis (45m.); the — 

between L:knii and L:kniir makes the movements of the rebels difficult to follow. 
Comment on these variants, tending to identify the places behind the words, is grouped 
in Appendix T, On L:kna (Lakhnau) and L:knir (Lakhnar). 

* Taking guzr in the sense it has had hitherto in the Babur-nama of ferry or ford, 

* the detachment may have been intended to block the river-crossings of “Sari and 

Gogar”. If SO, however, the time for this was past, the rebels having taken a fort 
west of those rivers on Ramzan13th. Nothing further is heard of the detachment.— 
That news of the rebel-crossing of the rivers did not reach Babur before the 18th and _ 
news of their capture of L:kni or L:knir before the 19th may indicate that they had 
crossed a good deal to the north of the confluence, and that the fort taken was one more — 
remote than Lakhnau (Oude). Cf. Appendix T. ; 

* Anglicé, Wednesday after 6 p.m. 

3 These are recited late in the night during Ramzan. - 

* kaghasz u aj2a’, perhaps writing-paper and the various sections of the Babur-nama 
writings, vzs. biographical notices, descriptions of places, detached lengths of diary, 
farmans of Shaikh Zain. The /acunae of 934 AH., 935 AH., and perhaps earlier ones _ 
also may be attributed reasonably to this storm. Tt i is easy to understand the loss of — 
e.g. the conclusion of the Farghana section, and the diary one of 934 AH., if they lay 
partly under water. The accident would be better realized in its disastrous resultsto 
the writings, if one knew whether Babur wrote ina bound or unbound volume. From 
the minor losses of 935 AH., one guesses that the current diary at least had not 
reached the stage of binding. oo 

5 The ¢aéngliig is a flap in a tent-roof, allowing light and air to enter, or smoke to. 
come out. ; 

° ajzd@ u kita. See last note but one. The &z4ad (book) might well be Babur’s 
composed narrative on which he was now working, as far as it had then gone towards 
its untimely end (Hai. MS, f. 216d). a 

? sagarlat kut-silicha, where sagar/at will mean warm and woollen. 

se * _ 
Rk = = 

935 AH.—SEP. 151H 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 679 

bedding-tent was set up, a lamp lighted, and, after much trouble, 
a fire kindled. We, without sleep, were busy till shoot of day 
drying folios and sections. 

(yy. Pursuit of Biban and Bayazid resumed.) 

(May 26th) 1 crossed the water on Thursday morning 
(Raman 18th). 

(May 27th) On Friday (z9¢h) I rode out to visit Sikandarpir 
and Kharid.. Today came matters written by ‘Abdu‘l-lah 
(kitabdar) and Baqi about the taking of Luknir.? 

(May 28th) On Saturday (20¢#) Kiki was sent ahead, with 
a troop, to join Baqi.3 

(May 29th) That nothing falling to be done before my arrival 

might be neglected, leave to join Baqi was given on Sunday 
~ (21st) to SI. Junaid Barlas, Khalifa’s (son) Hasan, Mulla Apaq’s Fol. 377. 
retainers, and the elder and younger brethren of Mumin Ataka. 

Today at the Other Prayer a special dress of honour and 
a tipiichag horse were bestowed on Shah Muhammad (son) of 
Ma‘ruf Farmilz, and leave to go was given. As had been done 
last year (934AH.), an allowance from Saran and Kindla+ was 
bestowed on him for the maintenance of quiver-wearers. Today 
too an allowance of 72/aks 5 from Sarwar and a ¢ipiichag horse 
were bestowed on Isma‘il /a/wani, and his leave was given. 

_ About the boats Gunjaish and Ardish it was settled with 
_ Bengalis that they should take them to Ghazipir by way of 
_ Tir-mthani.° The boats Asaish and Farmaish were ordered 

taken up the Sari with the camp. 

(May 30th) On Monday (Ramzan 22nd) we marched from the 
Chaupara-Chaturmik passage along the Sari, with mind at ease 

_ about Bihar and Sarwar,? and after doing as much as 10hurohs 

* Kharid-town is some 4 m. s.e. of the town of Sikandarpiir. 

* or L:kni. Cf. Appendix T. It is now 14 days since ‘Abdu’l-lah £¢tabdar had 
left Tir-mahani (f. 380) for Sambhal; as he was in haste, there had been time for him 
to go beyond Aiid (where Baqi was) and yet get the news to Babur on the roth. 

3 In a way not usual with him, Babur seems to apply three epithets to this follower, 
wiz. ming-begi, shaghawal, Tashkindi (Index s.n.). 

* or Kandla ; cf. Revenue list f. 293; is it now Saran Khas? 

5 £18,000 (Erskine). For the total yield of Kundla (or Kandla) and Sarwar, see 
Revenue list (f. 293). 

© f. 375, p. 675 n.2 and f. 381, p. 687 n. 3. 

7 A little earlier Babur has recorded his ease of mind about Bihar and Bengal, the 
fruit doubtless of his victory over Mahmiid Zaaz and Nasrat Shah ; he now does the 


Fol. 3774. (20m.) dismounted on the Sari in a village called Kilirah (?) 4 
dependent on Fathpir.* 

(kkk. A surmised survival of the record of 934 A. H.?) 

* After spending several days pleasantly in that place where ~ 
there are gardens, running-waters, well-designed buildings, trees, 
particularly mango-trees, and various birds of coloured plumage, 
I ordered the march to be towards Ghazipir. 3 

Ismail Khan /a/wani and ‘Alatl Khan Vafanz had it repre- 
sented to me that they would come to Agra after seeing their 
native land (watz). On this the command was, “I will give an — 
order in a month,’”* 3 4 

same about Bihar and Sarwar, no doubt because he has replaced in Bihar, as his tribu- 
taries, the Nihani chiefs and has settled other Afghans, Jalwanis and Farmilis in a 
Sarwar cleared of the Jalwani (?) rebel Biban and the Farmiili opponents Bayazid and ~ 
Ma‘rif. The Farmili Shaikh-zadas, it may be recalled, belonged by descent to ~ 
Babur’s Kabul district of Farmiil.—The Wag7‘at-z-mushtagi (E. & D.’s H. of J. iv, 
548) details the position of the clan under Sikandar Ladi. 

* The MSS. write Fathpir but Nathpir suits the context, a Jargana mentioned in 
the Ayin-t-akbari and now in the ‘Azamgarh district. There seems to be no Fathpir 
within Babur’s limit of distance. The D.G. of ‘Azamgarh mentions two now insigni- 
ficant Fathpiirs, one as having a school, the other a market. The name G:l:r:h ~ 
(K:l:r:h) I have not found. 

? The passage contained in this section seems to be a survival of the lost record of 
934 AH. (f. 339). I have found it only in the A/emoirs p. 420, and in Mr. Erskine’s 
own Codex of the Wagz‘at-7-baburi (now B.M. Add. 26,200), f. 371 where however 
several circumstances isolate it from the context. It may be a Persian translation of 
an authentic Turki fragment, found, perhaps with other such fragments, inthe Royal 
Library. Its wording disassociates it from the ‘Abdu’r-rahim text. The Codex 
(No. 26,200) breaks off at the foot of a page (supra, Fathpir) with a completed sentence. 
The supposedly-misplaced passage is entered on the next folio as a sort of ending of — 
the Babur-nama writings; in a rough script, inferior to that of the Codex, and is — 
followed by Zam, ¢am (Finis), and an incomplete date 98-, in words. Beneath this — 
a line is drawn, on which is subtended the triangle frequent with scribes; within 
this is what seems to be a completion of the date to 980 AH. anda pious wish, scrawled 
in an even rougher hand than the rest.—Not only in diction and in script but in 
contents also the passage is a misfit where it now stands ; it can hardly describe a — 
village on the Sari; Babur in 935 AH. did not march for Ghazipir but may have done 
SO In 934 AH. (p. 656, n. 3); Isma‘il_/a/wani had had leave given already in 935 AH. 
(f. 377) under other conditions, ones bespeaking more trust and tried allegiance.— 
Possibly the place described as having fine buildings, gardens e/c. is Aid (Ajodhya) 
where Babur spent some days in 934 AH. (cf. f. 3634, p. 655n. 3). 

3 ** Here my Persian manuscript closes” (This is B.M. Add. 26,200). ‘*Thetwo 
additional fragments are given from Mr. Metcalfe’s manuscript alone” (now B.M. ~ 
Add. 26, 202) ‘*and unluckily, it is extremely incorrect” (Erskine). This note will have 
been written perhaps a decade before 1826, in which year the Memoirs of Babur was 
published, after long delay. Mr. Erskine’s own Codex (No. 26,200) was made good 
at a later date, perhaps when he was working on his History of India (pub. 1854), by 
a well-written supplement which carries the diary to its usual end s.a. 936 AH. and — 
also gives Persian translations of Babur’s letters to Humayiin and Khwaja Kalan. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 681 

(Ul. The westward march resumed.) 
(May 31st) Those who marched early ( 7uesday, Ramzan 23rd), 

_ having lost their way, went to the great lake of Fathpir (?).' 

(i People were sent galloping off to fetch back such as were near 
and Kichik Khwaja was ordered to spend the night on the lake- 
shore and to bring the rest on next morning to join the camp. 

We marched at dawn ; I got into the Asaish half-way and had 

it towed to our ground higher up. 

(mmm. Details of the capture of a fort by Biban and Bayazid.) 
i On the way up, Khalifa brought Shah Muhammad diwana’s 
~ son who had come from Baqi bringing this reliable news about 
 Luknir? :—They (ze. Biban and Bayazid) hurled their assault 
Bon Saturday the 13th of the month Ramzan (J/ay 27s?) but 
~ could do nothing by fighting ; while the fighting was going on, 
_ acollection of wood-chips, hay, and thorns in the fort took fire, 
so that inside the walls it became as hot as an oven (danirdik 
On tafsan); the garrison could not move round the rampart ; the 
_ fort was lost. When the enemy heard, two or three days later, 
_ of our return (westwards), he fled towards Dalmau.3 

Today after doing as much as 10kurohs (20m.), we dismounted 
i beside a village called Jalisir,t on the Sari-bank, in the Sagri 
a pargana. 
_ (June 1st) We stayed on the same ground through Wednesday 
Ng 24th), in order to rest our cattle. 

a i 

TR Dispositions against Biban and Bayazid.) 
_ Some said they had heard that Biban and Bayazid had crossed 
_ Gang, and thought of withdrawing themselves to their kinsfolk 

* Here, as earlier, Nathpiir suits the context better than Fathpir. In the Nathpir 

_ fargana, at a distance from Chaupara approximately suiting Babur’s statement of 

_ distance, is the lake ‘‘ Tal Ratoi”, formerly larger and deeper than now. There is 

_ 4 second further west and now larger than Tal Ratoi; through this the Ghogra once 

flowed, and through it has tried within the last half-century to break back. These 

changes in Tal Ratoi and in the course of the Ghogra dictate caution in attempting to 
locate places which were on it in Babur’s day e.g. K:l:r:h (supra). 

? Appendix T. 

3 This name has the following variants in the Hai. MS. and in Kehr’s :—Dalm-i-iii 
-ur-tid-tit. The place was in Akbar’s sarkar of Manikpir and is now in the Rai 
Bareilly district. 

i 4 Perhaps Chaksar, which was in Akbar’s sarkar of Jinpir, and is now in the 
Azamgarh district. 

Fol. 378. 


(nisbahsilar) by way of..... | Here-upon the begs were sum- — 
moned for a consultation and it was settled that Muhammad- — 
i-zaman Mirza and Sl. Junaid Bar/as who in place of Jinpir — 
had been given Chunar with several parganas, Mahmud Khan — 
Nuhani, Qazi Jia, and Taj Khan Sarang-khani should block the — 
enemy’s road at Chunar.’ 4 
( June 2nd) Marching early in the morning of Thursday (257h), 
we left the Sari-river, did 11 uvohs (22m.), crossed the Parsarti 

(Sarjii) and dismounted on its bank. 
Here the begs were summoned, discussion was had, and the 

leaders named below were appointed to go detached from the — 
army, in rapid pursuit of Biban and Bayazid towards Dalmit — 
(Dalmau) :—Aisan-timir Sl, Muhammad Sl. M., Takhta-bagha 
- Qasim-i-husain Sl]. Bi-khib (Ni-khtb) Sl, Muzaffar-i-husain — 

, Qasim Khwaja, Ja‘far Khwaja, Zahid Khwaja, Jani Beg, © 
ae ’s retainer Kichik Khwaja, and, of Hind amirs, ‘Alam 
Khan of Kalpi, Malik-dad Kararani, and Rao (Rawii) Sarwanz. 

(000. The march continued.) | 

When I went at night to make ablution in the Parsarii, people — 
were catching a mass of fish that had gathered round a lamp on — 
the surface of the water. I like others took fish in my hands.3 

* Hai. MS. J: nara khiind tawabi si bila (perhaps ¢awadi‘si but not so written). — 
The obscurity of these words is indicated by their variation in the manuscripts. Most — 
scribes have them as Chunar and Jinpir, guided presumably by the despatch of a force 4 
to Chunar on receipt of the news, but another force was sent to Dalmau at the same ~ 
time. The rebels were defeated s.w. of Dalmau and thence went to Mahiba; it is — 
not certain that they had crossed the Ganges at Dalmau ; there are difficulties in 
supposing the fort they captured and_ abandoned was Lakhnau (Oude) ; they might — 
have gone south to near Kalpi and Adampir, which are at no great distance from 
where they were defeated by Baqi shaghawal, if Lakhnir (now Shahabad in Rampiir) ~ 
were the fort. (Cf. Appendix T.)—To take up the interpretation of the words — 
quoted above, at another point, that of the kinsfolk or fellow-Afghans the rebels 
planned to join :—these kinsfolk may have been, of Bayazid, the Farmilis in Sarwar, — 
and of Biban, the Jalwanis of the same place. The two may have trusted to 
relationship for harbourage during the Rains, disloyal though they were to their 
kinsmen’s accepted suzerain. Therefore if they were once across Ganges and Jumna, — 
as they were in Mahiiba, they may have thought of working eastwards south of the — 
Ganges and of getting north into Sarwar through territory belonging tothe Chunar and — 
Jinptr governments. This however is not expressed by the words quoted above ; 
perhaps Babur’s record was hastily and incompletely written.—Another reading is yi 
be Chunar and Jaund (in Akbar’s sarkar of Rohtas). 

° yiilini tashgadilar. It may be observed concerning the despatch of Muhammad- : 
i-zaman M. and of Junaid Bar/as that they went to their new appointments Jinpir — 
and Chunar respectively ; that their doing so was an orderly part of the winding-up of © 
Babur’s Eastern operations ; that they remained as part of the Eastern garrison, on 
duty apart from that of blocking the road of Biban and Bayazid. 

3 This mode of fishing is still practised in India (Erskine). 


935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 Tro SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 683 

(June 3rd) On Friday (26¢h) we dismounted on a very slender 
stream, the head-water of a branch of the Parsarii. In order 
not to be disturbed by the comings and goings of the army-folk, 
_ I had it dammed higher up and had a place, 10 by 10, made for 
ablution. The night of the 27th’ was spent on this ground. 
( June 4th) At the dawn of the same day (Saturday 27th) we 
left that water, crossed the Tiis and dismounted on its bank.” 
( June 5th) On Sunday (28th) we dismounted on the bank of 
the same water. 
( June 6th) On Monday the 29th of the month (Ramzan), our 
station was on the bank of the same Tiis-water. Though tonight 
_the sky was not quite clear,.a few people saw the Moon, and so 
_ testifying to the Qazi, fixed the end of the month (Ramzan). 
— ( June 7th) On Tuesday (Shawwal 1st) we made the Prayer 
_ of the Festival, at dawn rode on, did 10kuvohs (20m.), and dis- 
mounted on the bank of the Gii (Gimti), a kuroh (2m.) from 
_ Maing The sin of main was committed (¢rtikdb gilildi) near 
a the Mid-day Prayer; I had sent this little couplet of invitation 
to Shaikh Zain, Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir :— 

(Zurki) Shaikh and Mulla Shihab and Khwand-amir, 
Come all three, or two, or one. 

_ Darwish-i-muhammad (Sdrédén), Yinas-i-‘ali and ‘Abdu’l-lah 
_ (Casas)+ were also there. At the Other Prayer the wrestlers 
et to. 
(June 8th) On Wednesday (2nd) we stayed on the same ground. 
Near breakfast-time ma‘jin was eaten. Today Malik Sharq came 
_ in who had been to get Taj Khan out of Chunar.5 When the 
_ wrestlers set to today, the Champion of Aid who had come 
_ earlier, grappled with and threw a Hindistani wrestler who had 
come in the interval. 

Today Yahya Nuhdni was granted an allowance of 15/aks 

RES eee 


* Islamicé, Saturday night ; Anglicé, Friday after 6 p.m. 
* This Tiis, ‘‘Tousin, or Tons, is a branch from the Ghogra coming off above 
_ Faizabad and joining the Sarju or Parsarii below ‘Azamgarh” (Erskine). 

3 Kehr’s MS. p. 1132, Mang (or Mank) ; Hai. MS. Taik; I.O. 218 f. 328 Ba:k; 
1.0. 217 f. 2364, Biak. Maing in the Sultanpir district seems suitably located (D.G. 
of Sultinpur, p. 162). 

* This will be the night-guard (‘asas) ; the librarian (&¢¢abdar) isin Sambhal. I.O. 
218 f. 325 inserts £étabdar after ‘Abdu’l-lah’s name where he is recorded as sent to 
Sam bhal (f. 375). 

°. He will have announced to Taj Khan the transfer of the fort to Junaid Bardas. 

Fol. 3784. 

Fol. 379. 

Fol. 3794. 


from Parsariir,t made to put on a dress of honour, and given — 
his leave. 4 
( June 9th) Next day (Thursday 3rd) we did 11 kurohs (22m.), — 
crossed the Gii-water (Gimti), and dismounted on its bank. a 
(ppp. Concerning the pursuit of Biban and Bayazid.) 
News came in about the sultans and begs of the advance that 

they had reached Dalmiid (Dalmau), but were said not yet to | 
have crossed the water (Ganges). Angered by this (delay), Isent — 

orders, “ Cross the water at once; follow the track of the rebels; 

cross Jiin (Jumna) also; join ‘Alam Khan to yourselves; be q 
energetic and get to grips with the adversary.” 

(gqq. The march continued.) 3 
( June roth) After leaving this water (Gamitz, Friday 4th) we — 
made two night-halts and reached Dalmiid (Dalmau), where — 
most of the army-folk crossed Gang, there and then, by a ford. 
While the camp was being got over, 7a‘7iim was eaten on an 
island (a@ra/) below the ford. ’ 
( June 13th) After crossing, we waited one day (Monday 7th) 
for all the army-folk to get across. Today Baqi 7ashkindicame 
in with the army of Aid (Ajodhya) and waited on me. 
( June 14th) Leaving the Gang-water(Ganges, Tuesday Sth), we 
made one night-halt, then dismounted ( June 15th-Shawwal 9th) — 
beside Kirarah (Kiira Khas) on the Arind-water. Thedistance — 
from Dalmitid (Dalmau) to Kirarah came out at 22 hurohs — 
(44m.).? a 
(June 16th) On Thursday (10¢2) we marched early from that — 
ground and dismounted opposite the Adampir pargana.3 \ 
To enable us to cross (Jin) in pursuit of our adversaries, a few — 
raftsmen had been sent forward to collect at Kalpi what boats ~ 
were to be had ; some boats arrived the night we dismounted, — 
moreover a ford was found through the Jin-river. | 
As the encamping-place was full of dust, we settled ourselves — 

* £3750. _ Parsariir was in Akbar’s s#bah of Lahor ; G. of I. xx, 23, Pasriir. aq 
* The estimate may have been made by measurement (f. 356) or by counting a — 

horse’s steps (f. 370). Here the Hai. MS. and Kehr’s have D:lmiid, but I.O. 218 4 
f, 3286 (D:imiia). 

° As on f, 3614, so here, Babur’s wording tends to locate Adampir on the right 

(west) bank of the Jumna. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 685 

on an island and there stayed the several days we were on that 
(rrr. Concerning Biban and Bayazia.) 

Not getting reliable news about the enemy, we sent Baqi 
shaghawal with a few braves of the interior * to get information 
about him. 7 

( June 17th) Next day (Friday 11th) at the Other Prayer, 
one of Baqi Beg’s retainers came in. Baqi had beaten scouts of 
Biban and Bayazid, killed one of their good men, Mubarak Khan 
Jalwani,and some others, sentin several heads,and one man alive. 

( June 18th) At dawn (Saturday 12th) Paymaster Shah Husain 
came in, told the story of the beating of the scouts, and gave 

_ various news. 

~__ Tonight, that is to say, the night of Sunday the 13th of the 
month,? the river Jiin came down in flood, so that by the dawn, 
the whole of the island on which I was settled, was under water. 
I moved to another an arrow’s-flight down-stream, there had a 
tent set up and settled down. 

( June 20th) On Monday (74th) Jalal Tashkindi came from 
the begs and sultans of the advance. Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, 
on hearing of their expedition, had fled to the pargana of 
Mahiba.3 Fol. 380. 

As the Rains had set in and as after 5 or © months of active 
_ service, horses and cattle in the army were worn out, the sultans 
__and begs of the expedition were ordered to remain where they 
_ were till they received fresh supplies from Agra and those parts. 
At the Other Prayer of the same day, leave was given to Baqi 
and the army of Aiid (Ajodhya). Also an allowance of 30/aks 4 
_ from Amroha was assigned to Miisa (son) of Ma‘rif Farmilz, who 
had waited on me at the time the returning army was crossing 
_ the Sarii-water,5 a special head-to-foot and saddled horse were 
bestowed on him, and he was given his leave. 

* Hai. MS. azta, presumably for aarta; Kehr’s p. 1133, Aiid-daghi, which, as Baqi 
led the Aid army, is de” ¢rovato; both Persian translations, midmgani, central, inner, 
z.€. arta, perhaps household troops of the Centre. 

* Anglicé, Saturday 12th after 6 p.m. 

3 In Akbar’s sarkar of Kalanjar, now in the Hamirpir district. 

4 £7500 (Erskine). Amroha is in the Moradabad district. 

5 At the Chaupara-Chaturmik ferry (f. 376).—Corrigendum :—In the Index of the 

Babur-nima Facsimile, Misa Farmuli and Misa Sl. are erroneously entered as if 
one man. 


Fol. 3808. 


(sss. Babur returns to Agra.) 

(June 21st) With an easy mind about these parts, we set out 
for Agra, raid-fashion,t when 3fa@s 1 gart of Tuesday night were 
past.2_ In the morning (7uesday 15th) we did 16kurohs (32m.), 
near mid-day made our nooning in the pargana of Baladar, one 
of the dependencies of Kalpi, there gave our horses barley, at the 
Evening Prayer rode on, did 13urohs (26m.) in the night, at 
the 3rd night-watch (md-night, Shawwal 15-16th) dismounted 
at Bahadur Khan Sarwani’s tomb at Sigandpir, a pargana of 
Kalpi, slept a little, went through the Morning Prayer and hurried — 
on. After doing 16kurohs (32m.), we reached Etawa at the fall { 
of day, where Mahdi Khwaja came out to meet us.3 Riding — 
on after the Ist night-watch (9p.m.), we slept a little on the way, 
did 16£urohs (32m.), took our nooning at Fathpiir of Rapri, rode ~ 
on soon after the Mid-day Prayer (Thursday Shawwal 17th), — 
did 17kurohs (34m.), and in the 2nd night-watch4 dismounted — 
in the Garden-of-eight-paradises at Agra. ‘ 

(June 24th) At the dawn of Friday (z8&¢h) Pay-master Sl. a 
Muhammad came with several more to wait on me. Towards the ~ 
Mid-day Prayer, having crossed Jin, I waited on Khwaja‘Abdu'l- — 
haqq, went into the Fort and saw the begims my paternal-aunts. — 
(ttt. Indian-grown fruits.) 7 

A Balkhi melon-grower had been set to raise melons ; he now ~ 
brought a few first-rate small ones ; on one or two bush-vines 
(biuta-tak) | had had planted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises — 
very good grapes had grown ; Shaikh Giran sent me a basket — 
of grapes which too were not bad. To have grapes and melons — 
grown in this way in Hindistan filled my measure of content. — 

(uuu. Arrival of Mahim Begim.) 
( June 26th) Mahim arrived while yet two watches of Sunda 
night (Shazwzwal 20th)5 remained. By a singular agreement 

* z.e, riding light and fast. The distance done between Adampir and Agra was 
some 157 miles, the time was from 12a.m. on Tuesday morning to about 9p.m. of 
Thursday. This exploit serves to show that three years of continuous activity in the 
plains of Hindistan had not destroyed Babur’s capacity for sustained effort, spite 
several attacks of (malarial ?) fever. 

= a 

? Anglicé, Tuesday 12.25a.m. 3 He was governor of Etawa. 

* Islamicé, Friday, Shawwal 18th, Anglicé, Thursday, June 24th, soon after 9p.m. 

5 Anglicé, she arrived at mid- night of Saturday.—Gul-badan writes of Mahim’s — 
arrival as unexpected and of Babur’s hurrying off on foot to meet her (Humayin- 
nama {.14, trs, p. 100). 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 687 

of things they had left Kabul on the very day, the 10th of the 
Ist Jumada (/an. 21st 1529) on which I rode out to the army. 

(Here the record of 11 days ts wanting.) 

( July 7th) On Thursday the Ist of Zi’l-qa‘da the offerings 
made by Humayiin and Mahim were set out while I sat in the 
large Hall of Audience. 

Today also wages were given to 150 porters (kahar) and they 
were started off under a servant of Faghftir Diwan to fetch 
melons, grapes, and other fruits from Kabul. 

(vuv. Concerning Sambhal.) 

(July 9th) On Saturday the 3rd of the month, Hindi Beg 
who had come as escort from Kabul and must have been sent to 
Sambhal on account of the death of ‘Ali-i-yiisuf, came and waited 
on me.? Khalifa’s (son) Husamu’d-din came also today from 
Alwar and waited on me. 

(July roth) On Sunday morning (4¢) came ‘Abdu’l-lah 
(kitabdar), who from Tir-mihani3 had been sent to Sambhal on 
account of the death of ‘Ali-i-yisuf. 

_ (Here the record of 7 days ts wanting.) 
(www. Sedition in Lahor.) 

People from Kabul were saying that Shaikh Sharaf of Qara- 
bagh, either incited by ‘Abdu'l-‘aziz or out of liking for him, 
had written an attestation which attributed to me oppression 
I had not done, and outrage that had not happened ; that he 

* Mahim’s journey from Kabul to Agra had occupied over 5 months. 

? Hindi Beg gichin had been made HumAayin’s retainer in 932 AH. (f. 297), and had 
taken possession of Sambhal for him. Hence, as it seems, he was ordered, while 
escorting the ladies from Kabul, to go to Sambhal. He seems to have gone before 
waiting on Babur, probably not coming into Agra till now.—It may be noted here 
that in 933 AH. he transformed a Hindi temple into a Mosque in Sambhal ; it was 
done by Babur’s orders and is commemorated by an inscription still existing on the 
Mosque, one seeming not to be of his own composition, judging by its praise of himself. 
(JASB. Proceedings, May 1873, p. 98, Blochmann’s art. where the inscription is given 
and translated ; and Archeological Survey Reports, xii, p. 24-27, with Plates showing 
the Mosque). 

3 Cf. f. 375, £377, with notes concerning ‘Abdu’l-lah and Tir-mihani. I have not 
found the name Tir-miihani on maps ; its position can be inferred from Babur’s state- 
ment (f.375) that he had sent ‘Abdu’l-lah to Sambhal, he being then at Kunba or 
Kunia in the Nurhun fargana.—The name Tir-mihani occurs also in Gorakhpir.— 
It was at Tir-mihani (Three-mouths) that Khwand-amir completed the Hadiba’s- 
Sstyar (lith. ed. i, 83; Rieu’s Pers. Cat. p. 1079). If the name imply three water- 
mouths, they might be those of Ganges, Ghogra and Daha. 

Fol. 381. 

Fol. 3810. 


had extorted the signatures of the Prayer-leaders (¢mamlar) of 
Lahor to this accusation, and had sent copies of it to the various 
towns ; that ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz himself had failed to give ear to several 
royal orders, had spoken unseemly words, and done acts which 
ought to have been left undone. On account of these matters 
Qambar-i-‘ali Arghin was started off on Sunday the I 1th of the 
month (Z7’l-ga‘da), to arrest Shaikh Sharaf, the Lahor zmams 
with their associates, and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, and to bring them all to 


(xxx. Varia.) 

( July 22nd) On Thursday the 15th of the month Chin-timtr 
Sl. came in from Tijara and waited on me. Today Champion 
Sadiq and the great champion-wrestler of Aiid wrestled. Sadiq 
gave a half-throw*; he was much vexed. 

( July 28th) On Monday the 19th of the month (22’/-ga‘da) 
the Qizil-bash envoy Murad the life-guardsman was made to put 
on an inlaid dagger with belt, and a befitting dress of honour, 
was presented with 2/aks of tankas and given leave to go. 

(Here the record of 15 days ts wanting.) 
(yyy. Sedition in Gualiar.) 

(August 11th) Sayyid Mashhadi who had come from Gualiar 
in these days, represented that Rahim-dad was stirring up 
sedition.?, On account of this, Khalifa’s servant Shah Muhammad 
the seal-bearer was sent to convey to Rahim-dad matters written 
with commingling of good counsel. He went; and in a few ~ 
days came back bringing Rahim-dad’s son, but, though the — 
son came, Rahim-dad himself had no thought of coming. On — 
Wednesday the 5th of Za’/-hijja, Nir Beg was sent to Gialiar 

* nim-kara. E. and de C. however reverse the véles. 

? The 7arikh-i-gualiari (B.M. Add. 16,709, p. 18) supplements the fragmentary 
accounts which, above and s.a. 936AH., are all that the Aabur-ndma now preserves 
concerning Khwaja Rahim-dad’s misconduct. It has several mistakes but the gist of 
its information is useful. It mentions that the Khwaja and his paternal-uncle Mahdi 
Khwaja had displeased Babur ; that Rahim-dad resolved to take refuge with the ruler 

of Malwa (Muhammad X72i/ji) and to make over Giialiar toa Rajput landholder of — — . 

that country ; that upon this Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus went to Agra and interceded 
with Babur and obtained his forgiveness for Rahim-dad. Gialiar was given back to 
Rahim-dad but after a time he was superseded by Abi’l-fath [Shaikh Giran]. For 
particulars about Mahdi Khwaja and a singular story told about him by Nizamu’d-din 
Ahmad in the 7abagat-t-akbari, vide Gul-badan’s Humayun-nama, Appendix B, and 
Translators Note p. 702, Section f. 

935 AH.—SEP. 15TH 1528 To SEP. 5TH 1529 AD. 689 

to allay Rahim-dad’s fears, came back in a few days, and laid 
requests from Rahim-dad before us. Orders in accordance with 
those requests had been written and were on the point of despatch 
when one of Rahim-dad’s servants arriving, represented that he 
had come to effect the escape of the son and that Rahim-dad 
himself had no thought of coming in. I was for riding out at 
once to Giualiar, but Khalifa set it forth to me, “ Let me write 
one more letter commingled with good counsel ; he may even yet 
come peacefully.” On this mission Khusrau’s (son ?) Shihabu’d- 
din was despatched. 

(August r2th) On Thursday the 6th of the month mentioned 
(Zi'l-hijja) Mahdi Khwaja came in from Etawa.' 

(August 16th) On the Festival-day? (Monday roth) Hindi Beg 
was presented with a special head-to-foot, an inlaid dagger with 
belt ; also a pargana worth 7/aks3 was bestowed on Hasan-i-‘ali, 
well-known among the Turkmans4 for a Chaghatai.s 

* He may have come about the misconduct of his nephew Rahim-dad. 

? The ‘Idu’l-kabir, the Great Festival of 1oth Zi’l-hijja. 

3 About £1750 (Erskine). 

4 Perhaps he was from the tract in Persia still called Chaghatai Mountains. One 
Ibrahim Chaghatai is mentioned by Babur (f. 1754) with Turkman begs who joined 
Husain Bai-gara. This Hasan-i-‘ali Chagha‘ai may have come in like manner, with 
Murad the Turkman envoy from ‘Iraq (f. 369 and n. 1). 

5 Several incidents recorded by Gul-badan (writing half a century later) as following 
Mahim’s arrival in Agra, will belong to the record of 935 AH. because they preceded 
Humayin’s arrival from Badakhshan. Their omission from Babur’s diary is explicable 
by its minor /acune. Such are :—(1) a visit to Dhilpir and Sikri the interest of 
which lies in its showing that Bibi Mubarika had accompanied Mahim Begim to Agra 
from Kabul, and that there was in Sikri a quiet retreat, a chaukandi, where Babur 
*“used to write his book” ;—(2) the arrival of the main caravan of ladies from Kabul, 
which led Babur to go four miles out, to Naugram, in order to give honouring 
reception to his sister Khan-zada Begim ;—(3) an excursion to the Gold-scattering 
garden (Pagh-2-zar-afshan), where seated among his own people, Babur said he was 
*“ bowed down by ruling and reigning”, longed to retire to that garden with a single 
attendant, and wished to make over his sovereignty to Humayiin ;—(4) the death of 
Dil-dar’s son Alwar (var. Anwar) whose birth may be assigned to the gap preceding 
932 AH. because not chronicled later by Babur, as is Fariiq’s. As a distraction from 
the sorrow for this loss, a journey was ‘‘ pleasantly made by water” to Dhilpir. 

Fol. 382. 

936 AH.—SEP. 5rx 1529 to AUGUST 257 1530 AD. 

(a. Rahim-dad’s affairs.) 

(Sep. 7th) On Wednesday the 3rd of Muharram, Shaikh 
Muhammad Ghaus* came in from Gialiar with Khusrau’s (son) 
Shihabu’d-din to plead for Rahim-dad. As Shaikh Muhammad ~ 
Ghaiis was a pious and excellent person, Rahim-dad’s faults were 
forgiven for his sake. Shaikh Giran and Nir Beg were sent ~ 
off for Gialiar, so that the place having been made over to their 

* Cf. f.3816 n.2. For his earlier help to Rahim-dad see f. 304. For Biographies 
of him see Blochmann’s A.-i-A. trs. p. 446, and Badayini’s Muntakhabu-’t-tawarikh 
(Ranking’s and Lowe’s trss. ). 

* Beyond this broken passage, one presumably at the foot of a page in Babur’s own 
manuscript, nothing of his diary is now known to survive. What is missing seems 
likely to have been written and lost. It is known from a remark of Gul- badan’s 
(H.N. p. 103) that he ‘“ used to write his book” after Mahim’s arrival in Agra, the 
place coming into her anecdote being Sikri. 

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE ON 9386 To 9837 AH.—1529 ro 1530 AD. 

It is difficult to find material for filling the /acuna of some 
I5 months, which occurs in Babur’s diary after the broken 
passage of Muharram 3rd 936 AH. (Sept. 7th 1529 AD.) and down 
tothe date of his death on Jumada I. 6th 937AH. (Dec. 26th 
I530AD.). The known original sources are few, their historical 
matter scant, their contents mainly biographical. Gleanings 
may yet be made, however, in unexpected places, such gleanings 
as are provided by Ahmad-i-yadgar’s interpolation of Timirid 
history amongst his lives of Afghan Sultans. 

The earliest original source which helps to fill the gap of 
936 AH. is Haidar Mirza’s 7arikh-t-rashidi, finished as to its 
Second Part which contains Babur’s biography, in 948 AH. 
{1541 AD.), 12 years therefore after the year of the gap 936 AH. 
It gives valuable information about the affairs of Badakhshan, 
based on its author’s personal experience at 30 years of age, and 
was Abi’l-fazl’s authority for the Akdar-nama. 

The next in date of the original sources is Gul-badan Begim’s 
Hlumayin-nama, a chronicle of family affairs, which she wrote in 
obedience to her nephew Akbar’s command, given in about 
995 AH. (1587 AD.), some 57 years after her Father’s death, that 
whatever any person knew of his father (Humayin) and grand- 
father (Babur) should be written down for Abi’l-fazl’s use. It 
embodies family memories and traditions, and presumably gives 
the recollections of several ladies of the royal circle.* 

* Jauhar’s Humdayin-nama and Bayazid Biya?’s work of the same title were written 
under the same royal command as the Begim’s. They contribute nothing towards 
filling the gap of 936AH. ; their authors, being Humayiin’s servants, write about him. 
It may be observed that criticism of these books, as recording trivialities, is disarmed 
if they were commanded because they would obey an order to set down whatever 
was known, selection amongst their contents resting with Abi’l-fazl. Even more 
completely must they be excluded from a verdict on the literary standard of their 
day. —Abi’l-fazl must have had a source of Baburiana which has not found its way 
into European libraries. A man likely to have contributed his recollections, directly or 
transmitted, is Khwaja Muqim Harawi. The date of Muqim’s death is conjectural 
only, but he lived long enough to impress the worth of historical writing on his son 
Nizamu’-d-din Ahmad. (Cf. E. and D.’s H. of I. art. 7adagat-2-akbari v,177 and 
187; T.-i-A. lith. ed. p. 193; and for Bayazid Biya?s work, JASB. 1898, p. 296.) 


The Akbar-nama derives much of its narrative for 936-937 AH. 
from Haidar Mirza and Gul-badan Begim, but its accounts of 
Babur’s self-surrender and of his dying address to his chiefs 
presuppose the help of information from a contemporary witness. 4 
It is noticeable that the Abar-nama records no public events 
as occurring in Hindistan during 936-937 AH., nothing of the 
sequel of rebellion by Rahim-dad * and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz, nothing of 
the untiring Biban and Bayazid. That something could have 
been told is shown by what Ahmad-i-yadgar has preserved (vzde 
post); but 50 years had passed since Babur’s death and, manifestly, 
interest in filling the /acune@ in his diary was then less keen than it 
is over 300 years later. What in the Akdar-nama concerns Babur 
is likely to have been written somewhat early in the cv. 15 
years of its author’s labours on it,? but, even so, the elder women 
of the royal circle had had rest after the miseries Humayiin had 
wrought, the forgiveness of family affection would veil his past, 
and certainly has provided Abi’l-fazl with an over-mellowed 
estimate of him, one ill-assorting with what is justified by his 
Babur-nama record. 

The contribution made towards filling the gap of 936-937 AH. 
in the body of Nizamu-’d-din Ahmad’s Tabagat-t-akbari is 
limited to a curious and doubtfully acceptable anecdote about 
a plan for the supersession of Humayiin as Padshah, and about 
the part played by Khwaja Muqim Harawi in its abandonment. 
A further contribution is made, however, in Book VII which 
contains the history of the Muhammadan Kings of Kashmir, 
namely, that Babur despatched an expedition into that country. 
As no such expedition is recorded or referred to in surviving 
Babur-nama writings, it is likely to have been sent in 936AH. 
during Babur’s tour to and from Lahor. If it were made with 
the aim of extending Timirid authority in the Himalayan 
borderlands, a hint of similar policy elsewhere may be given 
by the ceremonious visit of the Raja of Kahlir to Babur, 

* Ibn Batuta (Lee’s trs. p. 133) mentions that after his appointment to Gialiar, — 

Rahim-dad fell from favour . . . but was restored later, on the representation of 
Muhammad Ghaus ; held Gialiar again for a short time, (he went to Bahadur Shah 
in Gujrat) and was succeeded by Abii’l-fath (ze. Shaikh Giran) who held it till 
Babur’s death. 

* Its translation and explanatory noting have filled two decades of hard-working 
years. Tanti labores auctoris et traductoris | 

rr a ee 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 693 

mentioned by Ahmad-i-yadgar (vzde post). The T.-i-A. was 
written within the term of Abi’l-fazl’s work on the Akbar-nama, 
being begun later, and ended about 9 years earlier, in 1002 AH.— 
1593AD. It appears to have been Abii-1-fazl’s authority for his 
account of the campaign carried on in Kashmir by Babur’s 
chiefs (Ayin-z-akbari vol. ii, part i, Jarrett’s trs. p. 389). 

An important contribution, seeming to be authentic, is found 
interpolated in Ahmad-i-yadgar’s Tavrikh-c-salatin-t-afaghana, 
one which outlines a journey made by Babur to Lahor in 936 AH. 
and gives circumstantial details of a punitive expedition sent by 
him from Sihrind at the complaint of the Qazi of Samana against 
a certain Mundahir Rajpit. The whole contribution dovetails 
into matters found elsewhere. Its precision of detail bespeaks 

~ a closely-contemporary written source.” As its fullest passage 

concerns the Samana Qa4zi's affair, its basis of record may have 
been found in Samana. Some considerations about the date of 
Ahmad-i-yadgar’s own book and what Niamatu’l-lah says of 
Haibat Khan of Samana, his own generous helper in the Zarikh- 
t-Khan-t-jahan Lidi, point towards Haibat Khan as providing 
the details of the Qazi’s wrongs and avenging. The indication 
is strengthened by the circumstance that what precedes and what 
follows the account of the punitive expedition is outlined only.3 
Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolates an account of Humayin also, which 
is a frank plagiarism from the 7adagat-c-akbari. He tells too 
a story purporting to explain why Babur “selected” Humayin to 
succeed him, one parallel with Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s about 
what led Khalifa to abandon his plan of setting the Mirza aside. 
Its sole value lies in its testimony to a belief, held by its first 
narrator whoever he was, that choice was exercised in the matter 
by Babur. Reasons for thinking Nizamu’d-din’s story, as it 
stands, highly improbable, will be found later in this note. 

* I am indebted to my husband for acquaintance with Nizamu’-d-din Ahmad’s 
record about Babur and Kashmir. 

? In view of the vicissitudes to which under Humayiin the royal library was 
subjected, it would be difficult to assert that this source was not the missing con- 
tinuation of Babur’s diary. 

3 E. and D.’s H. of I. art. Zarikh-¢ Khan-i-jahan Ladi v, 67. For Ahmad-i 
-yadgar’s book and its special features v7de /.c. v, 2,24, with notes; Rieu’s Persian 
Catalogue iii, 922a ; JASB. 1916, H. Beveridge’s art. Note on the Tarikh-t-salatin 


Muhammad Qasim Hindi Shah Firishta’s Tarikh-t-firishta a 
contains an interesting account of Babur but contributes towards — 
filling the gap in the events of 9 36-937 AH. little that is not in the ‘- 
earlier sources. In M. Jules Mohl’s opinion it was under revision — 
as late as 1623 AD. (1032-3 AH.). 

a. Humayin and Badakhshan. 

An occurrence which had important results, was the arrival — 
of Humayin in Agra, unsummoned by his Father, from the — 
outpost station of Badakhshan. It will have occurred early in ' 
936 AH. (autumn 1529 AD.), because he was in Kabul in the first 
ten days of the last month of 935 AH. (vzde fost). Curiously q 
enough his half-sister Gul-badan does not mention his coming, — 
whether through avoidance of the topic or from inadvertence; the 
omission may be due however to the loss ofa folio from the only — 
known MS. of her book (that now owned by the British Museum), 
and this is the more likely that Abi’l-fazl writes, at some length, — 
about the arrival and its motive, what the Begim might have — 
provided, this especially by his attribution of filial affection as 
Humayiin’s reason for coming to Agra. dq 

Haidar Mirza is the authority for the Akbar-nama account of | q 
Humiayin’s departure from Qila‘-i-zafar and its political and 
military sequel. He explains the departure by saying that when 
Babur had subdued Hindistan, his sons Humayiin and Kamran ~ 
were grown-up ; and that wishing to have one of them at hand in 4 
case of his own death, he summoned Humayin, leaving Kamran — 
in Qandahar. No doubt these were the contemporary impressions fi 
conveyed to Haidar, and strengthened by the accomplished fact ~ 
before he wrote some 12 years later ; nevertheless there are two — 
clear indications that there was no royal order for Humayiin to © 

leave Qila‘-i-zafar, véz. that no-one had been appointed to relieve 

him even when he reached Agra, and that Abi’l-fazl mentions 
no summons but attributes the Mirza’s departure from his post — 

to an overwhelming desire to see his Father. What appears ~ 

probable is that Mahim wrote to her son urging his coming to , 
Agra, and that this was represented as Babur’s wish. However 
little weight may be due to the rumour, preserved in anecdotes ~ 
recorded long after 935 AH., that any-one, Babur or Khalifa, 

936 TO 937 AH.--1529 To 1530 AD. 695 

inclined against Humayiin’s succession, that rumour she would 
set herself to falsify by reconciliation.* 

When the Mirza’s intention to leave Qila‘-i-zafar became 
known there, the chiefs represented that they should not be able 
to withstand the Aizbeg on their frontier without him (his troops 
implied).2 With this he agreed, said that still he must go, and 
that he would send a Mirza in his place as soon as possible. He 
then rode, in one day, to Kabul, an item of rapid travel preserved 
by Abia’l-fazl. 

Humayin’s departure caused such anxiety in Qila‘-i-zafar that 
some (if not all) of the Badakhshi chiefs hurried off an invitation 
to Sa‘id Khan Chaghatai, the then ruler in Kashghar in whose 
service Haidar Mirza was, to come at once and occupy the fort. 

~ They said that Fagir-i-‘ali who had been left in charge, was not 

strong enough to cope with the Atizbeg, begged Sa‘id to come, 
and strengthened their petition by reminding him of his 
hereditary right to Badakhshan, derived from Shah Begim 
Badakhshi. Their urgency convincing the Khan that risk 
threatened the country, he started from Kashghar in Muharram 
936 AH. (Sept.—_Oct. 1529 AD.). On reaching Sarigh-chipan 
which by the annexation of Aba-bakr Mirza Diaghlat was now 
his own most western territory 3 but which formerly was one of 
the upper districts of Badakhshan, he waited while Haidar went 
on towards Qila‘-i-zafar only to learn on his road, that Hind-al 
(@t.10) had been sent from Kabul by Humayiin and had 
entered the fort 12 days before. 

The Kashgharis were thus placed in the difficulty that the fort 
was occupied by Babur’s representative, and that the snows would 
prevent their return home across the mountains till winter was 
past. Winter-quarters were needed and asked for by Haidar, 
certain districts being specified in which to await the re-opening 
of the Pamir routes. He failed in his request, “ They did not 
trust us,” he writes, “indeed suspected us of deceit.” His own 
account of Sa‘id’s earlier invasion of Badakhshan (925 AH.— 
1519 AD.) during Khan Mirza’s rule, serves to explain Badakhshi 

* Humiayin’s last recorded act in Hindiistan was that of 933 AH. (f. 3296) when he 
took unauthorized possession of treasure in Dihli. 

* Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. p. 387. 

3 T.-i-R. trs. p. 353 e¢ seg. and Mr. Ney Elias’ notes. 


distrust of Kashgharis. Failing in his negotiations, he scoured — 
and pillaged the country round the fort, and when a few days — 
later the Khan arrived, his men took what Haidar’s had left. __ 

Sa‘id Khan is recorded to have besieged the fort for three 
months, but nothing serious seems to have been attempted since — 
no mention of fighting is made, none of assault or sally, and — 
towards the end of the winter he was waited on by those who ~ 
had invited his presence, with apology for not having admitted — 
him into the fort, which they said they would have done but for — 
the arrival of Hind-al Mirza. To this the Khan replied that for — 
him to oppose Babur Padshah was impossible; he reminded the — 
chiefs that he was there by request, that it would be as hurtful for — 
the Padshah as for himself to have the Aiizbeg in Badakhshan — 
and, finally, he gave it as his opinion that, as matters stood, every — 
man should go home. His view of the general duty may include — 
that of Badakhshi auxiliaries such as Sultan Wais of Kil-ab — 
who had reinforced the garrison. So saying, he himself set out — 
for Kashghar, and at the beginning of Spring reached Yarkand. 

b. Humayin’s further action. 

Humayin will have reached Kabul before Zi’l-hijja roth — 
935 AH. (Aug, 26th 15 29 AD.) because it is on record that he met — 
Kamran on the Kabul ‘Id-gah, and both will have been there to — 
keep the ‘Idu’l-kabir, the Great Festival of Gifts, which is held on 
that day. Kamran had come from Qandahar, whether to keep the © 
Feast, or because he had heard of Humayiin’s intended movement — 
from Badakhshan, or because changes were foreseen and he | 
coveted Kabul, as the Babur-nama and later records allow to be 
inferred. He asked Humayin, says Abi’l-fazl, why he was there © 
and was told of his brother’s impending journey to Agra under 
overwhelming desire to see their Father.t Presumably the two ~ 
Mirzas discussed the position in which Badakhshan had been ~ 
left; in the end Hind-al was sent to Qila‘-i-zafar, notwithstanding — 
that he was under orders for Hindistan. % 

Humayiin may have stayed some weeks in Kabul, how many — | 
those familiar with the seasons and the routes between Yarkand — 

_" Abi’l-fazl’s record of Humayiin’s sayings and minor doings at this early date in 
his career, can hardly be anything more accurate than family-tradition. 

and Qila‘-i-zafar, might be able to surmise if the date of Hind-al’s 
start northward for which Humayin is likely to have waited, 
were found by dovetailing the Muharram of Sa‘id’s start, the 
approximate length of his journey to Sarigh-chiipan, and Haidar’s 
reception of news that Hind-al had been 12 days in the fort. 

Humiayin’s arrival in Agra is said by Abi’l-fazl to have been 
cheering to the royal family in their sadness for the death of 
Alwar (end of 935 AH.) and to have given pleasure to his Father. 
But the time is all too near the date of Babur’s letter (f.348) 
to Humayin, that of a dissatisfied parent, to allow the supposition 

that his desertion of his post would fail to displease. 

That it was a desertion and not an act of obedience seems 
clear from the circumstance that the post had yet to be filled. 

~ Khalifa is said to have been asked to take it and to have 
refused ; Humayiin to have been sounded as to return and to 
have expressed unwillingness. Babur then did what was an 
honourable sequel to his acceptance in 926 AH. of the charge of 

_ the fatherless child Sulaiman, by sending him, now about 16, to 
take charge where his father Khan Mirza had ruled, and by still 
keeping him under his own protection. 

Sulaiman’s start from Agra will not have been delayed, and 
(accepting Ahmad-i-yadgar’s record,) Babur himself will have 
gone as far as Lahor either with him or shortly after him, an 

_ expedition supporting Sulaiman, and menacing Sa‘id in his 
winter leaguer round Qila‘-i-zafar. Meantime Humayiin was 
ordered to his fief of Sambhal. 

After Sulaiman’s appointment Babur wrote to Sa‘id a fetter 
of which Haidar gives the gist :—It expresses surprise at Sa‘id’s 
doings in Badakhshan, says that Hind-al has been recalled and 
Sulaiman sent, that if Sa‘id regard hereditary right, he will 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 697 

* The statement that Khalifa was asked to go so far from where he was of the first 
importance as an administrator, leads to consideration of why it was done. So little 
is known explicitly of Babur’s intentions about his territories after his death that it is 
possible only to put that little together and read between its lines. It may be that he 
was now planning an immediate retirement to Kabul and an apportionment during life 
of his dominions, such as Abii-sa‘id had made of his own. Ifso, it would be desirable 
to have Badakhshan held in strength such as Khalifa’s family could command, and 
especially desirable because as Barlas Turks, that family would be one with Babur 
in desire to regain Transoxiana. Such a political motive would worthily explain the 
offer of the appointment. 


will make over responsibility to the heir (Sulaiman) ;3 and, “ The — 
rest you know.” 4 7 

c. Babur visits Lahor. 

If Ahmad-i-yadgar’s account of a journey made by Babur to — 
Lahor and the Panj-ab be accepted, the /acuna of 936 AH. is 
appropriately filled. He places the expedition in the 3rd year of — 
Babur’s rule in Hindistan, which, counting from the first reading . 
of the £hutba for Babur in Dihli (f. 286), began on Rajab 15th ~ 
935 AH. (March 26th 1529 AD.). But as Babur’s diary-record for ~ 
935 AH. is complete down to end of the year, (minor /acune q 
excepted), the time of his leaving Agra for Lahor is relegated to 4 
936 AH. He must have left early in the year, (1) to allow time, — 
before the occurrence of the known events preceding his own 
death, for the long expedition Ahmad-i-yadgar calls one of — 
a year, and (2) because an early start after Humayiin’s arrival 
and Sulaiman’s departure would suit the position of affairs and ~ 
the dates mentioned or implied by Haidar’s and by Ahmad-i- 
yadgar’s narratives. 

Two reasons of policy are discernible, in the known events of — 
the time, to recommend a journey in force towardsthe North-west; _ 
first, the sedition of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz in Lahor (f. 381), and secondly, F: 
the invasion of Badakhshan by Sa‘id Khan with its resulting — 
need of supporting Sulaiman by a menace of armed intervention.$ — 

* The *‘ Shah” of this style is derived from Sulaiman’s Badakhshi descent through — 
Shah Begim; the ‘* Mirza” from his Miran-shahi descent through his father Wais 
Khan Mirza. The title Khan Mirza or Mirzi Khan, presumably according to the 
outlook of the speaker, was similarly derived from forbears, as would be also Shah — 
Begim’s ; (her personal name is not mentioned in the sources). i: 

* Sa‘id, on the father’s, and Babur, on the mother’s side, were of the same 
generation in descent from Yiinas Khan ; Sulaiman was ofa younger one, hence his 
pseudo-filial relation to the men of the elder one. . 

3 Sa‘id was Shah Begim’s grandson through her son’Ahmad, Sulaiman her great- 
grandson through her daughter Sultan-Nigar, but Sulaiman could claim also as the — 
heir of his father who was nominated to rule by Shah Begim; moreover, he could © 
claim by right of conquest on the father’s side, through Abi-sa‘id the conqueror, his 
son Mahmid long the ruler, and so through Mahmiid’s son Wais Khan Mirza. 5 

* The menace conveyed by these words would be made the more forceful by Babur’s” 
move to Lahor, narrated by Ahmad-i-yadgar. Some ill-result to Sa‘id of independent ~ 
rule by Sulaiman seems foreshadowed ; was it that if Babur’s restraining hand were 
withdrawn, the Badakhshis would try to regain their lost districts and would have help - 
in so-doing from Babur ? ae 

> It is open to conjecture that if affairs in Hindistan had allowed it, Babur would” 
now have returned to Kabul. Ahmad-i-yadgar makes the expedition to be one for 


936 TO 9387 AH.—1529 1o 1530 AD. 699 

In Sihrind the Raja of Kahlir, a place which may be one of the 
Simla hill-states, waited on Babur, made offering of 7 falcons and 
3 mans* of gold, and was confirmed in his fief.? 

In Lahor Kamran is said to have received his Father, in 
a garden of his own creation, and to have introduced the local 
chiefs as though he were the Governor of Lahor some writers 
describe him as then being. The best sources, however, leave 
him still posted in Qandahar. He had been appointed to 
Multan (f. 359) when ‘Askari was summoned to Agra (f. 339), 
but whether he actually went there is not assured; some months 

later (Zi’l-hijja 1oth 935 AH.) he is described by Abi’l-fazl as 

coming to Kabul from Qandahar. He took both Multan? and 
_ Lahor by force from his (half-)brother Humayiin in 935 AH. 
_ (153! AD.) the year after their Father’s death. That he should 
wait upon his Father in Lahor would be natural, Hind-al did so, 
coming from Kabul. Hind-al will have come to Lahor after 
making over charge of Qila‘-i-zafar to Sulaiman, and he went back 
at the end of the cold season, going perhaps just before his Father 
started from Lahor on his return journey, the gifts he received 
before leaving being 2 elephants, 4 horses, belts and jewelled 
Babur is said to have left Lahor on Rajab 4th (936 AH.)— 
_ March 4th, 1530AD.). From Ahmad-i-yadgar’s outline of Babur’s 
_ doings in Lahor, he, or his original, must be taken as ill-informed 

pleasure only, and describes Babur as hunting and sight-seeing for a year in Lahor, 

‘the Panj-ab and near Dihli. This appears a mere flourish of words, in view of the 
purposes the expedition served, and of the difficulties which had arisen in Lahor itself 
and with Sa‘id Khan. Part of the work effected may have been the despatch of an 
expedition to Kashmir. 

* This appears a large amount. 

? The precision with which the Raja’s gifts are stated, points to a closely-con- 
temporary and written source. A second such indication occurs later where gifts 
made to Hind-al are mentioned. 

3 An account of the events in Multan after its occupation by Shah Hasan Arghiin 
is found in the latter part of the Zabagat-2-akbarit and in Erskine’s H. of I. i, 393 e¢ 
seg.—It may be noted here that several instances of confusion amongst Babur’s sons 
occur in the extracts made by Sir H. Elliot and Professor Dowson in their Hzstory 
of India from the less authoritative sources [e.g. v, 35 Kamran for Humayin, “Askari 
said to be in Kabul (pp. 36 and 37) ; Hind-al for Humayiin e¢c.] and that these errors 
have slipped into several of the District Gazetteers of the United Provinces. 

4 As was said of the offering made by the Raja of Kahliir, the precision of statement 
as to what was given to Hind-al, bespeaks a closely-contemporary written source. 
So too does the mention (text, 2fra) of the dey on which Babur began his return 
journey from Lahor. 


ac een ee 

or indifferent about them. Hisinterest becomes greater when he 
writes of Samana. 


ad. Punishment of the Mundihirs. A 

When Babur, on his return journey, reached Sihrind, he 
received a complaint from the Qazi of Samana against one 
Mohan Mundahtir (or Mundhar)' Rajput who had attacked his 
estates, burning and plundering, and killed hisson. Here-upon ~ 
‘Ali-quli of Hamadan? was sent with 3000 horse to avenge the 
Qazi’s wrongs, and reached Mohan’s village, in the Kaithal 
pargana, early in the morning when the cold was such that the 
archers “could not pull their bows.”3 A marriage had been 
celebrated over-night ; the villagers, issuing from warm houses, 
shot such flights of arrows that the royal troops could make no 
stand ; many were killed and nothing was effected; they retired 
into the jungle, lit fires, warmed themselves (?), renewed the ~ 
attack and were again repulsed. On hearing of their failure, 
Babur sent off, perhaps again from Sihrind, Tarsam Bahadur 
and Naurang Beg with 6000 horse and many elephants. This 
force reached the village at night and when marriage festivities 
were in progress. Towards morning it was formed into three 
divisions,t one of which was ordered to go to the west of the 
village and show itself. This having been done, the villagers 
advanced towards it, in the pride of their recent success. The 
royal troops, as ordered beforehand, turned their backs and fled, 
the Mundahirs pursuing them some two miles. Meantime 
Tarsam Bahadur had attacked and fired the village, killing many 
of its inhabitants. The pursuers on the west saw the flames of 
their burning homes, ran back and were intercepted on their way. 
About 1000 men, women and children were made prisoner ; there 


* Cf. G, of I. xvi, 55 ; Ibbetson’s Report on Karnal. 

? It is noticeable that no one of the three royal officers named as sent against 
Mohan Mundahir, is recognizable as mentioned in the Babur-nama. They may all 
have had local commands, and not have served further east. Perhaps this, their 
first appearance, points to the origin of the information as independent of Babur, but ~~ 
he might have been found to name them, if his diary were complete for 936 AH. } 

3 The E. and D. translation writes twice as though the inability to ‘‘ pull” the 
bows were due to feebleness in the men, but an appropriate reading would refer the 
difficulty to the hardening of sinews in the composite Turkish bows, which prevented 
the archers from bending the bows for stringing. 

* One infers that fires were burned all night in the bivouac. 

o a“ 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 701 

was also great slaughter, and a pillar of heads was raised. Mohan 
was captured and later on was buried to the waist and shot to 
death with arrows. News ofthe affair was sent to the Padshah.? 

As after being in Sihrind, Babur is said to have spent two 
months hunting near Dihli, it may be that he followed up the 
punitive expedition sent into the Kaithal pargana of the Karnal 
District, by hunting in Nardak, a favourite ground of the 
Timirids, which lies in that district. 

Thus the gap of 936 AH. with also perhaps a month of 937 AH. 
is filled by the “year’s” travel west of Dihli. The record is 
a mere outline and in it are periods of months without mention 
of where Babur was or what affairs of government were brought 
before him. At some time, on his return journey presumably, 
he will have despatched to Kashmir the expedition referred to in 
the opening section of this appendix. Something further may 
yet be gleaned from local chronicles, from unwritten tradition, or 
from the witness of place-names commemorating his visit. 

e. Babur’s self-surrender to save Humayiin. 

The few months, perhaps 4 to 5, between Babur’s return to 
Agra from his expedition towards the North-west, and the time 
of his death are filled by Gul-badan and Abi’l-fazl with matters 
concerning family interests only. 

The first such matter these authors mention is an illness of 
Humayin during which Babur devoted his own life to save his 
son’s.3 Of this the particulars are, briefly :—That Humayin, 
while still in Sambhal, had had a violent attack of fever; that 
he was brought by water to Agra, his mother meeting him in 

* At this point the A.S.B. copy (No. 137) of the 7arikh-t-salatin-t-afaghana has 
a remark which may have been a marginal note originally, and which cannot be 
supposed made by Ahmad-i-yadgar himself because this would allot him too long 
a spell of life. It may show however that the interpolations about the two Timirids 
were not inserted in his book by him. Its purport is that the Mundahir village 
destroyed by Babur’s troops in 936AH.—I530AD. was still in ruins at the time it 
was written 160 (lunar) years later (z.e. in 1096 AH.—1684-85AD.). The better Codex 
(No. 3887) of the Imperial Library of Calcutta has the same passage.—Both that 
remark and its context show acquaintance with Samana and Kaithal.—The writings 
now grouped under the title 7a7ikh-i-salatin-t-afaghana present difficulties both as 
to date and contents (cf. Rieu’s Persian Catalogue s.n.). 

? Presumably in Tihrind. 

3 Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. and the 4#bar-nama Bib. Ind. ed. and trs., Index s.nx. ; 
Hughes’ Dictionary of Islam s.n. Intercession. 



an ‘ 
Muttra ; and that when the disease baffled medical skill, Babur 
resolved to practisetherite believed then and now in the East to be © 
valid, of intercession and devotion of a suppliant’s most valued — 

possession in exchange for a sick man’s life. Rejecting counsel — . 
to offer the Koh-i-nir for pious uses, he resolved to supplicate for 
the acceptance of his life. He made intercession through a saint © 
his daughter names, and moved thrice round Humayiin’s bed, ~ 
praying, in effect, “O God! if a life may be exchanged for a life, — 
I, who am Babur, give my life and my being for Humayin.” © 
During the rite fever surged over him, and, convinced that his 
prayer and offering had prevailed, he cried out, “I have borne 
it away! I have borne it away!”* Gul-badan says that he 
himself fell ill on that very day, while Humayiin poured water 

on his head, came out and gave audience; and that they carried 
her Father within on account of his illness, where he kept 7 
bed for 2 or 3 months. 

There can be no doubt as to Babur’s faith in the rite he had» 

practised, or as to his belief that his offering of life was accepted ; 
moreover actual facts would sustain his faith and belief. On- 
lookers also must have believed his prayer and offering to have — 
prevailed, since Humayiin went back to Sambhal,? while Babur ~ 
fell ill at once and died in a few weeks.3 “4 

-_ —t. a. 

J. A plan to set Babur’s sons aside from the succession. 

Reading the Azdar-nama alone, there would seem to be no 
question about whether Babur ever intended to give Hindustan, 
at any rate, to Humayin, but, by piecing together various con- 
tributory matters, an opposite opinion is reached, vzs. that not ™ 
Khalifa only whom Abi’l-fazl names perhaps on Nizamu’d-din 
Ahmad’s warrant, but Babur also, with some considerable number 
of chiefs, wished another ruler for Hindistan. The starting-~ 
point of this opinion is a story in the Zadagat-c-akbari and, 

* A closer translation would be, ‘‘I have taken up the burden.” The verb 
bardashtan (cf. f. 349, p.626 n. 1). 

2 See Erskine’s History of India i ii, 9. p 

3 At this point attention is asked to the value of the Ahmad-i-yadgar interpolatior 
which allows Babur a year of active life before Humayin’s illness and his own whict 
followed. With no chronicle known of 936AH. Babur had been supposed ill a! 
through the year, a supposition which destroys the worth of his self-sacrifice. Moreover — 

several inferences have been drawn from the supposed year of illness which 
disproved by the activities recorded in that interpolation. 

SS : a 
SSS tenes 


Ser} ‘ t 

. Se Oe SF tn SOS Ps, Se oe 
eegn = at es Ca ip - & s * .% 
SE A Ae Re Ey a er Ne eS 
«te * = i Sn = 
Se: ; Bes ee 
a a” os Se PSE 


ny ase pek ch 



To face p. 7 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 703 

with less detail, in the Akdar-nama, of which the gist is that 
Khalifa planned to supersede Humayin and his three brothers 
in their Father’s succession." 

The story, in brief, is as follows :—At the time of Babur’s 
death Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s father Khwaja Muhammad Mugim 
Hlarawi was in the service of the Office of Works.? Amir 
Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali Khalifa, the Chief of the Administration, had 
dread and suspicion about Humayin and did not favour his 
succession as Padshah. Nor did he favour that of Babur’s other 
sons. He promised “Babur Padshah’s son-in-law (damad) ” 
Mahdi Khwaja who was a generous young man, very friendly to 
himself, thathe would make him Padshah. This promise becoming 
known, others made their salam to the Khwaja who put on airs 

~and accepted the position. One day when Khalifa, accompanied 

by Muqim, went to see Mahdi Khwaja in his tent, no-one else 
being present, Babur, in the pangs of his disease, sent for him 3 
when he had been seated a few minutes only. When Khalifa had 
gone out, Mahdi Khwaja remained standing in such a way that 
Mugim could not follow but, the Khwaja unaware, waited 
respectfully behind him. The Khwaja, who was noted for the 
wildness of youth, said, stroking his beard, “ Please God ! first, 
I will flay thee!” turned round and saw Mugqim, took him by 
the ear, repeated a proverb of menace, “The red tongue gives 
the green head to the wind,” and let him go. Mugim hurried 
to Khalifa, repeated the Khwaja’s threat against him, and 
remonstrated about the plan to set all Babur’s sons aside in favour 
of a stranger-house.t Here-upon Khalifa sent for Humayin,5 
and despatched an officer with orders to the Khwaja to retire to 
his house, who found him about to dine and hurried him off 
without ceremony. Khalifa also issued a proclamation for- 
bidding intercourse with him, excluded him from Court, and 
when Babur died, supported Humayin. 

* E.andD.’s History of Indiav,187; G. B.’s Humayin-nama trs. p. 28. 

* dar khidmat-i-diwani-t-buyatat; perhaps he was a Barrack-officer. His appoint- 
ment explains his attendance on Khalifa. 

3 Khalifa prescribed for the sick Babur. 

4 khanwada-t-biginah, perhaps, foreign dynasty. 

5 From Sambhal; Gul-badan, by an anachronism made some 60 years later, writes 
KaAlanjar, to which place Humayiin moved 5 months after his accession. 



As Nizamu’d-din Ahmad was not born till 20 years after — 
Babur died, the story will have been old before he could © 
appreciate it, and it was some 60 years old when it found way ~ 
into the Tabagat-7-akbari and, with less detail, into the Akbar- — 
-nama. : 

Taken as it stands, it is incredible, because it represents ] 
Khalifa, and him alone, planning to subject the four sons of Babur — 
to the suzerainty of Mahdi Khwaja who was not a Timirid, ~ 
who, so far as well-known sources show, was not of a ruling © 
dynasty or personally illustrious, and who had been associated, 
so lately as the autumn of 1529 AD., with his nephew Rahim-dad — 
in seditious action which had so angered Babur that, whatever 
the punishment actually ordered, rumour had it both men were to — 
die? In two particulars the only Mahdi Khwaja then of Babur’s — 
following, does not suit the story ; he was not a young man in © 
1530 AD.,3 and was not a damad of Babur, ifthat word be taken — 
in its usual sense of son-in-law, but he was a yazua, husband of 
a Padshah’s sister, in his case, of Khan-zada Begim.4 Some ~ 
writers style him Sayyid Mahdi Khwaja, a double title which — 
may indicate descent on both sides from religious houses ; one 
is suggested to be that of Tirmiz by the circumstance that in his ~ 
and Khan-zada Begim’s mausoleum was buried a Tirmiz sayyid 4 

* Iam indebted to my husband’s perusal of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s Asar-t-sanddid 
(Dihli ed. 1854 p. 37, and Lakhnau ed. 1895 pp. 40, 41) for information that, perhaps 
in 935AH., Mahdi Khwaja set up a tall slab of white marble near Amir Khusrau’s — 
tomb in Dihli, which bears an inscription in praise of the poet, composed by that — 
Shihabu’d-din the Enigmatist who reached Agra with Khwand-amir in Muharram ~ 
935 AH. (f. 3394). The inscription gives two chronograms of Khusrau’s death (725 AH.), 
mentions that Mahdi Khwaja was the creator of the memorial, and gives its date in 
the words, ‘‘ The beautiful effort of Mahdi Khwaja.”—The Dihli ed. of the Asar-_ 
t-sanddid depicts the slab with its inscription ; the Lakhnau ed. depicts the tomb, 
may show the slab zz sztd, and contains interesting matter by Sayyid Ahmad Khan. ~ 
The slab is mentioned without particulars in Murray’s Hand-book to Bengal, p. 329. — 

* Lee’s Jon Batuta p. 133 and Hiraman’s 7arikh-2-gualiari. Cf. G. B.’s Humayun- 
nama trs. (1902AD.), Appendix B.—Mahdi Khwaja. zz 

3 In an anonymous Life of Shah Ismail Safawi, Mahdi Khwaja [who may be 
a son of the Miisa Khwaja mentioned by Babur on f. 216] is described as being, in what 
will be 916-7 AH., Babur’s Diwdn-begi and as sent towards Bukhara with 10,000 men. 
This was 29years before the story calls him a young man. Even if the word jawamn 
(young man) be read, as T. yigit is frequently to be read, in the sense of *‘ efficient 
fighting man”, Mahdi was over-age. Other details of the story, besides the word 
jawan, bespeak a younger man. a 

4 G, B.’s H.N. trs. p. 126; Habibu’s-siyar, B.M. Add. 16,679 f. 370, 1.16, lith. ed. 
Sec. III. iii, 372 (where a clerical error makes Babur give Mahdi ¢wo of his full- 
sisters in marriage).—Another yasza of Babur was Khalifa’s brother Junaid Barlas, | 
the husband of Shahr-banii, a half-sister of Babur. o 



936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 705 

of later date, Shah Abi’l-ma‘ali. But though he were of Tirmiz, it 
is doubtful if that religious house would be described by the word 
khanwada which so frequently denotes a ruling dynasty. 

His name may have found its way into Nizamu’d-din Ahmad’s 
story as a gloss mistakenly amplifying the word damad, taken in 
its less usual sense of brother-in-law. To Babur’s contemporaries 
the expression “ Babur Padshah’s damad” (son-in-law) would be 
explicit, because for some II years before he lay on his death- 
bed, he had one son-in-law only, vzz. Muhammad-i-zaman Mirza 
Bai-gara,‘ the husband of Ma‘sima Sultan Begim. If that Mirza’s 
name were where Mahdi Khwaja’s is entered, the story of an 
exclusion of Babur’s sons from rule might have a core of truth. 

It is incredible however that Khalifa, with or without Babur’s 

concurrence, made the plan attributed to him of placing any 

man not a Timirid in the position of Padshah over all Babur’s 
territory. I suggest that the plan concerned Hindiistan only 
and was one considered in connection with Babur’s intended 
return to Kabul, when he must have left that difficult country, 
hardly yet a possession, in charge of some man giving promise 
of power to hold it. Such a man Humayin was not. My 
suggestion rests on the following considerations :— 

(1) Babur’s outlook was not that of those in Agra in 1587 AD. 
who gave Abi’l-fazl his Baburiana material, because at that date 
Dihli had become the pivot of Timirid power, so that not to 
hold Hindistan would imply not to be Padshah. Babur’s outlook 
on his smaller Hindustan was different ; his position in it was 
precarious, Kabul, not Dihli, was his chosen centre, and from 
Kabul his eyes looked northwards as well as to the East. If he 
had lost the Hindistan which was approximately the modern 
United Provinces, he might still have held what lay west of it 
to the Indus, as well as Qandahar. 

(2) For several years before his death he had wished to return 
to Kabul. Ample evidence of this wish is given by his diary, his 
letters, and some poems in his second Diwan (that found in the 
RampirMS.). Ashe told hissons more than once, he kept Kabul 

> Babur, shortly before his death, married Gul-rang to Aisan-timir and Gul-chihra 
to Takhta-bigha Chaghatai. Cf. post, Section h, Babur’s wives and children ; and 
- e ete Biographical Appendix s.#. Dil-dar Begim and Salima Sultan Begim 


for himself.t_ If, instead of dying in Agra, he had returned to 
Kabul, had pushed his way on from Badakhshan, whether as far 
as Samarkand or less, had given Humayiin a seat in those parts, _ 
—action foreshadowed by the records—a reasonable inter- — 
pretation of the story that Humayin and his brothers were not — 
to govern Hindistan, is that he had considered with Khalifa the 
apportionment of his territories according to the example of his 
ancestors Chingiz Khan, Timir and Abi-sa‘id; that by his plan of 
apportionment Humayin was not to have Hindiistan but some- 
thing Tramontane ; Kamran had already Qandahar ; Sulaiman, 
if Humayiin had moved beyond the out-post of Badakhshan, 
would have replaced him there; and Hinditistan would have gone 
to “ Babur Padshah’s damad”. 
(3) Muhammad-i-zaman had much to recommend him for 
Hindistan :—Timirid-born, grandson and heir of Sl. Husain 
Mirza, husband of Ma‘sima who was a Timirid by double 
descent,” protected by Babur after the Bai-qara débacle in Herat, 
alandless man leading such other exiles as Muhammad Sultan 
Mirza,3 ‘Adil Sultan, and Qasim-i-husain Sultan, half-Timirids — 
all, who with their Khurasani following, had been Babur’s guests — 
in Kabul, had pressed on its poor resources, and thus had helped ~ 
in 932 AH. (1525 AD.) to drive him across the Indus. This Bai- 
qara group needed a location ; Muhammad-i-zaman’s future had ~ 
to be cared for and with his, Ma‘siima’s. = 
(4) It is significant of intention to give Muhammad-i-zaman 
ruling status that in April 1529 AD. (Sha‘ban 935 AH.) Babur 
bestowed on him royal insignia, including the umbrella-symbol — 
of sovereignty.t This was done after the Mirza had raised 

* Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. p. 147. 
* She is the only adult daughter of a Timirid mother named as being such by — 
Babur or Gul-badan, but various considerations incline to the opinion that Dil-dar 
Begim also was a Timirid, hence her three daughters, all named from the Rose, were 
so too. Cf. references of penultimate note. ! 
3 It attaches interest to the Mirza that he can be taken reasonably as once the owner 
of the Elphinstone Codex (cf. JRAS. 1907, pp. 136 and 137). 
* Death did not threaten when this gift was made; life in Kabul was planned ~ 
for.—Here attention is asked again to the value of Ahmad-i-yadgar’s Baburiana for 
removing the impression set on many writers by the blank year 936AH. that it was 
one of illness, instead of being one of travel, hunting and sight-seeing. The details — 
of the activities of that year have the further value that they enhance the worth of 
Babur’s sacrifice of life. —Haidar Mirza also fixes the date of the beginning of illness - 
as 937 AH. : 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 707 

objections, unspecified now inthe Babur-nama againstBihar ; they 
were overcome, the insignia were given and, though for military 
reasons he was withheld from taking up that appointment, the 
recognition of his royal rank had been made. His next appoint- 
ment was to Jinpiir, ‘the capital of the fallen Sharqi dynasty. 
No other chief is mentioned by Babur as receiving the insignia 
of royalty. 

(4) It appears to have been within a Padshah’s competence to 
select his successor; and it may be inferred that choice was 
made between Humayin and another from the wording of more 
than one writer that Khalifa “supported” Humayiin, and from 
the word “selected” used in Ahmad-i-yadgar’s anecdote.t Much 
more would there be freedom of choice ina division of territory 
such as there is a good deal to suggest was the basis of Nizamu’d- 
din Ahmad’s story. Whatever the extent of power proposed for 
the damad, whether, as it is difficult to believe, the Padshah’s 
whole supremacy, or whether the limited sovereignty of Hindi- 
stan, it must have been known to Babur as well as to Khalifa. 
Whatever their earlier plan however, it was changed by the 
sequel of Humayiin’s illness which led to his becoming Padshah. 
The damad was dropped, on grounds it is safe to believe more 
impressive than his threat to flay Khalifa or than the remonstrance 
of that high official’s subordinate Muqim of Herat. 

Humayin’s arrival and continued stay in Hindiistan modified 
earlier dispositions which included his remaining in Badakhshan. 
His actions may explain why Babur, when in 936 AH. he went 
as far as Lahor, did not goonto Kabul. Nothing in the sources 
excludes the surmise that Mahim knew of the bestowal of royal 
insignia on the Bai-qara Mirza, that she summoned her son to 
Agra and there kept him, that she would do this the more 
resolutely if the damad of the plan she must have heard of, were 
that Bai-qara, and that but for Humayin’s presence in Agra and 
its attendant difficulties, Babur would have gone to Kabul, leaving 
his d@mad in charge of Hindistan. 

Babur, however, turned back from Lahor for Agra, and there 

* The author, or embroiderer, of that anonymous story did not know the Babur- 
nama well, or he would not have described Babur as a wine-drinker after 933 AH. 
The anecdote is parallel with Nizimu’d-din Ahmad’s, the one explaining why the 
Mirza was selected, the other why the damdd was dropped. 

he made the self-surrender which, resulting in Humayin’s — 
“ selection” as Padshah, became a turning point in history, 
Humiayiin’s recovery and Babur’s immediate illness will have 
made the son’s life seem Divinely preserved, the father’s asadebt 
to be paid. Babur’s impressive personal experience will have — 
dignified Humayiin as one whom God willed should live. Such — 
distinction would dictate the bestowal on him of all that fatherly 
generosity had yet to give. The imminence of death defeating — 
all plans made for life. Humaytin was nominated to supreme 
power as Padshah. 

g. Babur's death. 4 

Amongst other family matters mentioned by Gul-badan as — 
occurring shortly before her Father’s death, was hisarrangement 
of marriages for Gul-rang with Aisan-timir and for Gul-chihra 
with Tikhta-bigha Chaghataz. She also writes of his anxiety 
to see Hind-al who had been sent for from Kabul but did not 
arrive till the day after the death. 

When no remedies availed, Humayiin was summoned from 
Sambhal. He reached Agra four days before the death ; on the 
morrow Babur gathered his chiefs together for the last of many 
times, addressed them, nominated Humayin his successor and 
bespoke their allegiance for him. Abi’l-fazl thus summarizes his 
words, “ Lofty counsels and weighty mandates were imparted. — 
Advice was given (to Humayiin) to be munificent and just, to 
acquire God’s favour, to cherish and protect subjects, to accept — 
apologies from such as had failed in duty, and to pardon trans- — 
gressors. And, he (Babur) exclaimed, the cream of my testa- 
mentary dispositions is this, ‘Do naught against your brothers, 
even though they may deserve it. In truth,” continues the — 
historian, “it was through obedience to this mandate that his 
Majesty Jannat-ashiyani suffered so many injuries from his — Pa 
brothers without avenging himself.” Gul-badan’saccountofher 
Father’s last address is simple:—“He spoke in this wise, ‘For ~ 
years it has been in my heart to make over the throne to 
Humayin and to retire to the Gold-scattering Garden. By the 
Divine grace I have obtained in health of body everything but 
the fulfilment of this wish. Now that illness has laid me low, 


936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 709 

I charge you all to acknowledge Humayiin in my stead. Fail 
not in loyalty towards him. Be of one heart and mind towards 
him. I hope to God that he, for his part, will bear himself well 

towards men. Moreover, Humayiin, I commit you and your 
brothers and all my kinsfolk and your people and my people 


to God’s keeping, and entrust them all to you. 
It was on Monday Jumada I. 5th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 1530AD.) 
that Babur made answer to his summons with the Adsum of the 
Musalman, “ Lord! I am here for Thee.” 
“Black fell the day for children and kinsfolk and all,” writes 
his daughter ; 

** Alas! that time and the changeful heaven should exist without thee ; 

Alas ! and Alas! that time should remain and thou shouldst be gone ;” 
mourns Khwaja Kalan in the funeral ode from which Badayini 
quoted these lines.* f 

The body was laid in the Garden-of-rest (Avam-bagh) which 
is opposite to where the Taj-i-mahall now stands. Khwaja 
Muhammad ‘Ali ‘asas? was made the guardian of the tomb, 
and many well-voiced readers and reciters were appointed to 
conduct the five daily Prayers and to offer supplication for the 
soul of the dead. The revenues of Sikri and 5/aks from Biana 
were set aside for the endowment of the tomb, and Mahim 
Begim, during the two and a half years of her remaining life, 
sent twice daily from her own estate, an allowance of food 
towards the support of its attendants. 

In accordance with the directions of his will, Babur’s body was 
to be conveyed to Kabul and there to be laid in the garden of his 
choice, in a grave open to the sky, with no building over it, no 
need of a door-keeper. 

Precisely when it was removed from Agra we have not found 
stated. It is known from Gul-badan that Kamran visited his 
Father's tomb in Agra in 1539 AD. (946AH.) after the battle of 
Chausa ; and it is known from Jauhar that the body had been 
brought to Kabul before 1544AD. (952AH.), at which date 
Humayin, in Kabul, spoke with displeasure of Kamrdan’s in- 

Civility to “ Bega Begim ”, the “ Bibi” who had conveyed their 

* Bib. Ind. i, 341 ; Ranking’s trs. p. 448. 
? The night-guard; perhaps Mahim Begim’s brother (G. B.’s H. N. trs. pp. 27-8). 


Father’s body to that place.* That the widow who performed 
this duty was the Afghan Lady, Bibi Mubarika? is made 
probable by Gul-badan’s details of the movements of the royal — 
ladies. Babur’s family left Agra under Hind-al’s escort, after the — 
defeat at Chausa (June 7th, 1539 AD.) ; whoever took charge of 
the body on its journey to Kabul must have returned at some 
later date to fetch it. It would be in harmony with Sher Shah’s 
generous character if he safe-guarded her in her task. 

The terraced garden Babur chose for his burial-place lies on 
the slope of the hill Shah-i-Kabul, the Sher-darwaza of European 
writers.3 It has been described as perhaps the most beautiful 
of the Kabul gardens, and as looking towards an unsurpassable 
view over the Char-dih plain towards the snows of Paghman 
and the barren, rocky hills which have been the hunting-grounds 
of rulers in Kabul. Several of Babur’s descendants coming to 
Kabul from Agra have visited and embellished his burial-garden. 
Shah-i-jahan built the beautiful mosque which stands near the ~ 
grave; Jahangir seems to have been, if not the author, at least 
the prompter of the well-cut inscription adorning the upright 
slab of white marble of Maidan, which now stands at the grave- 
head. The tomb-stone itself is a low grave-covering, not less 
simple than those of relations and kin whose remains have been 
placed near Babur’s. In the thirties of the last century [the 
later Sir] Alexander Burnes visited and admirably described 
the garden and the tomb. With him was Munshi Mohan Lal who a 
added to his own account of the beauties of the spot, copies of 
the inscriptions on the monumental slab and on the portal of the — 
Mosque.* As is shown by the descriptions these two visitors 
give, and by Daniel’s drawings of the garden and the tomb, 
there were in their time two upright slabs, one behind the other, 
near the head of the grave. Mr. H. H. Hayden who visited the 
garden in the first decade of the present century, shows in his 
photograph of the grave, one upright stone only, the place of 

; G. B.’s H. N. trs. f. 344, p.138; Jauhar’s Memoirs of Humayin, Stewart's trs. — 
p. 82. 

* Cf. G. B.’s H. N. trs. p. 216, Bio. App. 5.2. Bega Begam. 

3 f. 128, p.200 n. 3. Cf. Appendix U.—Babur’s Gardens in and near Kabul. 4 

* Cf. H. H. Hayden’s Notes on some monuments in Afghanistan, |Memoirs of the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal ii, 344]; and Journal asiatique 1888, M. J. Darmesteters 
art. /uscriptions de Caboul. B 

936 TO 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 711 

one of the former two having been taken by a white-washed 
lamp holder (chiraghdan). 

The purport of the verses inscribed on the standing-slab is 
as follows :— 

A ruler from whose brow shone the Light of God was that * 
Back-bone of the Faith (sahirwd-din) Muhammad Babur 
Padshah. Together with majesty, dominion, fortune, rectitude, 
the open-hand and the firm Faith, he had share in prosperity, 
abundance and the triumph of victorious arms. He won the 
material world and became a moving light; for his every 
conquest he looked, as for Light, towards the world of souls. 
When Paradise became his dwelling and Ruzwan? asked me 

the date, I gave him for answer, “ Paradise is forever Babur 
Padshah’s abode.” 

h. Babur’s wives and children.3 

Babur himself mentions several of his wives by name, but 
Gul-badan is the authority for complete lists of them and their 

1. ‘Ayisha Sultan Begim, daughter of Sl. Ahmad Mirza Wiran- 
shaht was betrothed, when Babur was czr. 5 years old, in 894.AH. 
(1488-89 AD.), bore Fakhru’n-nisa’ in 906 AH. [who died in about 
one month], left Babur before 909 AH. (1503 AD.). 

2. Zainab Sl. Begim, daughter of Sl. Mahmiid Mirza Wiran- 
shahi, was married in 9IOAH. (1504-5 AD.), died childless two or 
three years later. 

3. Mahim Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was 
married in 912AH. (1506AD.), bore Bar-biid, Mihr-jan, Aisan- 
daulat, Fariq [who all died in infancy], and Humayin. 

4. Ma‘siima SI. Begim, daughter of S]. Ahmad Mirza J/iran- 
shahi, was married in 913 AH. (1507 AD.), bore Ma‘siima and died 
at her birth, presumably early in the /acuua of 914-925 AH. 
(1508-19 AD.). 

* @n, a demonstrative suggesting that it refers to an original inscription on the 
second, but now absent, upright slab, which presumably would bear Babur’s name. 

* Ruzwan is the door-keeper of Paradise. 

3 Particulars of the women mentioned by Babur, Haidar, Gul-badan and other 
writers of their time, can be seen in my Biographical Appendix to the Begim’s 

Humayiin-nima. As the Appendix was published in 1902, variants from it occurring 
in this work are corrections superseding earlier and less-informed statements. 


5. Gul-rukh Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was q 

perhaps a Begchik Mughil, was married between 914AH. and — 

925AH. (1508-I9AD.), probably early in the period, bore Shah- 
rukh, Ahmad [who both died young], Gul‘izar [who also may _ 

have died young], Kamran and ‘Askari. 

6. Dil-dar Begim, whose parentage is not found stated, was 
married in the same period as Gul-rukh, bore Gul-rang, Gul- 
chihra, Hind-al, Gul-badan and Alwar, [who died in childhood]. 

7. The Afghan Lady(AfghaniAghacha), Bibi Mubarika Visuf- } 

s@z, was married in 925 AH. (I5IQAD.), and died childless. 

The two Circassian slaves Gul-nar Aghacha and Nar-gul 
Aghacha of whom Tahmasp made gift to Babur in 933AH. 
(f.305), became recognized ladies of the royal household. They 
are mentioned several times by Gul-badan as taking part in 
festivities and in family conferences under Humayiin. Gul-nar 

is said by Abi’l-fazl to have been one of Gul-badan’s pilgrim : 

band in 983 AH. (1575 AD.). 

The above list contains the names of three wives whose 
parentage is not given or is vaguely given by the well-known 
sources,—namely, Mahim, Gul-rukh and Dil-dar. What would 
sufficiently explain the absence of mention by Babur of the 
parentage of Gul-rukh and Dil-dar is that his record of the years 
within which the two Begims were married is not now with the 
Babur-nama. Presumably it has been lost, whether in diary or 

narrative form, in the Jacuna of 914-25 AH. (1508-19 AD.). Gul- a 
rukh appears to have belonged to the family of Begchik Mughils 

described by Haidar Mirza‘; her brothers are styled Mirza; she 
was of good but not royal birth. Dil-dar’s case is less simple. 
Nothing in her daughter Gul-badan’s book suggests that she and 
her children were other than of the highest rank; numerous 
details and shades of expression show their ease of equality with 
royal personages, It is consistent with Gul-badan’s method of 
enumerating her father’s wives that she should not state her own 
mother’s descent; she states it of none ofher “mothers”. There 
is this interest in trying to trace Dil-dar’s parentage, that she 
may have been the third daughter of Sl. Mahmiid Mirza and 
Pasha Begim, and a daughter of hers may have been the mother of 
* Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. Ney Elias and Ross p. 308. 

me vl 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 713 

Salima Sultan Begim who was given in marriage by Humayiin 
to Bairam Khan, later was married by Akbar, and was a woman 
of charm and literary accomplishments. Later historians, Abi’l- 
fazl amongst their number, say that Salima’s mother was a 
daughter of Babur’s wife Salha Sultan Begim, and vary that 
daughter’s name as Gul-rang-rukh-barg or -‘izar (the last form 
being an equivalent of chzhkra, face). Asthere cannot have been 
a wife with her daughter growing up in Babur’s household, who 
does not appear in some way in Gul-badan’s chronicle, and as 
Salima’s descent from Babur need not be questioned, the knot is 
most readily loosened by surmising that “Salha” is the real name 
of Gul-badan’s “Dildar”. Instances of double names are frequent, 
e.g. Mahim, Mah-chicham, Qara-giiz, Aq, (My Moon, My Moon 
sister, Black-eyed, Fair). “Heart-holding” (Dil-dar) sounds like 
a home-name of affection. Itis the 1/a‘astr-i-rahimi which gives 
Salha as the name of Babur’s wife, Pasha’s third daughter. Its 
author may be wrong, writing so late as he did(1025AH.—I6I6AD.), 
or may have been unaware that Salha was (if she were) known as 
Dil-dar. It would not war against seeming facts to take Pasha’s 
third daughter to be Babur’s wife Dil-dar, and Dil-dar’s daughter 
Gul-chihra to be Salima’s mother. Gul-chihra was born in about 
1516 AD., married to Tikhta-bigha in 1530 AD., widowed in czr. 
1533 AD., might have remarried with Niru’d-din Chaganiani 
(Sayyid Amir), and in 945 AH. might have borne him Salima; she 
Was married in 1547 AD. (954 AH.) to ‘Abbas Sultan Aazbeg.t 
Two matters, neither having much weight, make against taking 
Dil-dar to be a Miran-shahi; the first being that the anonymous 
annotator who added to the archetype of Kehr’s Codex what is 
entered in Appendix L.-Ox Mahim’s adoption of Hind-al, styles 
her Dil-dar Aghacha ; he, however, may have known no more 
than others knew of her descent ; the second, that Mahim forcibly 
took Dil-dar’s child Hind-al to rear ; she was the older wife and 
the mother of the heir, but could she have taken the upper hand 
over a Miran-shahi? A circumstance complicating the question 
of Salima’s maternal descent is, that historians searching the 
Babur-nama or its Persian translation the Wag7‘at-¢-baburi for 
information about the three daughters of Mahmiid Miran-shahi 
* Bio. App. s.2. Gul-chihra. 


and Pasha Baharli Turkman, would find an incomplete read i 
one in which the husbands of the first and second daughters are _ 
mentioned and nothing is said about the third who was Babur’s — 
wife and the grandmother of Salima. Babur himself appears to 
have left the record as it is, meaning to fill itin later; presumably 
he waited for the names of the elder two sisters to complete his _ 
details of the three. In the Haidarabad Codex, which there is 
good ground for supposing a copy of his original manuscript, 
about three lines are left blank (f. 27) as if awaiting information; j 
in most manuscripts, however, this indication of intention is — 
destroyed by running the defective passage on to join the next 5, 
sentence. Some chance remark of a less well-known writer, — 
may clear up the obscurity and show that Salha was Dil-dar. 

Mahim’s case seems one having a different cause for silence — 
about her parentage. When she was married in Herat, shortly — 
after the death of SI. Husain Mirza, Babur had neither wife nor 4 
child. What Abi’l-fazl tells about her is vague ; her father’s name ~ P 
is not told; she is said to have belonged to a noble Khurasan 
family, to have been related (mzsbat-2-khwesh) to Sl. Husain — 
Mirza and to have traced her descent to Shaikh Ahmad of Jam. — 
If her birth had been high, even though not royal, it is strange a 
that it is not stated by Babur when he records the birth of her 
son Humayin, incidentally by Gul-badan, or more precisely by 
Abi’l-fazl. Her brothers belonged to Khost, and to judge froma _ 
considerable number of small records, seem to have been quiet, — 
unwarlike Khwajas. Her marriage took place in a year of which ~ 
a full record survives ; it is one in the composed narrative, not — 
in the diary. In the followine year, this also being one included ~ 4 
in the composed narrative, Babur writes of his meeting with — 
Ma‘sima Jirdn-shahi in Herat, of their mutual attraction, and i 
of their marriage. If the marriage with Humayiin’s mother had — 
been an equal alliance, it would agree with Babur’s custom to 
mention its occurrence, and to Sie particulars about Mahim’s = 
descent.” = 

* The story of the later uprisings against Mahim’s son Humayin by his brothers, % 
by Muhammad-i-zaman Sdi-gara and others of the same royal blood, and thisin — 
spite of Humiayiin’s being his father’s nominated successor, stirs surmise as to whether — 
the rebels were not tempted by more than his defects of character to disregard his — 
claim to supremacy; perhaps pride of higher maternal descent, this particularly — 
amongst the Bai-qara group, may have deepened a disregard created by antagonisiit 4 
of temperament. 

936 To 937 AH.—1529 To 1530 AD. 715 

2. Mr. William Erskine's estimate of Babur. 
“Zahiru’d-din Muhammad Babur was undoubtedly one of the 

_ most illustrious men of his age, and one of the most eminent 

and accomplished princes that ever adorned an Asiatic throne. 
He is represented as having been above the middle size, of great 
vigour of body, fond of all field and warlike sports, an excellent 
swordsman, and a skilful archer. As a proof of his bodily 
strength, it is mentioned, that he used to leap from one pinnacle 
to another of the pinnacled ramparts used in the East, in his 
double-soled boots; and that he even frequently took a man 
under each arm and went leaping along the rampart from one of 
the pointed pinnacles to another. Having been early trained 
to the conduct of business, and tutored in the school of adversity, 
the powers of his mind received full development. He ascended 
the throne at the age of twelve, and before he had attained his 
twentieth year, had shared every variety of fortune ; he had not 
only been the ruler of subject provinces but had been in thraldom 
to his own ambitious nobles, and obliged to conceal every senti- 
ment of his heart; he had been alternately hailed and obeyed as 
a conqueror and deliverer by rich and extensive kingdoms, and 
forced to lurk in the deserts and mountains of Farghana as 
a houseless wanderer. Down to the last dregs of life, we perceive 
in him strong feelings of affection for his early friends and early 
enjoyments. * * * He had been taught betimes, by the voice 
of events that cannot lie, that he was a man dependent on the 
kindness and fidelity of other men; and, in his dangers and 
escapes with his followers, had learned that he was only one of 
an association. * * * The native benevolence and gaiety of his 
disposition seems ever to overflow on all around him; * * * ofhis 
companions in arms he speaks with the frank gaiety of a soldier. 
** * Ambitious he was and fond of conquest and glory in all 
its shapes; the enterprise in which he was for a season engaged, 
seems to have absorbed his whole soul, and all his faculties were 
exerted to bring it to a fortunate issue. His elastic mind was 
not broken by discomfiture, and few who have achieved such 
glorious conquests, have suffered more numerous or more decisive 

defeats. His personal courage was conspicuous during his whole 

life. Upon the whole, if we review with impartiality the history 


of Asia, we find few princes entitled to rank higher re 
in genius and accomplishments. * * * In activity of min 
the gay equanimity and unbroken spirit with which he b on 
extremes of good and bad fortune, in the possession of th 
and social virtues, in his love of letters and his success in 
cultivation of them, we shall probably find no other .* 
prince who can justly be placed beside him.” is 




SOME modern writers, amongst whom are Dr. Schuyler, 
General Nalivkine and Mr. Pumpelly, have inferred from the 
Babur-nama account of Akhsi, (in its translations?) that the 
_landslip through which Babur’s father died and the disappear- 
ance of old Akhsi were brought about by erosion. Seen by the 
light of modern information, this erosion theory does not seem 
to cover the whole ground and some other cause seems 
necessary in explanation of both events. 
For convenience of reference, the Babur-ndma passages re- 
quired, are quoted here, with their translations. 

Hai. MS. f. 46. Sathiin daryd-si qirghdni astidin dqar. Quirghani 
baland jar austida waqi‘ bulib tir. Khandagqi-ning atirunigha ‘umigjarlar 
dir. ‘Umar Shaikh M. kim mini pdy-takht qildi, bir iki martaba 
tashragq-din yana jarlar saldi. 

Of this the translations are as follows :— 

(a) Pers. trans. (1.0. 217, f. 3b): Daryd-i Saihiin az payha qila‘-i 
o mivezad u qgila‘-t o bar jar balandi waqi‘ shuda ba jay khandag jarha-i 
‘umiq uftada. ‘ U. Sh. M.kah anra pay-takht sakhta, yak du martaba az 
biriin ham baz jarha andakht. ; 

(0) Erskine (p. 5, translating from the Persian) : ‘ The river Saihiin 
flows under the walls of the castle. The castle is situated on a high 
precipice, and the steep ravines around serve instead of amoat. When 
U. Sh. M. made it his capital he,in one or two instances, scarped the 
ravines outside the fort.’ 

(c) De Courteille (i, 8, translating from Ilminsky’s imprint, p. 6) : 
“ Le Seihoun coule au pied de la fortresse qui se dresse sur le sommet 
d’un ravin, dont les profondeurs lui tiennent lieu d’un fossé. ‘U. Sh. 
M. a 1’époque oi il en avait fait son capitale, avait augmenté a une ou 
deux réprises, les escarpements qui la ceignent naturellement.’ 

Concerning ‘Umar Shaikh’s death, the words needed are 
Mazkir bilib aidi kim Akhsi qiurghani buland jar austida waqi‘ 
bulub tir. ‘Imdaratlar jar yaqasida airdi.... Mirza jardin kabitar u 



kabiitar-khana bila atchib shungay bildi;—‘ It has been mentiogslll 
that the walled-town of Akhsi is situated above ravine(s). The royal 
dwellings are along a ravine. The Mirzd, having flown with his 
pigeons and their house from the ravine, became a falcon (i.e. died). 

A few particulars about Akhsi will shew that, in the transla-— 
tions just quoted, certain small changes of wording are dictated © 
by what, amongst other writers, Kostenko and von Schwarz © 
have written about the oases of Turkistan. 

The name Akhsi, as used by Ibn Haukal, Yaqiit and Babur, — 
describes an oasis township, 7.¢. a walled-town with its adjacent — 
cultivated lands. In Yaqiit’s time Akhsi hada second circum- — 
vallation, presumably less for defence than for the protection of — 
crops against wild animals. The oasis was created by the — 
Kasan-water,! upon the riverain loess of the right and higher © 
bank of the Saihiin (Sir), on level ground west of the junction — 
of the Narin and the Qara-darya, west too of spurs from the © 
northern hills which now abut upon the river. YAqut locates — 
it in the rath century, at one farsdkh (ciyca 4 m.) north of © 
the river.2, Depending as it did solely on the Kasan-water, © 
nothing dictated its location close to the Sir, along which there © 
is now, and there seems to have been in the 12th century, a 
strip of waste land. Babur says of Akhsi what Kostenko says — 
(i, 321) of modern Tashkint, that it stood above ravines (jarldar). — 
These were natural or artificial channels of the Kasan-water.® 

To turn now to the translations ;—Mr. Erskine imaged Akhsi — 
as a castle, high on a precipice in process of erosion by the Sir. — 
But Babur’s word, giéirghan means the walled-town; his for a 
castle is ark, citadel; and his jar, a cleft, is not rendered by © 
‘precipice.’ Again ;—it is no more necessary to understand that — 

1 Until the Yangi-ariq was taken off the Sir, late in the last century, for : 
Namangan, the oasis land of Farghana was fertilized, not from the river but ; 
see its intercepted tributaries. 

2 Ujfalvy’s translation of Yaqit (ii, 179) reads one farsakh from thes | 
mountains instead of ‘ north of the river.’ 

° Kostenko describes a division of Tashkint, one in which is Ravine-lane — 
(jar-kucha), as divided by a deep ravine ; of another he says that it is cut by — 
deep ravines (Babur’s ‘umig jarlar). it 


the Sir flowed close to the walls than it is to understand, when 
one says the Thames flows past below Richmond, that it 
washes the houses on the hill. 

The key to the difficulties in the Turki passage is provided 
by a special use of the word jar for not only natural ravines 
but artificial water-cuts for irrigation. This use of it makes 
clear that what ‘Umar Shaikh did at Akhsi was not to make 
escarpments but to cut new water-channels. Presumably he 
joined those ‘further out’ on the deltaic fan, on the east and 
west of the town, so as to secure a continuous defensive cleft 
round the town! or it may be, in order to bring it more water. 

Concerning the historic pigeon-house (f. 60), it can be said 
safely that it did not fall into the Sir; it fell from a jay, and in 

this part of its course, the river flows in a broad bed, with a 
low left bank. Moreover the Mirza’s residence was in the 
walled-town (f. 110b) and there his son stayed g years after the 
accident. The slip did not affect the safety of the residence 
therefore ; it may have been local to the birds’ house. It will 
have been due to some ordinary circumstance since no cause 
for it is mentioned by Babur, Haidar or Abw’l-fazl. If it had 
marked the crisis of the Sir’s approach, Akhsi could hardly 
have been described, 25 years later, as a strong fort. 

Something is known of Akhsi, in the roth, the rath, the 
15th and the rgth centuries, which testifies to szecular 
decadence. Ibn Haukal and Yaqit give the township an ex- 
tent of 3 farsakh (12 miles), which may mean from one side to 
an opposite one. Ydaqit’s description of it mentions four 
gates, each opening into well-watered lands extending a whole 
farsakh, in other words it had a ring of garden-suburb four 
miles wide. 

Two meanings have been given to Babur’s words indicat- 
ing the status of the oasis in the 15th century. They are, 

1 Babur writes as though Akhsi had one Gate only (f. 1120). It is unlikely 
that the town had come down to having a single exit ; the Gate by which he 
got out of Akhsi was the one of military importance because served by a 

draw-bridge, presumably over the ravine-moat, and perhaps not close to 
that bridge. 


mahallati qiurghan-din bir shar‘t yurdqrag tushub tir. They © 
have been understood as saying that the suburbs were two ~ 
miles from their uvbs. This may be right but I hesitate to 
accept it without pointing out that the words may mean, ‘Its — 
suburbs extend two miles farther than the walled-town.’ 
Whichever verbal reading is correct, reveals a decayed oasis. 

In the rgth century, Nalivkine and Ujfalvy describe the 
place then bearing the name Akhsi, as a small village, a — 
mere winter-station, at some distance from the river’s bank, 
that bank then protected from denudation by a sand-bank. 

Three distinctly-marked stages of decadence in the oasis 
township are thus indicated by Yaquit, Babur and the two 
modern travellers. 

It is necessary to say something further about the position of 
the suburbs in the 15th century. Babur quotes as especially 
suitable to Akhsi, the proverbial questions, ‘Where is the — 
village ?’+ (qy. Akhsi-kint.) ‘Where are the trees?’ and these ~ 
might be asked by some-one in the suburbs unable to see Akhsi — 
or vice versd. But granting that there were no suburbs within © 
two miles of the town, why had the whole inner circle, two 
miles of Yaqiit’s four, gone out of cultivation? Erosion would ~ 
have affected only land between the river and the town. 

Again ;—if the Sir only were working in the 15th century © 
to destroy a town standing on the Kasan-water, how is it that — 
this stream does not yet reach the Sir? 

Various ingatherings of information create the impression : 
that failure of Kasaén-water has been the dominant factor in © 
the loss of the Akhsi township. Such failure might be due to © 
the general desiccation of Central Asia and also to increase of © 
cultivation in the Kasan-valley itself. There may have been © 
erosion, and social and military change may have had its part, — Ps 
but for the loss of the oasis lands and for, as a sequel, the de- ~ 
cay of the town, desiccation seems a sufficient cause. 

1 For mention of upper villages see f. 110 and note 1. 


The Kasan-water still supports an oasis on its riverain slope, 
the large Aiizbeg town of Tipa-qtrghan (Town-of-the-hill), 
from the modern castle of which a superb view is had up the 
Kasan-valley, now thickly studded with villages.’ 


~ DESCRIBING a small bird (giésh-gina), abundant in the Qarshi 
district (f. 490), Babur names it the gi/-qiuyiragh, horse-tail, and 
says it resembles the baghri garda. 

Later on he writes (f. 280) that the baghri garda of India is 
smaller and more slender than ‘those’ t.e. of Transoxiana 
(f. 490, n. 1), the blackness of its breast less deep, and its cry 
less piercing. 

We have had difficulty in identifying the birds but at length 
conclude that the baghrit garaé of Transoxiana is Pterocles 
arenarius, Pallas’s black-bellied sand-grouse and that the Indian 
one is a smaller sand-grouse, perhaps a Syrrhaptes. As the qil 
guyivugh resembles the other two, it may be a yet ere 

Muh. Salih, writing of sport Shaibaq Khan had in Qarshi 
(Shaibani-nadma, Vambéry, p. 192) mentions the ‘Little bird 
(murghak) of Qarshi,’ as on all sides making lament. The 
Sang-lakh * gives its Persian name as khar-pala, ass-hair, says it 

1 Cf. {. 114 for distances which would be useful in locating Akhsi if Babur’s 
yighach were not variable; Ritter, vii, 3 and 733; Réclus, vi, index s.n. 
Farghana ; Ujfalvy ii, 168, his quotation from Yaqit and his authorities ; 
Nalivkine’s Histoive du Khanat de Kokand, p. 14 and p. 53 ; Schuyler, i, 324 ; 
Kostenko, Tables of Contents for cognate general information and i, 320, for 
Tashkint ; von Schwarz, index under related names, and especially p. 345 
and plates ; Pumpelly, p. 18 and p. 115. 

2 This Turki-Persian Dictiona1y was compiled by Mirza Mahdi Khan, 
Nadir Shah’s secretary and historian, whose life of his master Sir William 
Jones translated into French (Rieu’s Turki Cat. p. 2640). 



flies in large flocks and resembles the baghri gara. Of the ~ 
latter he writes as abundant in the open country and as 
making noise (baghir). . 

The Sang-lakh (f. 119) gives the earliest and most informing 
account we have found of the baghri garda. Its says the birdis — 
larger than a pigeon, marked with various colours, yellow 

especially, black-breasted and a dweller in the stony and water- 

less desert. These details are followed by a quotation from 
‘Ali-sher Nawd@’i, in which he likens his own heart to that of © 
the bird of the desert, presumably referring to the gloom of the 
bird’s plumage. Three synonyms are then given; Ar. gifa,one 
due to its cry (Meninsky); Pers. sang-shikan, stone-eating, 
(Steingass, sang-khwdra, stone-eating); and Turki baghir-tilag 
which refers, I think, to its cry. * 

Morier (Haji Baba) in his Second journey through Persia ~ 
(Lond. 1818, p. 181), mentions that a bird he calls the black- 
breasted partridge, (i.e. Francolinus vulgaris) is known in ~ 

Turkish as bokara kara and in Persian as siydh-sina, both names, 

(he says), meaning black-breast; that it has a horse-shoe of 
black feathers round the forepart of the trunk, more strongly — 
marked in the female than in the male; that they fly in flocks — 
of which he saw immense numbers near Tabriz (p. 283), have 
a soft note, inhabit the plains, and, once settled, do not run. — 
Cock and hen alike have a small spur,—a characteristic, it may — 
be said, identifying rather with Francolinus vulgaris than with ~ 
Pterocles arenarius. Against this identification, however, is 
Mr. Blandford’s statement that siyah-sina (Morier’s bokara kava) 
is Pterocles arenarius (Report of the Persian Boundary Com- 
mission, ii, 271). * 

In Afghanistan and Bikanir, the sand-grouse is called taturak 

and boora kurra (Jerdon, ii, 498). Scully explains baghitag as 
Pterocles arenarius. ‘ | 

Perhaps I may mention something making me doubt whether 4 

it is correct to translate baghri qara by black-liver and gorge-noir 
or other names in which the same meaning is expressed. To 

translate thus, is to understand a Turki noun and adjective in A 


Persian construction, and to make exception to the rule, amply 
exemplified in lists of birds, that Turki names of birds are 
commonly in Turki construction, ¢g. garda bash (black-head), 
Gig-bash (white-head), sdrigh-stinduk (yellow-headed wagtail). 
Baghir may refer to the cry of the bird. We learn from 
Mr. Ogilvie Grant that the Mongol name for the sand-grouse 
njupterjun, is derived from its cry in flight, truck, truck, and its 
Arabic name gifa is said by Meninsky to be derived from its 
cry kaetha, kactha. Though the dissimilarity of the two cries is 
against taking the njupterjin and the qita to be of one class of 
sand-grouse, the significance of the derivation of the names 
remains, and shows that there are examples in support of 
thinking that when a sand-grouse is known as bdéghri gard, it 
may be so known because of its cry (baghir). 

The word garda finds suggestive interpretation in a B. N. 
phrase (f. 72b) Tambal-ning qara-si, Tambal’s blackness, i.e. the 
dark mass of his moving men, seen at a distance. It is used 
also for an indefinite number, e.g. ‘family, servants, retainers, 
followers, garda,’ and I think it may imply a massed flock. 

Babur’s words (f. 280) baghri-ning qara-si ham kam dir, [its 
belly (lit. liver) also is less black], do not necessarily contradict 
the view that the word baghri in the bird’s name means crying. 
The root baégh has many and pliable derivatives; I suspect 
both Babur (here) and Muh. Salih (1. c.) of ringing changes 
on words. 

We are indebted for kind reply to our questions to Mr. 
Douglas Carruthers, Mr. Ogilvie Grant and to our friend, 
Mr. R. S. Whiteway. 




I AM indebted to my husband’s examination of two Persian © 
MSS. on archery for an explanation of the word gosha-gir, in 
its technical sense in archery. The works consulted are the © 
Cyclopedia of Archery (Kulliyatw’rv-rami I. O. 2771) and i, vf 
Archer’s Guide (Hiddyatw’r-rami I. O. 2768). | 

It should be premised that in archery, the word gosha de- a 
scribes, in the arrow, the notch by which it grips and can be | 
carried on the string, and, in the bow, both the tip (horn) and 
the notch near the tip in which the string catches. It is ex- 
plained by Vullers as cornu et crena arcts cut immititur nervus. 

Two passages in the Cyclopedia of Archery (f. 9 and f. 360) _ 
shew gosha as the bow-tip. One says that to bend the bow, ~ 
two men must grasp the two gosha; the other reports a tradition 
that the Archangel Gabriel brought a bow having its two gosha 
(tips) made of ruby. The same book directs that the gosha be 
made of seasoned ivory, the Archer’s Guide prescribing seasoned 
mulberry wood. . 

The C. of A. (f. 1250) says that a bowman should never be 
without two things, his arrows and his gosha-gir. The gosha-gir — 
may be called an item of the repairing kit; it is an implement { 
(f. 53) for making good a warped bow-tip and for holding the 
string into a displaced notch. It is known also as the chapras, 
brooch or buckle, and the kardang; and is said to bear these 
names because it fastens in the string. Its shape i is that of the 
upper part of the Ar. letter jim, two converging lines of which — 
the lower curves slightly outward. It serves to make good a 
warped bow, without the use of fire and it should be kept upon 
the bow-tip till this has reverted to its original state. Until 
the warp has been straightened by the gosha-gir, the bow must 
be kept from the action of fire because it, (composite of sinew 
and glutinous substance,) is of the nature of wax. A 

The same implement can be used to straighten the middle of 
the bow, the kamdn khana. It is then called kar-dang. It cam 




be used there on condition that there are not two daur (curves) 
in the bow. If there are two the bow cannot be repaired with- 
out fire. The halal daur is said to be characteristic of the 
Turkish bow. Thereare three daur. Iam indebted to Mr. Inigo 
Simon for the suggestions that daur in this connection means 
warp and that the three twists (dawr) may be those of one horn 
(gosha), of the whole bow warped in one curve, and of the two 
horns warped in opposite directions. 

Of repair to the kamdan-khana it is said further that if no kar- 
dang be available, its work can be done by means of a stick and 
string, and if the damage be slight only, the bow and the string 
can be tightly tied together till the bow comes straight. ‘And 
the cure is with God!’ 

Both manuscripts named contain much technical informa- 
tion. Some parts of this are included in my husband’s article, 
Oriental Crossbows (A.Q.R. 1911, p. 1). Sir Ralph Payne-Gall- 
wey’s interesting book on the Cross-bow allows insight into 
the fine handicraft of Turkish bow-making. 


I HAVE omitted from my translation an account of Babur’s 
rescue from expected death, although it is with the Haidarabad 
Codex, because closer acquaintance with its details has led both 
my husband and myself to judge it spurious. We had wel- 
comed it because, being with the true Babur-nama text, it 
accredited the same account found in the Kehr-I]minsky text, 
and also because, however inefficiently, it did something 
towards filling the gap found elsewhere within 908 AH. 

It is in the Haidarabad MS. (f. 1180), in Kehr’s MS. (p. 385), 
in Ilminsky’s imprint (p. 144), in Les Mémoires de Babour (i, 255) 

and with the St. P, University Codex, which is a copy of 


On the other hand, it is not with the Elphinstone Codex 
(f. 89); that it was not with the archetype of that codex the 
scribe’s note shews (f. go); it is with neither of the Wdaqi‘at-1- 
babuvi (Pers. translations) nor with Leyden and Erskine’s 
Memoirs (p. 122).* 

Before giving our grounds tor rejecting what has been offered 
to fill the gap of go8 AH. a few words must be said about the 
lacuna itself. Nothing indicates that Babur left it and, since _ 
both in the Elphinstone Codex and its archetype, the sentence 
preceding it lacks the terminal verb, it seems due merely to 
loss of pages. That the loss, if any, was of early date is clear,— 
the Elph. MS. itself being copied not later than 1567 AD. (J RAS. 
1907, p. 137). 

Two known circumstances, both of earlier date than that of 
the Elphinstone Codex, might have led to the loss,—the first is 
the storm which in 935 AH. scattered Babur’s papers (f. 3760), 
the second, the vicissitudes to which Humf@yiin’s library was 
exposed in his exile. Of the two the first seems the more 
probable cause. 

The rupture of a story at a point so critical as that of Babur’s 
danger in Karnan would tempt to its completion ; so too would 
wish to make good the composed part of the Babur-naéma. © 
Humayiin annotated the archetype of the Elphinstone Codex 
a good deal but he cannot have written the Rescue passage if 
only because he was in a position to avoid some of its inac- 

aE et lee ae 


To facilitate reference, I quote the last words preceding the — 
gap purported to be filled by the Rescue passage, from several — 
texts ;— 

1 The Pddshah-nima whose author, ‘Abdu’l-hamid, the biographer of 
Shah-jahan, died in 1065 au. (1655 AD.) mentions the existence of lacun# in 
a copy of the Babur-nama, in the Imperial Library and allowed by his wording — 
to be Babur’s autograph MS. (i, 42 and ii, 703). | 

2 Akbar-nama, Bib. Ind, ed. i, 305 ; H.B. i, 571. 


(a) Elphinstone MS. f. 89b,—Quptim. Bagh gosha-si-gha 
bardim. Atztim bila andesha gildim. Didim kim kishi agar yuz 
u agar ming yashasa, akhir hech.. . | 

(6) The Hai. MS. (f. 1185) varies from the Elphinstone by 
omitting the word hech and adding aiilmak kirak, he must die. 

(c) Payanda-hasan’s Wdqi‘at-1-baburi (I. O. 215, f. 96b),— 
Barkhwastam u dar gosha-i bagh raftam. Ba khiid andesha karda, 
guftam kah agar kase sad sal ya hazar sal ‘umr dashta bashad, 
akhir hech ast. (It will be seen that this text has the hech of 
the Elph. MS.) 

(d) ‘Abdu’r-rahim’s Wadgqi‘at-i-baburi (I. O. 217, f. 79),— 
Barkhwastam u ba gosha-i-bagh raftam. Ba khiid andeshidam u 
guftam kah agar kase sad sal u agar hazar sal ‘umr bayabad akhir... 
— (¢) Muh. Shirdz?’s lith. ed. (p. 75) finishes the sentence with 
akhir khud bayad murd, at last one must die,—varying as it fre- 
quently does, from both of the Waqi‘at. 

(f) Kehr’s MS. (p. 383-454), Ilminsky, p. 144.—Qéupiub bagh- 
ning bir biirji-gha barib, khatirim-gha kilttirdim kim agar adam 
yuz yil u agar ming yil tivik bilsd, akhir auilmak din atizka chara 
yuq tur. (I rose. Having gone to a tower of the garden, 
I brought it to my mind that if a person be alive 100 years 

or a thousand years, at last he has no help other than 
to die.) 


The Rescue passage is introduced by a Persian couplet, 
identified by my husband as from Nigami’s Khusrau u Shirin, 
which is as follows ;— 

If you stay a hundred years, and if one year, 
Forth you must go from this heart-delighting palace. 

I steadied myself for death (garar birdim). In that garden a stream came 
flowing ;1 I made ablution ; I recited the prayer of two inclinations (ra‘kat) ; 
having raised my head for silent prayer, I was making earnest petition when 
my eyes closed in sleep.2 I am seeing? that Khwaja Yaq‘ib, the son of 

1 Hai. MS. f. 118); aishdl baghdad si aqib kila dur aidi. Babur-nama, 
sti Gqib, water flowed and aishal is rare, but in the R.P. occurs 7 times. 

2 gizim awiqi-gha barib tir. B.N. f. 117), gizim dwigu-gha bardi. 

3 kiva div min, B.N. f. 83, tish kivdiim and tush kivar min. 


Khwaja Yahya and grandson of His Highness Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah, 1e 
facing me, mounted on a piebald horse, with a large company of piebald ho: se- 
men (sic).1 He said: ‘ Lay Sorrow aside! Khwaja Abrar (i.e. ‘Ubaidu’ Lt: a) 
has sent me to you; he said, ‘‘ We, having asked help for him (i.e. to hi 
will seat him on the royal throne ;2 wherever difficulty befalls him, let k . 
look towards us (lit. bring us to sight) and call us to mind ; there will we 
present.” Now, in this hour, victory and success are on your side; lift uf 
your head ! awake !’ 
At that time I awoke happy, when Yisuf and those with him? were giving 
one another advice. ‘ We will make a pretext to deceive ; to seize and bi nd* 
is necessary.’ Hearing these words, I said, ‘ Your words are of this s 0! 
but I will see which of you will come to my presence to take me.’ I \ 
saying this when outside the garden wall5 came the noise of approachir ng 
horsemen. Yusuf darogha said, ‘ If we had taken you to Tambal our affairs 
would have gone forward. Now he has sent again many persons to seize 
you.” He was certain that this noise might be the footfall of the horses of 
those sent by Tambal. On hearing those words anxiety grew upon me; 
what to do I did not know. At this time those horsemen, not happening t 
find the garden gate, broke down the wall where it was old (and) came ini 
I saw (kursdm, lit. might see) that Qutluq Muh. Barla@s and Baba-i Parghari, 
my life-devoted servants, having arrived [with], it may be, ten, fifteen, 
twenty persons, were approaching. Having flung themselves from their 
horses,® bent the knee from afar and showed respect, they fell at my feet. In 
that state (hal) such ecstasy (hal) came over me that you might say (goyda) 
God gave me life from a new source (bash). I said, ‘ Seize and bind that 
Yusuf darogha and these here (targhdn) hireling mannikins.” These se me 
mannikins had taken to flight. They (i.e. the rescuers), having taken them 
one by one, here and there, brought them bound. I said, ‘ Where de you 
come from ? How did you get news ?’ Qutluq Muh. Barlds said : hen, 
having fled from Akhsi, we were separated from you in the flight, we went t 
Andijan when the Khans also came to Andijan. I saw a vision that Khwa 
‘Ubaidu’l-lah said, ‘‘ Babur pddshah' is in a village called Karnan ; go n¢ 
bring him, since the royal seat (masnad) has become his possession (ta‘allug).’ 
I having seen this vision and become happy, represented (the matter) to 
Elder Khan (and) the Younger Khan. I said to the Khans, ‘“ I have five or 
six younger brothers (and) sons; do you add a few soldiers. I will g 
through the Karnan side and bring news,.”” The Khans said, ‘ It occurs to 0 
minds also that (he) may have gone that same road (?).” They eppointadil 
persons ; they said, ‘“‘ Having gone in that direction (sav) and made very § 
bring news. Would to God you might get true news!’’ We were saying tl [ 
when Baba-i Parghdri said, ‘I too will go and seek.” He also having agreet 
with two young men, (his) younger brothers, we rode out. It is three d 

1 ablaq suwar bilan ; P. suwdar for T. atliq or atlig kishi ; bilan for B.N. 
and an odd use of piebald (ablaq). 
2 masnad, B.N. takht, throne. Masnad betrays Hindistan. 
3 Hamra‘ilari (sic) bir bir ga (sic) maslanat qila dirlay. Maslahat for B.N 
kingash or kingdish ; hamrah, companion, for mining bila bar, etc. K 
4 baghlamaq and f. 119b baghlaghdnlar ; B. ie almak or titmdq to seize ¢ 
take prisoner. | 
5 diwdar for tam. 4 o 
6 f. 119, at-tin aiizlair-ni tashlab ; B.N. tashmak, dismount. Tashlamag | Is_ 
not used in the sense of dismount by B. a. | 
7 pdadshah so used is an moachrcdiain (f. 215) ; Babur Mirza would be correct, 


to-day that we are on the road. Thank God! we have found you.’ They 
said (didilar, for dib). They spoke (aitilav), ‘Make a move! Ride off! 
Take these bound ones with you! To stay here is not well ; Tambal has had 
news of your coming here ; go, in whatever way, and join yourself to the 
Khans!’ At that time we having ridden out, moved towards Andijan. It 
was two days that we had eaten no food ; the evening prayer had come when 
we found a sheep, went on, dismounted, killed, and roasted. Of that same 
roast we ate as much asafeast. After that we rode on, hurried forward, made 
a five days’ journey in a day and two nights, came and entered Andijan. I 
saluted my uncle the Elder Khan (and) my uncle the Younger Khan, and 
made recital of past days. With the Khans I spent four months. My 
servants, who had gone looking in every place, gathered themselves together ; 
there were more than 300 persons. It came to my mind (kim), ‘ How long 
must I wander, a vagabond (sar-garddan),1 in this Farghana country? I will 
make search (talab) on every side (dib).’ Having said, I rode out in the 
month of Muharram to seek Khurasan, and I went out from the country of 


Two circumstances have weight against rejecting the passage, 
its presence with the Haidarabad Codex and its acceptance by 
Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille. 

That it is with the Codex is a matter needing consideration 
and this the more that it is the only extra matter there found. 
Not being with the Persian translations, it cannot be of early 
date. It seems likely to owe its place of honour to distinguished 
authorship and may well be one of the four portions (juzwe) 
mentioned by Jahangir in the Tuzik-i-jahangiri,® as added by 
himself to his ancestor’s book. If so, it may be mentioned, it 
will have been with Babur’s autograph MS. [now not to be 
found], from which the Haidarabad Codex shews signs of being 
a direct copy.4 

[The incongruity of the Rescue passage with the true text has 

1 2ahivan; B.N. yaqin. 

? Ilminsky’s imprint stops at dib ; he may have taken kim-dib for signs of 
quotation merely. (This I did earlier, JRAS 1902, p. 749.) 

3 Aligarh ed. p. 52 ; Rogers’ trs. i, 109. 
* Cf. £. 636, n. 3. 


been indicated by foot-notes to the translation of it already 

given. What condemns it on historic and other grounds will 
follow. | | 

On linguistic grounds it is a strong argument in its favour 
that Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille should have accepted it 
but the argument loses weight when some of the circumstances — 
of their work are taken into account. 

In the first place, it is not strictly accurate to regard — 
Dr. Ilminsky as accepting it unquestioned, because it is 
covered by his depreciatory remarks, made in his preface, on ~ 
Kehr’s text. He, like M. de Courteille, worked with a single © 
Turki MS. and neither of the two ever saw a complete true 
text. When their source (the Kehr-Ilminsky) was able to be ~ 
collated with the Elph. and Hai. MSS. much and singular 
divergence was discovered. . 

I venture to suggest what appears to me to explain M. de 
Courteille’s acceptance of the Rescue passage. Down to its 
insertion, the Kehr-Ilminsky text is so continuously and so 
curiously corrupt that it seems necessary to regard it as being — 
a re-translation into Turki from one of the Persian translations - 
of the Babur-nama. There being these textual defects in it, it 
would create on the mind of a reader initiated through it, only, — 
in the book, an incorrect impression of Babur’s style and 
vocabulary, and such a reader would feel no transition when — 
passing on from it to the Rescue passage. { 

In opposition to this explanation, it might be said that a — 
wrong standard set up by the corrupt text, would or could be 
changed by the excellence of later parts of the Kehr-IIlminsky 
one. In words, this is sound, no doubt, and such reflex crit-- 
icism is now easy, but more than the one defective MS. was — 


work on it is still tentative, even with the literary gains since 
the Seventies. 

Few of the grounds which weigh with us for the rejection of 
the Rescue passage were known to Dr. Ilminsky or M. de 
Courteille ;—the two good Codices bring each its own and 
varied help; Teufel’s critique on the ‘ Fragments,’ though made 
without acquaintance with those adjuncts as they stand in Kehr’s 
own volume, is of much collateral value; several useful oriental 
histories seem not to have been available for M. de Courteille’s 
use. I may add, for my own part, that I have the great 
advantage of my husband’s companionship and the guidance 
of his wide acquaintance with related oriental books. In truth, 
looking at the.drawbacks now removed, an earlier acceptance 
of the passage appears as natural as does today’s rejection. 


The grounds for rejecting the passage need here little more 
than recapitulation from my husband’s article in the JASB. 
1910, p. 221, and are as follows ;— 

i. The passage is in neither of the Wdaqi‘at-t-baburt. 

ii. The dreams detailed are too a propos and marvellous. for 

iii. Khwaja Yahya is not known to have had a son, named 

iv. The Babur-néma does not contain the names assigned to 
the rescuers. 

v. The Khans were not in Andijaén and Babur did not go 

vi. He did not set out for Khurdsan after spending 4 months 
with The Khans but after Ahmad’s death (end of gog AH.), 
while Mahmud was still in Eastern Turkistan and after about 
a year’s stay in Sukh. 


vii. The followers who gathered to him were not ‘more than _ 
300’ but between 2 and 300. q 
vill. The ‘3 days,’ and the ‘day and two nights,’ and the ~ 
‘5 days’ journey was one of some 70 miles, and one recorded — 
as made in far less time. ‘ 
ix. The passage is singularly inadequate to filla gap of 14 to © 
16 months, during which events of the first importance occurred — 
to Babur and to the Chaghatai dynasty. 4 
x. Khwaja Abrdr7s promises did nothing to fulfil Babur’s — 
wishes for go8 AH. while those of Ya‘qib for immediate — 
victory were closely followed by defeat and exile. Babur knew 
the facts; the passage cannot be his. It looks as though the © 
writer saw Babur in Karnan across Timirid success in © 
Hindustan. f 
xi. The style and wording of the passage are not in harmony ~ 
with those of the true text. | 

Other reasons for rejection are marked change in choice of — 
the details chosen for commemoration, e.g. when Babur men- 
tions prayer, he does so simply; when he tells a dream, it seems — 
arealone. The passage leaves the impression that the writer — 
did not think in Turki, composed in it with difficulty, and ~ 
looked at life from another view-point than Babur’s. 

On these various grounds, we have come to the conclusion — 
that it is no part of the Babur-nadma. 




THOSE who consult books and maps about the riverain tract 
between the Safed-koh (Spin-ghur) and (Anglicé) the Kabul- 
river find its name in several forms, the most common being 
Nangrahar and Nangnahar (with variant vowels). It would be 
useful to establish a European book-name for the district. As 
European opinion differs about the origin and meaning of the 
names now in use, and as a good deal of interesting circumstance 
gathers round the small problem ofa correct form (there may be 
two), I offer about the matter what has come into the restricted 
field of my own work, premising that I do this merely as one 
who drops a casual pebble on the cairn of observation already 
long rising for scholarly examination. 

a. The origin and meaning of the names. 

I have met with three opinions about the origin and meaning 
of the names found now and earlier. To each one of them 
obvious objection can be made. They are :— 

1. That all forms now in use are corruptions of the Sanscrit 
word Nagarahara, the name of the Town-of-towns which in 
the d#-ad of the Baran-sii and Sirkh-rid left the ruins Masson 
describes in Wilson’s Ariana Antiqua. But if this is so, why 
is the Town-of-towns multiplied into the nine of Na-nagrahar 
(Nangrahar) ?? 

2. That the names found represent Sanscrit xawa vthara, 
nine monasteries, an opinion the Gazetteer of India of 1907 has 

* Another but less obvious objection will be mentioned later. 


adopted from Bellew. But why precisely nine monasteries ? — 
Nine appears an understatement. q 

3. That Nang (Ning or Nung) -nahar verbally means nine — 
streams, (Babur’s Tiqiz-rid,) an interpretation of long 
standing (Section 0 zz/ra). But whence nang, ning, nung, — 
for nine? Such forms are not in Persian, Turki or Pushtu | ; 
dictionaries, and, as Sir G. A. Grierson assures me, do not 3 
come into the Linguistic Survey. : 

b. On nang, ning, nung for nine. 

Spite of their absence from the natural homes of words, how- — 
ever, the above sounds have been heard and recorded as symbols — 
of the number nine by careful men through a long space of time. 

The following instances of the use of “Nangnahar” show this, — 
and also show that behind the variant forms there may be not 
a single word but two of distinct origin and sense. 

1. In Chinese annals two names appear as those of the 
district and town (I am not able to allocate their application © 
with certainty). The first is Na-kie-lo-ho-lo, the second 
Nang-g-lo-ho-lo and these, I understand to represent Nagara- 
hara and Nang-nahar, due allowance being made for Chinese — 
idiosyncrasy.* ; 

2. Some 900 years later (1527-30 AD.) Babur also gives 
two names, Nagarahar (as the book-name of his zaman) and 
Ning-nahar.? He says the first is found in several histories 
(B.N. f. 1314) ; the second will have been what he heard and 
also bit what AEDEAIEH # in revenue accounts ; of it he 
says, “it is nine torrents” (déguz-rid@). 

3. Some 300 years after Babur, Elphinstone gives two- 

* Julien notes ( Voyages des pélerins Bouddhistes, ii, 96), ‘‘ Dans les annales des 
Song on trouve Nang-go-lo-ho, qui répond exactement 4 l’orthographe indienne 
Nangarahara, que fournit Vinscription découvert par le capitaine Kittoe” (JASB. 
1848). The reference is to the Ghoswara inscription, of which Professor Kielhorn 
has also written (/udian Antiguary, 1888), but with departure from Nangarahara to — 
Nagarahara. es. 

? The scribe of the Haidarabad Codex appears to have been somewhat uncertain — 
as to the spelling of the name. What is found in histories is plain, N:g:r: har. 
The other name varies ; on first appearance (fol. 1314) and also on fols. 144 and 1546, | 
there is a vagrant dot below the word, which if it were above would make Ning-nahar. 
In all other cases the word reads N:g:nahar. Nahar is a constant component, asis — 
also the letter g (or 4). e. 


names for the district, neither of them being Babur’s book- 
name, “ Nangrahaur* or Nungnahaur, from the nine streams 
which issue from the Safed-koh, zwzg in Pushtoo signifying 
nine, and nahaura, a stream” (Caubul, i, 160). 

4. In 1881 Colonel H. S. Tanner had heard, in Nir-valley 
on the north side of the Kabul-water, that the name of the 
opposite district was Ning-nahar and its meaning Nine-streams. 
He did not get a list of the nine and all he heard named do 
not flow from Safed-koh. 

5. In 1884 Colonel H. G. McGregor gives two names with 
their explanation, “ Ningrahar and Nungnihar ; the former is 
a corruption of the latter word? which in the Afghan language 

signifies nine rivers or rivulets.” He names nine, but of them 
six only issue from Safed-koh. 

6. I have come across the following instances in which the 
number nine is represented by other words than xa (7 or nu) ; 
viz. the nenhan of the Chitrali Kafir and the zoun of the Panj- 
abi, recorded by Leech,—the xyon of the Khowari and the 
huncha of the Boorishki, recorded by Colonel Biddulph. 

The above instances allow opinion that in the region concerned 
and through a long period of time, nine has been expressed by 
nang (ning or nung) and other nasal or high palatal sounds, side 
by side with za (mz or mu). The whole matter may be one of 
nasal utterance,3 but since a large number of tribesmen express 
nine by a word containing a nasal sound, should that word not 
find place in lists of recognized symbols of sounds? 

¢. Are there two names of distinct origin ? 

1. Certainly it makes a well-connected story of decay in the 
Sanscrit word Nagarahara to suppose that tribesmen, prone 
by their organism to nasal utterance, pronounced that word 

* Some writers express the view that the medial in this word indicates descent 
from Nagarahara, and that the medial 2 of Elphinstone’s second form is a corruption 
of it. Though this might be, it is true also that in local speech 7 and ~ often inter- 
change, e.g. Chighar- and Chighan-sarai, Sahar and Sihan (in Nir-valley). 

? This asserts 2 to be the correct consonant, and connects with the interchange of 
n and ¢ already noted. 

3 Since writing the above I have seen Laidlaw’s almost identical suggestion of a 
nasal interpolated in Nagarahara (JASB. 1848, art. on Kittoe). The change is of 
course found elsewhere ; is not Tank for Taq an instance ? 


Nangrahar, and by force of their numbers made this comnipeaa J 
current,—that this was recognized as the name of the town while 3 
the Town-of-towns was great or in men’s memory, and that when — 
through the decay of the town its name became a meaningless — 
husk, the wrong meaning of the Nine-streams should enter into 
possession. F 

But as another and better one can be put together, this fair- 
seeming story may be baseless. Its substitute has the advantage © 
of explaining the double sequence of names shown in Section 8. 

The second story makes all the variant names represent one — 
or other of two distinct originals. It leaves Nagrahar to represent — 
Nagarahara, the dead town ; it makes the nine torrents of Safed- — 
koh the primeval sponsors of Ning-nahar, the name of the riverain - 
tract. Both names, it makes contemporary in the relatively brief — 
interlude of the life of the town. For the fertilizing streams will 
have been the dominant factors of settlement and of revenue 
from the earliest times of population and government. They ~ 
arrest the eye where they and their ribbons of cultivation space — 
the riverain waste; they are obvious units for grouping into — 
a sub-government. Their name has a counterpart in adjacent 
Panj-ab ; the two may have been given by one dominant power, ~ 
how long ago, in what tongue matters not. The riverain tract, — 
by virtue of its place on a highway of transit, must have been © 
inhabited long before the town Nagarahara was built, and must 
have been known by a name. What better one than Ningg 
streams can be thought of ? j 

2. Bellew is quoted by the Gazetteer of India (ed. 1907) as 
saying, in his argument in favour of zawa vihara, that no nine 
streams are found to stand sponsor, but modern maps shew nine 
outflows from Safed-koh to the Kabul-river between the Sirkh- | ; 
riid and Daka, while if affluents to the former stream be reckoned, 
more than nine issue from the range.* | 

Against Bellew’s view that there are not nine streams, is the 

long persistence of the number nine in the popular name _ 
(Sect. 8). 

* These affluents I omit from main consideration as sponsors because they are less 3 
obvious units of taxable land than the direct affluents of the Kabul-river, but they . 
remain a reserve force of argument and may or may not have counted in Babur’snine. 


It is also against his view that he supposes there were nine 
monasteries, because each of the nine must have had its fertilizing 

Babur says there were nine ; there must have been nine of 
significance; he knew his ¢#man not only by frequent transit but 
by his revenue accounts. A supporting point in those accounts 
is likely to have been that the individual names of the villages on 
the nine streams would appear, with each its payment of revenue. 

3. In this also is some weight of circumstance against taking 
Nagarahara to be the parent of Ning-nahar :—An earlier name 
of the town is said to be Udyanapira, Garden town.' Of this 
Babur’s Adinapir is held to be a corruption ; the same meaning 
of garden has survived on approximately the same ground in 

Bala-bagh and Rozabad. 

~~ Nagarahara is seen, therefore, to be a parenthetical name 
between others which are all derived from gardens. It may 
shew the promotion of a “Garden-town” to a “ Chief-town”. 
If it did this, there was relapse of name when the Chief-town 
lost status. Was it ever applied beyond the delta? If it were, 
would it, when dead in the delta, persist along the riverain tract ? 
If it were not, cadit questo; the suggestion of two names 
distinct in origin, is upheld. 

Certainly the riverain tract would fall naturally under the 
government of any town flourishing in the delta, the richest and 
most populous part of the region. But for this very reason it 
must have had a name older than parenthetical Nagarahara. 
That inevitable name would be appropriately Ning-nahar (or 
Na-nahar) Nine-streams ; and for a period Nagarahara would be 
the Chief-town of the district of Na-nahar (Nine-streams).? 

a. Babur’s statements about the name. 
What the cautious Babur says of his t#man of Ning-nahar 
has weight :— 

1. That some histories write it Nagarahar (Haidarabad 
Codex, f. 131 4); 

* Cunningham, i, 42. My topic does not reach across the Kabul-river to the 
greater Udyanapira of Beal’s Buddhist Records (p. 119) nor raise the question of the 
extent of that place. 

? The strong form Ning-nahir is due to euphonic impulse. 

xxii APPENDICES ab 7" 

2. That Ning-nahar is nine torrents, z.e. mountain strez 
tugqus-rud ; Fi 
3. That (the) nine torrents issue from Safed- koh (f. 1348 

Of his first statement can be said, that he will have seen 4 
book-name in histories he read, but will have heard Ning-nahar, 
probably also have seen it in current letters and accounts. q 

Of his second,—that it bears and may be meant to bear two. 
senses, (a) that the zaman consisted of nine torrents,—their 
lands implied ; just as he says “Asfara is four da/aks” (sub- 
divisions f. 34)—(d) that ¢taguaz rad translates ning-nahar. a 

Of his third,—that in English its sense varies as it is ead 
with or without the definite article Turki rarely writes, but that it 
either sense helps out his first and second, to mean that verbally 
and by its constituent units Ning-nahar is nine-torrents ; 1s 
verbally and by its constituents Panj-ab is five-waters. 

é. Last words. 

Detailed work on the Kabul section of the Babur-nama has 
stamped two impressions so deeply on me, that they claim 
mention, not as novel or as special to myself, but as set by 
the work. | 

The first is of extreme risk in swift decision on any problem 
of words arising in North Afghanistan, because of its local 
concourse of tongues, the varied utterance of its unlettered tribes 
resident or nomad, and the frequent translation of proper na 1e 
in obedience to their verbal meanings. Names lie there too it 
strata, relics of successive occupation—Greek, Turki, Hindi, 
Pushti and tribes galore. a 

The second is that the region is an exceptionally fruitful fiele d 
for first-hand observation of speech, the movent ocean of the 
uttered word, free of the desiccated symbolism of alphab 
and books. 

The following books, amongst others, have prompted the | 
above note :— 

Ghoswara Inscription, Kittoe, JASB., 1848, and Kielho n, 
Indian Antiquary, 1888, p. 311. ; 


H. Sastri’s Ramacarita, Introduction, p. 7 (ASB. Memoirs). 

Cunningham’s Axczent India, vol. i. 

Beal’s Buddhist Records, i, xxxiv, and Cii, gt. 

Leech’s Vocabularies, JASB., 1838. 

The writings of Masson (7vavels and Ariana Antiqua), Wood, 
Vigne, etc. 

Raverty’s 7abagat-t-nasiri. 

Jarrett’s Ayin-c-akbari. 

P.R.G.S. for maps, 1879; Macnair on the Kafirs, 1884; Tanner’s 
On the Chugani and neighbouring tribes of Kafiristan, 1881. 

Simpson’s Nagarahara, J ASB., xiii. 

Biddulph’s Dzalects of the Hindii-kush, JRAS. 

Gazette of India, 1907, art. Jalalabad. 

Bellew’s Races of Afghanistan. 


SOME European writers have understood the name Dara-i-nir 
to mean Valley of light, but natural features and also the artificial 
one mentioned by Colonel H. G. Tanner (zzfra), make it better 
to read the component z#r, not as Persian zr, light, but. as 
Pushti ##r, rock. Hence it translates as Valley of Rocks, or 
Rock-valley. The region in which the valley lies is rocky and 
boulder-strewn ; its own waters flow to the Kabul-river east of 
the water of Chitral. It shews other names composed with xzr, 
in which war suits if it means rock, but is inexplicable if it means 
light, e.g. Nir-lam (Nir-fort), the master-fort in the mouth of 
Nir-valley, standing high on a rock between two streams, as 
Babur and Tanner have both described it from eye-witness,— 
Nir-gal (village), a little to the north-west of the valley,— 
Ailigh-nir (great rock), at a crossing mentioned by Babur, 
higher up the Baran-water,—and Koh-i-niir (Rocky-mountains), 


which there is ground for taking as the correct form of the — 
familiar “Kunar” of some European writers (Raverty’s Votes, q 
p- 106). The dominant feature in these places dictates reading | 7 
nur as rock ; so too the work done in Nir-valley with boulders, — 
of which Colonel H. G. Tanner’s interesting account is subjoined- 
(P.R.G.S. 1881, p. 284). 4 

“Some 10 miles from the source of the main stream of the — 
Nur-valley the Dameneh stream enters, but the waters of the two — 
never meet ; they flow side by side about three-quarters ofa mile — 
apart for about 12 miles and empty themselves into the Kunar — 
river by different mouths, each torrent hugging closely the foot — 
of the hills at its own side of the valley. Now, except in countries — 
where terracing has been practised continuously for thousands of — 
years, such unnatural topography as exists in the valley of Nur — 
is next to impossible. The forces which were sufficient to scoop X 
out the valley in the first instance, would have kept a water-way — 
at the lowest part, into which would have poured the drainage of 4 
the surrounding mountains; but in the Nur-valley long-continued — 
terracing has gradually raised the centre of the valley high above 
the edges. The population has increased to its maximum limit 4 
and every available inch of ground is required for cultivation ; q 
the people, by means of terrace-walls built of ponderous boulders 
in the bed of the original single stream, have little by little pushed — 
the waters out of their true course, until they run, where now 
found, in deep rocky cuttings at the foot of the hills on either 
side” (p. 280). iP 

“T should like to go on and say a good deal more about 
boulders ; and while I am about it I may as well mention one — 
that lies back from a hamlet in Shulut, which is so big that 
a house is built in a fault or crack running across its face. | 
Another pebble lies athwart the village and covers the whole of 
the houses from that side.” 8 



FROM the two names, Arat-tashi and Sihan (Suhar) -tashi, 
which Babur gives as those of two wines of the Dara-i-nir, it 
can be inferred that he read z#r to mean rock. For if in them 
Turki ¢ash, rock, be replaced by Pushtii zr, rock, two place- 
names emerge, Arat (-niri) and Sihan (-niri), known in the 
- Niar-valley. 

_. These may be villages where the wines were grown, but it 
_ would be quite exceptional for Babur to say that wines are called 
_ from their villages, or indeed by any name. He says here not 
_ where they grow but what they are called. 

I surmise that he is repeating a joke, perhaps his own, perhaps 
a standing local one, made on the quality of the wines. For 

whether with ¢ash or with nar (rock), the names can be translated 

as Rock-saw and Rock-file,and may refer to the rough and acid 

_ quality of the wines, rasping and setting the teeth on edge as 

does iron on stone. 

The villages themselves may owe their names to a serrated 
edge or splintered pinnacle of weathered granite, in which local 

° known as good craftsmen, have seen resemblance to tools 
‘ow their trade. 


_ AS coins of SI. Husain Mirza Adi-gard and other rulers do 
actually bear the words Azhk bid, Babur’s statement that the 


name of Bihbid Beg was on the Mirza’s coins ac a 
numismatic interest which may make serviceable the following 
eashens art concerning the passage and the beg." 

a. The Turki passage (Elph. MS. f. 1356; Haidarabad Codex 
f. 1736; Uminsky p. 217). 

For ease of reference the Turki, Persian and English versior n 
are subjoined :— : 4 ¢ 
(1) Yana Bihbiid Beg aidi. Birinlar chuhra-jirga-si-da 
khidmat qilir aidi. Mirza-ning qasaqliglarida khidmati bagib 
Bihbid Beg-ka bi ‘inayatni gilib aidi kim tamgha u sikka-da 
aning ati aidi. a 
(2) The Persian translation of ‘Abdu’r-rahim (Muh. Shirazi’s : 
lith. ed. p. 110) :-— iz 
Digar Bthbiid Beg bid. Auwalha dar jirga-t-chuhraha 
khidmat mikard. Chin dar gazagiha Mirzara khidmat karda 
bid u anra mulahaza namida, ainra ‘inayat karda bid kah dar 
tamghanat stkka?® nam-i-au bid. b 
(3) A literal English translation of the Turki :— 5 
Another was Bihbiid Beg. He served formerly in the chuhra~ 
jirga-si (corps of braves). Looking to his service in the Mirza’s 
guerilla-times, the favour had been done to Bihbiid Beg that his 3 
name was on the stamp and coin.3 

! tl; 

b. Of Bthbiid Beg. 

We have found little so far to add to what Babur tells of 
Bihbid Beg and what he tells we have not found elsewhere “A 
The likely sources of his information are Daulat Shah and 
Khwand-amir who have written at length of Husain Baz-gara. 
Considerable search in the books of both men has failed to 
discover mention of signal service or public honour connected ~ 
with the beg. Babur may have heard what he tells in Harat. 
in 912 AH. (1506 AD.) when he would see Husain’s coins 

* Some discussion about these coins has already appeared in JRAS. 1913 and 1914 
from Dr. Codrington, Mr. M. Longworth Dames and my husband. 

? This variant from the Turki may be significant. Should samghdnat(-t-)sikka be 
read and does this describe countermarking ? . 

3 It will be observed that Babur does not explicitly say that Husain put the beg’s — 
name on the coin. \_ 


presumably ; but later opportunity to see them must have been 
frequent during his campaigns and visits north of Hindii-kush, 
notably in Balkh. 

The sole mention we have found of Bihbid Beg in the 
Flabibu's-styar is that he was one of Husain’s commanders at 
the battle of Chikman-sarai which was fought with Sl. Mahmid 
Mirza Miranshahi in Muharram 876 AH. (June-July 1471 AD.).2 
His place in the list shews him to have had importance. 
“Amir Nizamu’d-din ‘Ali-sher’s brother Darwesh-i-‘ali the 
librarian (g.v. Hai. Codex Index), and Amir Bihbid, and Muh. 
‘Ali ataka, and Bakhshika, and Shah Wali Qipchag, and Dost-i- 
muhammad chuhra, and Amir Qul-i-‘ali, and” (another). 

The total of our information about the man is therefore :— 

(1) That when Husain? from 861 to 873 AH. (1457 to 
1469 AD.) was fighting his way up to the throne of Harat, 
Bihbid served him well in the corps of braves, (as many others 
will have done). 

(2) That he was a beg and one of Husain’s commanders in 
876 AH. (1471 AD.). 

(3) That Babur includes him amongst Husain’s begs and 
says of him what has been quoted, doing this cerca 934 AH. 
(1528 AD.), some 56 years after Khwand-amir’s mention of him 
§.a. 876 AH. (1471 AD.). 

¢. Of the term chuhra-jirga-si used by Babur. 

Of this term Babur supplies an explicit explanation which 
I have not found in European writings. His own book amply 
exemplifies his explanation, as do also Khwand-amir’s and 

He gives the explanation (f. 154) when describing a retainer 
of his father’s who afterwards became one of his own begs. It is 
as follows :— 

““*Ali-darwesh of Khurasan served in the Khurasan chuhra- 
Jirga-si, one of two special corps (khadsa tabin) of serviceable 
braves (yarar yigitlar) formed by SI. Abii-sa‘id Mirza when 

* Habibu’s-styar lith. ed. iii, 228 ; Hazdarabad Codex text and trs. f. 264 and 

f. 169; Browne’s Daulat Shah p. 533. 
* Husain born 842 AH. (1438 AD.) ; d. 911 AH. (1506 AD.). 


Samarkand and, presumably, called by him the Khurasan corps” 
and the Samarkand corps.” > 

This shews the circle to have consisted of fighting-men, such 
serviceable braves as are frequently mentioned by Babur; and — 
his words “yarar yigit” make it safe to say that if instead of 
using a Persian phrase, he had used a Turki one, yégiz, brave 
would have replaced chuhra, “young soldier” (Erskine). A con-— 
siderable number of men on active service are styled chuhra, 
one at least is styled yigit, in the same way as others are 
styled deg." q 

Three military circles are mentioned in the Babur-ndma, 
consisting respectively of braves, household begs (under Babur’s 
own command), and great begs. Some men are mentioned who © 
never rose from the rank of brave (yigit), some who became 4 
household-begs, some who went through the three grades. 3 

Of the corps of braves Babur conveys the information that 
Abi-sa‘id founded it at a date which will have lain between 3 
1451 and 1457 AD.; that ‘Umar Shaikh’s man ‘Ali-darwesh ~ 
belonged to it; and that Husain’s man Bihbid did so also. — 
Both men, ‘Ali-darwesh and Bihbid, when in its circle, would 4 
appropriately be styled chuhra as men of the beg-circle were — 
styled beg; the Dost-i-muhammad chuhra who was a com- — 
mander, (he will have had a brave’s command, ) at Chikman-sarai 4 
(see list supra) will also have been of this circle. Instances of the — 
use by Babur of the name khasa-tabin and its equivalent biz — 
tikini are shewn on f. 209 and f. 2104. A considerable number — 
of Babur’s fighting men, the braves he so frequently mentions as — 
sent on service, are styled chuhra and inferentially belong to— 
the same circle.” yr 

* Cf. f. 76 note to braves (yigitlar). There may be instances, in the earlier 
Farghana section where I have translated chuhra wrongly by page. My attention 
had not then been fixed on the passage about the coins, nor had I the same ~ 
familiarity with the Kabul section. For a household page to be clearly recognizable ~ 
as such from the context, is rare—other uses of the word are translated as their — 
context dictates. 

2 They can be traced through my Index and in some cases their careers followed. — 
Since I translated chuhra-jirga-si on f. 156 by cadet-corps, I have found in the Kabul j 
section instances of long service in the corps which make the word cadet, as it is used — 
in English, too young a name. 


a. Of Bih bid on Husain Bai-qara’s coins. 

So far it does not seem safe to accept Babur’s statement 
literally. He may tell a half-truth and obscure the rest by his 

Nothing in the sources shows ground for signal and public 
honour to Bihbid Beg, but a good deal would allow surmise 
that jesting allusion to his name might decide for Bzh bid as 
a coin mark when choice had to be made of one, in the flush of 
success, in an assembly of the begs, and, amongst those begs, 
lovers of word-play and enigma. 

The personal name is found written Bihbid, as one word and 
with medial Z; the mark is Azk dad with the terminal 4 in the 
Bth. There have been discussions moreover as to whether to 
read on the coins Bzhk bid, it was good, or Bzk buvad, \et it be, 
or become, good (valid for currency ?). 

The question presents itself; would the beg’s name have 
appeared on the coins, if it had not coincided in form with a 
suitable coin-mark ? 

Against literal acceptance of Babur’s statement there is also 
doubt of a thing at once so Jen trovato and so unsupported by 

Another doubt arises from finding 42h dzd on coins of other 
rulers, one of Iskandar Khan’s being of a later date,’ others, of 
Timir, Shahrukh and Abi-sa‘id, with nothing to shew who - 
counterstruck it on them. 

On some of Husain’s coins the sentence 4zh did appears as 
part of the legend and not as a counterstrike. This is a good 
basis for finding a half-truth in Babur’s statement. It does not 
allow of a whole-truth in his statement because, as it is written, 
it is a coin-mark, not a name. 

An interesting matter as bearing on Husain’s use of Bzh bud 
is that in 865 AH. (1461 AD.) he had an incomparable horse 
named Bihbid, one he gave in return for a falcon on making 
peace with Mustapha Khan.? 

* This Mr. M. Longworth Dames pointed out in JRAS. 1913. 

2 Habibu’s-siyar \ith. ed. iii, 219; Ferté trs. p. 28. For the information about 
Husain’s coins given in this appendix I am indebted to Dr. Codrington and 
Mr. M. Longworth Dames. 


e. Of Babur’s vassal-coinage. 

The following historical details narrow the field of numismatic — 
observation on coins believed struck by Babur as a vassal of | 
Isma‘l Safawi. They are offered because not readily accessible. 

The length of Babur’s second term of rule in Transoxiana ~ 
was not the three solar years of the B.M. Coin Catalogues but — 
did not exceed eight months. He entered Samarkand in the ~ 
middle of Rajab 917 AH. (c. Oct. Ist, 1511 AD.). He returned 
to it defeated and fled at once, after the battle of Kiul-i-malik © 
which was fought in Safar 918 AH. (mid-April to mid-May ] 
1512 AD.). Previous to the entry he was in the field, without — 
a fixed base; after his flight he was landless till at the end — 
both of 920 AH. and of 1514 AD. he had returned to Kabul. 

He would not find a full Treasury in Samarkand because the - 
Aizbegs evacuated the fort at their own time; eight months — 
would not give him large tribute in kind. He failed in Trans- — 
oxiana because he was the ally of a Shi‘a ; would coins bearing q 
the Shi‘a legend have passed current from a Samarkand mint? 
These various circumstances suggest that he could not have — 
struck many coins of any kind in Samarkand. 

The coins classed in the B.M. Catalogues as of Babur’s — 
vassalage, offer a point of difficulty to readers of his own 7 
writings, inasmuch as neither the “Sultan Muhammad” of 
No. 652 (gold), nor the “ Sultan Babur Bahadur” of the silver 
coins enables confident acceptance of them as names he himself 
would use. 


THE passage omitted from f. 1904, which seems to describe some _ 
thing decorative done with weeping willows, (ded-z- mawallah) 
has been difficult to all translators. This may be due to in- — 
accurate pointing in Babur’s original MS. or may be what a 
traveller seeing other willows at another feast could explain. 


The first Persian translation omits the passage (I.O. 215 

f. 1544) ; the second varies from the Turki, notably by changing 

sach and saj to shakh throughout (1.0. 217 f. 1500). The English 

-and French translations differ much (lemoirs p. 206, Mémoires 

i, 414), the latter taking the mawadllah to be mila, a hut, against 
which much is clear in the various MSS. 

Three Turki sources * agree in reading as follows :— 

Mawallahlar-ni (or muwallah Hai. MS.) kiltirdilar. Bilman 
_ sachlari-ning ya ‘amli sachlari-ning aralarigha k:msan-ni 

(IIminsky, kamdan) shakh-ning (Hai. MS. sakh) atizinlighi bila 
| ainjiga ainjiga kisib, quinb turlar. 

The English and French translations differ from the Turki 
_and from one another :— 

(Memoirs, p. 206) They brought in branching willow-trees. 
Ido not know if they were in the natural state of the tree, or if 
_ the branches were formed artificially, but they had small twigs 
_ cut the length of the ears of a bow and inserted between them. 
(Mémotres i, 434) On faconna des huttes (mouleh). Ils les 
' établissent en taillant des baguettes minces, de la longeur du 
_ bout recourbé de I’arc, qu’on place entre des branches naturelles 
ou faconnées artificiellement, je l’ignore. | 

The construction of the sentence appears to be thus :—d/awal- 
| lahlar-ni kilturdilar, they brought weeping-willows ; 4 : msan-ni 
| guinbtirlar, they had put #:msdn-ni; ainjiga ainjiga kisib, 
_ cut very fine (or slender); shakh (or sakh)-ning aiszinlighi, of the 
_ length ofa shakh, bow, or sakh . . .; bilman sachlari-ning ya ‘amli 
_ sachlari-ning aralarigha, to (or at) the spaces of the sachlar 
_ whether their (z.e. the willows’) own or artificial sa@ch/ar. 

_. These translations clearly indicate felt difficulty. Mr. Erskine 
_does not seem to have understood that the trees were Salzx 
_babylonica. The crux of the passage is the word & :msan-ni, 
which tells what was placed in the spaces. It has been read as 
kaman, bow, by all but the scribes of the two good Turki MSS. 
and asin a phrase horn of a bow. This however is not allowed 
by the Turki, for the reason that 4 : #san-niz is not in the genitive 
but in the accusative case. (I may say that Babur does not use 
ni for ning ; he keeps strictly to the prime uses of each enclitic, 

* Elphinstone MS. f. 1504; Haidarabad MS. f. 1906; Ilminsky, imprint p. 241. 


ni accusative, ning genitive.) Moreover, if &:msan-ni be taken , 
as a genitive, the verbs gai#b-tirlar and kisib have no object, no — 
other accusative appearing in the sentence than &:msan-ni, 

A weighty reason against changing sdch into shakh is that 
Dr. Ilminsky has not done so. He must have attached meaning 
to sach since he uses it throughout the passage. He was nearer 
the region wherein the original willows were seen at a feast. 
Unfortunately nothing shows how he interpreted the word. | 

Sachmag is a tassel; is it also a catkin and were there 
decorations, Azmsan-ni (things kimsa, or flowers Ar. kim, or 
something shining, £zmcha, gold brocade) hung in between the 
catkins ? q 

Ilminsky writes 2’lah (with amza) and this de Courteille 
translates by hut. The Hai. MS. writes muwallah (marking 
the samma). 4 

In favour of reading mawallah (mulah) as a tree and that tree 
Salix babylonica the weeping-willow, there are annotations in the — 
Second Persian translation and, perhaps following it, in the 
Elphinstone MS. of xam-z-dirakht, name of a tree, didan-t-bed, 
sight of the willow, ded-¢-mawallah, mournful-willow. Standing | 
alone mawallah means weeping-willow, in this use answering to — 
majnin the name Panj-abis give the tree, from Leila’s lover the — 
distracted z.e. Majniin (Brandis). : 

The whole question may be solved by a chance remark from 
a traveller witnessing similar festive decoration at another feast — 
in that conservative region. a 

AT QANDAHAR (f. 2082). 4 
SINCE making my note (f. 2084) on the wording of the passage 

in which Babur mentions excavation done by him at Qandahar, 
I have learned that he must be speaking of the vaulted chamber y 


containing the celebrated inscriptions about which much has 
been written." 

The primary inscription, the one commemorating Babur’s 
final possession of Qandahar, gives the chamber the character of 
a Temple of Victory and speaks of it as Rawdag-t-jahan nami, 
World-shewing-portal,? doubtless because of its conspicuous 
position and its extensive view, probably also in allusion to its 
declaration of victory. Mir Ma‘siim writes of it as a Pesh-taq, 
frontal arch, which, coupled with Mohan Lall’s word arch (¢é@q) 
suggests that the chamber was entered through an arch pierced 
in a parallelogram smoothed on the rock and having resemblance 
to the fesh-tag of buildings, a suggestion seeming the more 
probable that some inscriptions are on the “wings” of the arch. 
But by neither of the above-mentioned names do Mohan Lall 
and later travellers call the chamber or write of the place ; all 
describe it by its approach of forty steps, Chihil-zina.3 

The excavation has been chipped out of the white-veined 
limestone of the bare ridge on and below which stood Old 
_ Qandahar.3 It does not appear from the descriptions to have 
been on the summit of the ridge; Bellew says that the forty 
steps start half-way up the height. I have found no estimate 
of the height of the ridge, or statement that the steps end at the 
chamber. The ridge however seems to have been of noticeably 
_ dominating height. It rises steeply to the north and there ends 
in the naze of which Babur writes. The foot of the steps is 
guarded by twotowers. Mohan Lall, unaccustomed to mountains, 
found their ascent steep and dizzy. The excavated chamber of 
the inscriptions, which Bellew describes as “bow-shaped and 
dome-roofed ”, he estimated as 12 feet at the highest point, 

* Muh. Ma‘sim Bhakkari’s Tarikh-t-sind 1600, Malet’s Trs. 1855, p. 89; Mohan 
Lall’s Journal 1834, p. 279 and 7ravels 1846, p. 311; Bellew’s Political Mission to 
Afghanistan 1857, p. 232 ; Journal Asiatigue 1890, Darmesteter’s La grande inscrip- 
tion de Qandahadr; JRAS. 1898, Beames’ Geography of the Qandahar inscription. 
Murray’s Hand-book of the Panjab etc. 1883 has an account which as to the Inscrip- 
tions shares in the inaccuracies of its sources (Bellew & Lumsden). 

2 The plan of Qandahar given in the official account of the Second Afghan War, 
makes Chihil-zina appear on the wrong side of the ridge, n.w. instead of n.e. 

3 destroyed in 1714 aD. It lay 3m. west of the present Qandahar (not its 

_ immediate successor). It must be observed that Darmesteter’s insufficient help in 
plans and maps led him to identify Chihil-zina with Chihil-dukhtaran (Forty- 


12 feet deep and 8 feet wide. Two sculptured beasts guard the — 
entrance; Bellew calls them leopards but tigers would better — 
symbolize the watch and ward of the Tiger Babur. In truth — 
the whole work, weary steps of approach, tiger guardians, com- | 
memorative chamber, laboriously incised words, are admirably ~ 
symbolic of his long-sustained resolve and action, taken always — 
with Hindistan as the goal. | 

There are several inscriptions of varying date, within and 
without the chamber. Mohan Lall saw and copied them; 
Darmesteter worked on a copy; the two English observers 
Lumsden and Bellew made no attempt at correct interpretation. 
In the versions all give there are inaccuracies, arising from 
obvious causes, especially from want of historical data. The last 
word has not been said; revision awaits photography and the 
leisured expert. A part of the needed revision has been done — 
by Beames, who deals with the geography of what Mir Ma‘sim 
himself added under Akbar after he had gone as Governor to 
Oandahar in 1007 AH. (1598 AD.). This commemorates not 
Babur’s but Akbar’s century of cities. 

It is the primary inscription only which concerns this Appendix. — 
This is one in relief in the dome of the chamber, recording in 
florid Persian that Abi’l-ghazi Babur took possession of Qandahar 
on Shawwal 13th 928 AH. (Sep. Ist 1522 AD.), that in the same 
year he commanded the construction of this Rawdg-c-jahan- 
nama, and that the work had been completed by his son Kamran 
at the time he made over charge of Qandahar to his brother 
‘Askari in 9 .. (mutilated). After this the gravure changes i* 
character. ; 

In the above, Babur’s title Abi’ L-ghat fixes the date of the 
inscription as later than the battle of Kanwaha (f. 3246), because 
it was assumed in consequence of this victory over a Hindi, in 
March 1527 (Jumada II 933 AH.). & 

The mutilated date 9.. is given by Mohan Lall as 952 AH. 
but this does not suit several circumstances, ég. it puts com-_ 
pletion too far beyond the time mentioned as consumed by the ~ | 
work, nine years,—and it was not that at which Kamran made _ 
over charge to ‘Askari, but followed the expulsion of both full- R 
brothers from Qandahar by their half-brother Humayin. a 


The mutilated date 9.. is given by Darmesteter as 933 AH. 
but this again does not fit the historical circumstance that 
Kamran was in Qandahar after that date and till 937 AH. This 
date (937 AH.) we suggest as fitting to replace the lost figures, 
(1) because in that year and after his father’s death, Kamran 
gave the town to ‘Askari and went himself to Hindistan, and 
(2) because work begun in 928 AH. and recorded as occupying 
70-80 men for nine years would be complete in 937 AH.1 The 
inscription would be one of the last items of the work. 

The following matters are added here because indirectly con- 
nected with what has been said and because not readily accessible. 

a. Birth of Kamran. 

Kamran’s birth falling in a year of one of the Babur-nama 
gaps, is nowhere mentioned. It can be closely inferred as 914 
or 915 AH. from the circumstances that he was younger than 
Humayin born late in 913 AH., that it is not mentioned in the 
fragment of the annals of 914 AH., and that he was one of the 
children enumerated by Gul-badan as going with her father to 
Samarkand in 916 AH. (Probably the children did not start 
with their father in the depth of winter across the mountains.) 

Possibly the joyful name Kamran is linked to the happy issue 
of the Mughil rebellion of 914 AH. Kamran would thus be 
about 18 when left in charge of Kabul and Qandahar by Babur 
in 932 AH. before the start for the fifth expedition to Hindistan. 

A letter from Babur to Kamran in Qandahar is with Kehr’s 
Latin version of the Babur-nama, in Latin and entered on the 
lining of the cover. It is shewn by its main topic vez. the 
despatch of Ibrahim Zi#dz’s son to Kamran’s charge, to date 
somewhere close to Jan. 3rd 1527 (Rabi‘u’l-awwal 29th 933 AH.) 
because on that day Babur writes of the despatch (Hai. Codex 
f. 3060 foot). 

Presumably the letter was with Kamran’s own copy of the 
Babur-nama. That copy may have reached Humayin’s hands 

' Tarikh-i-rashidi trs. p. 387; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 290. 


(JRAS 1908 p. 828 e¢ seg.). The next known indication of the — 
letter is given in St. Petersburg by Dr. Kehr. He will have seen — 
it or a copy of it with the B.N. Codex he copied (one of unequal — 
correctness), and he, no doubt, copied it in its place on the fly-leaf ~ 
or board of his own transcript, but if so, it has disappeared. 

Fuller particulars of it and of other items accompany it are 
given in JRAS 1908 p. 828 ef seg. , 


My husband’s article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of 
April 1901 begins with an account of the two MSS. from which 
it is drawn, vzz. 1.0. 581 in Pushti, I.O. 582 in Persian. Both — 
are mainly occupied with an account of the Yisuf-zai. The 
second opens by telling of the power of the tribe in Afghanistan — 
and of the kindness of Malik Shah Sulaiman, one of their chiefs, — 
to Ailigh Beg Mirza Kd@dulz, (Babur’s paternal uncle,) when he 
was young and in trouble, presumably as a boy ruler. ee 
It relates that one day a wise man of the tribe, Shaikh 
‘Usman saw Sulaiman sitting with the young Mirza on his knee 
and warned him that the boy had the eyes of Yazid and would 
destroy him and his family as Yazid had destroyed that of the 
Prophet. Sulaiman paid him no attention and gave the Mirza 
his daughter in marriage. Subsequently the Mirza having 
invited the Yiisuf-zai to Kabul, treacherously killed Sulaiman. 
and 700 of his followers. They were killed at the place called 
Siyah-sang near Kabul ; it is still known, writes the chronicler J 
in about 1770 AD. (1184 AH.), as the Grave of the Martyrs. — 
Their tombs are revered and that of Shaikh ‘Usman in 
particular. ba 
Shah Sulaiman was the eldest of the seven sons of Malik | 
Taju’d-din ; the second was Sultan Shah, the father of Mali ci | 
Ahmad. Before Sulaiman was killed he made three requests — 


of Ailigh Beg; one of them was that his nephew Ahmad’s 
life might be spared. This was granted. 

Ailigh Beg died (after ruling from 865 to 907 AH.), and 
Babur defeated his son-in-law and successor M. Muqim (Arghin, 
g10 AH.). Meantime the Yisuf-zai had migrated to Pashawar 
but later on took Sawad from Sl. Wais (Hai. Codex ff. 219, 
2200, 221). 

When Babur came to rule in Kabul, he at first professed 
_ friendship for the Yusuf-zai but became prejudiced against 
them through their enemies the Dilazak* who gave force to 
their charges by a promised subsidy of 70,000 shahrukhi. 
Babur therefore determined, says the Yusuf-zai chronicler, to 
kill Malik ? Ahmad and so wrote him a friendly invitation to 
Kabul. Ahmad agreed to go, and set out with four brothers 
‘who were famous musicians. Meanwhile the Dilazak had 
persuaded Babur to put Ahmad to death at once, for they said 
Ahmad was so clever and eloquent that if allowed to speak, he 
would induce the Padshah to pardon him. 

On Ahmad’s arrival in Kabul, he is said to have learned that 
Babur’s real object was his death. His companions wanted to 
tie their turbans together and let him down over the wall of the 
fort, but he rejected their proposal as too dangerous for him and 
them, and resolved to await his fate. He told his companions 
however, except one of the musicians, to go into hiding in 
the town. 

_ Next morning there was a great assembly and Babur sat on 
_ the dais-throne. Ahmad made his reverence on entering but 
Babur’s only acknowledgment was to make bow and arrow 
ready to shoot him. When Ahmad saw that Babur's intention 
was to shoot him down without allowing him to speak, he 
unbuttoned his jerkin and stood still before the Padshah. 
Babur, astonished, relaxed the tension of his bow and asked 
Ahmad what he meant. Ahmad’s only reply was to tell the 
Padshah not to question him but to do what he intended. 
Babur again asked his meaning and again got the same reply. 

: Hai. Codex, Index szzz. 
* It is needless to say that a good deal in this story may be merely fear and 
supposition accepted as occurrence. 


Babur put the same question a third time, adding that he could — 
not dispose of the matter without knowing more. Then Ahmad 
opened the mouth of praise, expatiated on Babur’s excellencies 
and said that in this great assemblage many of his subjects ~ 
were looking on to see the shooting ; that his jerkin being very — 
thick, the arrow might not pierce it; the shot might fail and 
the spectators blame the Padshah for missing his mark; for — 
these reasons he had thought it best to bare his breast. Babur — 
was so pleased by this reply that he resolved to pardon Ahmad 

at once, and laid down his bow. ; 

Said he to Ahmad, “What sort of man is Buhlul Ladz?” 
“A giver of horses,” said Ahmad. 

“ And of what sort his son Sikandar?” “A giver of robes.” 

“And of what sort is Babur?” “He,” said Ahmad, “is © | 
a giver of heads.” | 

“Then,” rejoined Babur, “I give you yours.” 

The Padshah now became quite friendly with Ahmad, came 
down from his throne, took him by the hand and led him into 
another room where they drank together. Three times did — 
Babur have his cup filled, and after drinking a portion, give the — 
rest to Ahmad. At length the wine mounted to Babur’s head ; . | 
he grew merry and began to dance. Meantime Ahmad’s 
musician played and Ahmad who knew Persian well, poured 
out an eloquent harangue. When Babur had danced for some ~ f 
time, he held out his hands to Ahmad for a reward (6akhshish), 
saying, “I am your performer.” Three times did he open his 
hands, and thrice did Ahmad, with a profound reverence, drop 
a gold coin into them. Babur took the coins, each time placing 
his hand on his head. He then took off his robe and gave it to 
Ahmad; Ahmad took off his own coat, gave it to Adu the 
musician, and put on what the Padshah had given. 

Ahmad returned safe to his tribe. He declined a second 
invitation to Kabul, and sent in his stead his brother Shah 
Mansir. Mansi received speedy dismissal as Babur was dis-_ 
pleased at Ahmad’s not coming. On his return to his tribe 
Mansir advised them to retire to the mountains and make 
a strong sangur. This they did; as foretold, Babur came into 
their country with a large army. He devastated their lands 


but could make no impression on their fort. In order the 
better to judge of its character, he, as was his wont, disguised 
himself as a Qalandar, and went with friends one dark night to 
the Mahira hill where the stronghold was, a or journey 
from the Padshah’s camp at Diarin. 

It was the ‘Id-i-qurban and there was a great assembly and 
feasting at Shah Mansir’s house, at the back of the Mahira- 
mountain, still known as Shah Mansir’s throne. Babur went 
in his disguise to the back of the house and stood among the 
crowd in the courtyard. He asked servants as they went to 
and fro about Shah Mansir’s family and whether he had 
a daughter. They gave him straightforward answers. 

At the time Musammat Bibi Mubaraka, Shah Mansur’s 
daughter was sitting with other women ina tent. Her eye fell 
on the qalandars and she sent a servant to Babur with some 
cooked meat folded between two loaves. Babur asked who had 
sent it; the servant said it was Shah Mansir’s daughter Bibi 
Mubaraka. “Where is she?” “That is she, sitting in front 
of you in the tent.” Babur Padshah became entranced with 
her beauty and asked the woman-servant, what was her dis- 
position and her age and whether she was betrothed. The 
servant replied by extolling her mistress, saying that her virtue 
equalled her beauty, that she was pious and brimful of rectitude 
and placidity ; also that she was not betrothed. Babur then 
left with his friends, and behind the house hid between two 
stones the food that had been sent to him. 

He returned to camp in perplexity as to what to do; he saw 
he could not take the fort ; he was ashamed to return to Kabul 
with nothing effected ; moreover he was in the fetters of love. 
He therefore wrote in friendly fashion to Malik Ahmad and 
asked for the daughter of Shah Mansir, son of Shah Sulaiman. 
Great objection was made and earlier misfortunes accruing to 
Yisuf-zai chiefs who had given daughters to Atligh Beg and 
Sl. Wais (Khan Mirza?) were quoted. They even said they 
had no daughter to give. Babur replied with a “ beautiful” 
royal letter, told of his visit disguised to Shah Mansir’s house, 
of his seeing Bibi Mubaraka and as token of the truth of his 
story, asked them to search for the food he had hidden. They 


searched and found. Ahmad and Mansir were still averse, but — 
the tribesmen urged that as before they had always made 
sacrifice for the tribe so should they do now, for by giving the 
daughter in marriage, they would save the tribe from Babur’s 
anger. The Maliks then said that it should be done “for the 
good of the tribe”. 
When their consent was made known to Babur, the drums off 4 
joy were beaten and preparations were made for the marriage; 
presents were sent to the bride, a sword of his also, and the two — 
Maliks started out to escort her. They are said to have come — 
from Thana by M‘amira (?), crossed the river at Chakdara, 
taken a narrow road between two hills and past Talash-village 
to the back of Tiri(?) where the Padshah’s escort met them. ~ 
The Maliks returned, spent one night at Chakdara and next — 
morning reached their homes at the Mahira sangur. ; 
Meanwhile Runa the nurse who had control of Malik Mansir’s ~ 
household, with two other nurses and many male and female 
servants, went on with Bibi Mubaraka to the royal camp. The 
bride was set down with all honour at a large tent in the middle — 
of the camp. 
That night and on the following day the wives of the officers - 
came to visit her but she paid them no attention. So, they 
said to one another as they were returning to their tents, “Her 
beauty is beyond question, but she has shewn us no kindness, | 
and has not spoken to us ; we do not know what mystery there 
is about her.” 4 
Now Bibi Mubaraka had charged her servants to let her know 
when the Padshah was approaching in order that she might _ | 
receive him according to Malik Ahmad’s instructions. They 
said to her, “ That was the pomp just now of the Padshah’s going” 
to prayers at the general mosque.” That same day after the 
Mid-day Prayer, the Padshah went towards her tent. Her 
servants informed her, she immediately left her divan and ~ 
advancing, lighted up the carpet by her presence, and stood 
respectfully with folded hands. When the Padshah entered, she ~ 
bowed herself before him. But her face remained entirely 
covered. At length the Padshah seated himself on the divan | 
and said to her, “Come Afghaniya, be seated.” Again she © 


bowed before him, and stood as before. A second time he said, 
“Afghaniya, be seated.” Again she prostrated herself before 
him and came a little nearer, but still stood. Then the Padshah 
pulled the veil from her face and beheld incomparable beauty. 
He was entranced, he said again, “O, Afghaniya, sit down.” 
Then she bowed herself again, and said, “I have a petition to 
make. If an order be given, I will make it.” The Padshah 
said kindly, “Speak.” Whereupon she with both hands took 
up her dress and said, “ Think that the whole Yisuf-zai tribe is 
enfolded in my skirt, and pardon their offences for my sake.” 
Said the Padshah, “I forgive the Yusuf-zai all their offences in 
thy presence, and cast them all into thy skirt. Hereafter I shall 
have no ill-feeling to the Yisuf-zai.” Again she bowed before 
him ; the Padshah took her hand and led her to the divan. 
When the Afternoon Prayer time came and the Padshah rose 
from the divan to go to prayers, Bibi Mubaraka jumped up and 
fetched him his shoes.‘ He put them on and said very pleasantly, 
_ “Tam extremely pleased with you and your tribe and I have 
_ pardoned them all for your sake.” Then he said with a smile, 
| “We know it was Malik Ahmad taught you all these ways.” 
He then went to prayers and the Bibi remained to say hers in 
the tent. 
After some days the camp moved from Diariin and proceeded 
_ by Bajaur and Tanki to Kabul? .. . 
_ Bibi Mubaraka, the Blessed Lady, is often mentioned by 
_ Gul-badan ; she had no children; and lived an honoured life, 
as her chronicler says, until the beginning of Akbar’s reign, 
_ when she died. Her brother Mir Jamal rose to honour under 
_ Babur, Humayiin and Akbar. 


* Always left beyond the carpet on which a reception is held. 
2 This is not in agreement with Babur’s movements. 



THE passage quoted below about Mahim’s adoption of the 
unborn Hind-al we have found so far only in Kehr’s transcript 
of the Babur-nama (z.e. the St.Petersburg Foreign Office Codex). — 
Ilminsky reproduced it (Kasan imprint p. 281) and de Courteille 
translated it (ii, 45), both with endeavour at emendation. It is 
interpolated in Kehr’s MS. at the wrong place, thus indica 
that it was once marginal or apart from the text. ; 
I incline to suppose the whole a note made by Humayin, ~ 
although part of it might be an explanation made by Babur, at B | 
a later date, of an over-brief passage in his diary. Of such 
passages there are several instances. What is strongly against © 
its being Babur’s where otherwise it might be his, is that Mahim, ~ 
as he always calls her simply, is there written of as Hazrat 
Walida, Royal Mother and with the honorific plural. That 
plural Babur uses for his own mother (dead 14 years before 
925 AH.) and never for Mahim. The note is as follows :— | 
“The explanation is this :—As up to that time those of one ~ 
birth (¢%ggan, womb) with him (Humayin), that is to say a son 
Bar-bil, who was younger than he but older than the rest, and ~ 
three daughters, Mihr-jan and two others, died in childhood, he — 
had a great wish for one of the same birth with him.t I had 
said ‘What it would have been if there had been one of the | 
same birth with him!’ (Humayiin). Said the Royal Mother, 
‘If Dil-dar Aghacha bear a son, how is it if I take him and rear 
him?’ ‘It is very good’ said I.” 
So far doubtfully mzght be Babur’s but it may be Humayiin’s 
written as a note for Babur. What follows appears to be by 
some-one who knew the details of Mahim’s household talk and ~ 
was in Kabul when Dil-dar’s child was taken from her. 
“Seemingly women have the custom of taking omens in the 
following way :—When they have said, ‘Is it to be a boy? is it 
* z.e. Humiayiin wished for a full-brother or sister, another child in the house with : 

him. The above names of his brother and sister are given elsewhere only by Gul- 
badan (f. 64). . 


to be a girl ?’ they write ‘Ali or Hasan on one of two pieces of 
paper and Fatima on the other, put each paper into a ball of 
clay and throw both into a bowl of water. Whichever opens 
first is taken as an omen; if the man’s, they say a man-child 
will be born ; if the woman’s, a girl will be born. They took 
the omen ; it came out a man.” 

“On this glad tidings we at once sent letters off.' A few 
days later God’s mercy bestowed a son. Three days before the 
news? and three days after the birth, they 3 took the child from 
its mother, (she) willy-nilly, brought it to our house 4 and took 
it in their charge. When we sent the news of the birth, Bhira 
was being taken. They named him Hind-al for a good omen 
and benediction.” 5 

__. The whole may be Humayiin’s, and prompted by a wish to 
“remove an obscurity his father had left and by sentiment stirred 
through reminiscence of a cherished childhood. 

Whether Humayin wrote the whole or not, how is it that the 

_ passage appears only in the Russian group of Baburiana ? 

An apparent answer to this lies in the following little mosaic 
of circumstances :—The St. Petersburg group of Baburiana° is 
linked to Kamran’s own copy of the Babur-nama by having 
with it a letter of Babur to Kamran and also what may de a note 
indicating its passage into Humayiin’s hands (JRAS 1908 

_p.830). If it did so pass, a note by Humayiin may have become 
associated with it, in one of several obvious ways. This would 

_ be at a date earlier than that of the Elphinstone MS. and would 
explain why it is found in Russia and not in Indian MSS.” 

* The ‘‘ we” might be Mahim and Humayin, to Babur in camp. 

? Perhaps before announcing the birth anywhere. 

3 Presumably this plural is honorific for the Honoured Mother Mahim. 

4 Mahim’s and Humayin’s quarters. 

5 Gul-badan’s Humdayiin-nama, f. 8. 

® JRAS. A. S. Beveridge’s Notes on Babur-nama MSS. 1900, [1902,] 1905, 
1906, [1907,] 1908 (Kehr’s transcript, p. 76, and Latin translation with new letter 
of Babur p. $28). 

7 In all such matters of the Babur-nadma Codices, it has to be remembered that 
their number has been small. 


Sig ae 
a a 



“Tuat the term dahri gitds is interpreted by Meninski, Erskine, 
and de Courteille in senses so widely differing as eguus mart- 
Y timus, mountain-cow, and dwuf vert de mer is due, no doubt, to 
their writing when the g#dds, the yak, was less well known than 
Pi: now is. 

The word gitas represents both the yak itself and its neck- 
tassel and tail. Hence Meninski explains it by xodus fim- 

= ex cauda seu crinitbus equi maritimt. UHis “sea-horse” 

_ appears to render dakhri giitas, and is explicable by the circum- 
_ stance that the same purposes are served by horse-tails and by 
) _ yak-tails and tassels, namely, with both, standards are fashioned, 
_ horse-equipage is ornamented or perhaps furnished with fly- 
“flappers, and the ordinary hand-fly-flappers are made, z.e. the 
| chowries of ingle: India. 
° Erskine’s “mountain-cow” (Memozrs p.317) may well be due 
to his munshi’s giving the yak an alternative name, vzz. Kosh- 
gau (Vigne) or Khash-gau (Ney Elias), which appears to mean 
hg ‘mountain-cow (cattle, oxen).! 
re De Courteille’s Dictéonary p.422, explains giitds (gitas) as bauf 
_ marin (bahri gitas) and his Mémoires ii, 191, renders Babur’s 
_ bahri gitas by beuf vert de mer (f.276, p.490 and n.8). 
_ The term dahri giitas could be interpreted with more confidence 
‘if one knew where the seemingly Arabic-Turki compound 
originated.2, Babur uses it in Hindiistan where the neck-tassel 

* Vigne’s Travelsin Kashmir ii, 277-8; Tarikh-c-rashidi trs., p.302 and n. and 
p. 466 and note. 
? It is not likely to be one heard current in Hindistan, any more than is Babur’ s 
. 64-galamin as a name of a bird (Index s.7.) ; both seem to be ‘‘ book-words” 
and may be traced or known as he uses them in some ancient dictionary or book of 
travels originating outside Hindistan. 



and the tail of the domestic yak are articles of commerce, and — 
where, as also probably in Kabul, he will have known of the 
same class of yak as a saddle-animal and as a beast of burden into — 
Kashmir and other border-lands of sufficient altitude to allow — 
its survival. A part of its wide Central Asian habitat abutting 
on Kashmir is Little Tibet, through which flows the upper Indus | 
and in which tame yak are largely bred, Skardo being a place 
specially mentioned by travellers as having them plentifully. 
This suggests that the term Jdahvi giitas is due to the great 
river (Jahr) and that those of which Babur wrote in Hindistan ~ 
were from Little Tibet and its great river. But bahkri may 
apply to another region where also the domestic yak abounds, ~ 
that of the great lakes, inland seas such as Pangong, whence the 
yak comes and goes between e.g. Yarkand and the Hindistan ~ 
The second suggestion, vzz. that “ dakri gutas” refers to the © 
habitat of the domestic yak in lake and marsh lands of high | 
altitude (the wild yak also but, as Tibetan, it is less likely to be | 
concerned here) has support in Dozy’s account of the dahkrt — 
falcon, a bird mentioned also by Abi’l-fazl amongst sporting ~ 
birds (Ayin-i-akbari, Blochmann’s trs. p.295) :—“ Bahri, espece — 
de faucon le meilleur pour les otseaux de marats. Ce rensetgn- 
ment explique peut-ttre lorigine du mot. Marguerite en donne — 
la méme etymologie que Tashmend et le Pére Guagix. Selon lut 
ce faucon aurait été appelé ainst parce qu'il vient de l'autre coté 
de la mer, mats Sieh dériva-t-il de bahri dans le sens de 
marats, flaque, étang.” 3 
Dr. E. Denison Ross’ Polyglot List of Birds (Memoirs of the / 
Astatic Society of Bengal ii, 289) gives to the Qara Qirghawal 
(Black pheasant) the synonym “ Sea-pheasant”, this being the ~ 
literal translation of its Chinese name, and quotes from the — 
Manchii-Chinese “Mirror” the remark that this is a black ~ 
pheasant but called “sea-pheasant ” to distinguish it from other 
black ones. § 
It may be observed that Babur writes of the yak once only 
and then of the dahri giitds so that there is no warrant from him ~ 
for taking the term to apply to the wild yak. His cousin and | 


contemporary Haidar Mirza, however, mentions the wild yak 
twice and simply as the wild gas. 

The following are random gleanings about “ dahri” and 
the yak :— , 

(1) An instance of the use of the Persian equivalent dary@z 
of bahri, sea-borne or over-sea, is found in the Akdar-nama (Bib. 
Ind. ed. ii, 216) where the African elephant is described as /7/- 
2-darya z. 

(2) In Egypt the word dakri has acquired the sense of 
northern, presumably referring to what lies or is borne across its 
northern sea, the Mediterranean. 

3 (3) Vigne (Travels in Kashmir ii, 277-8) warns against 
confounding the géch-gar te. the gigantic mouffion, Pallas’ 
~~ Outs ammon, with the Kosh-gau, the cow of the Kaucasus, z.e. the 
_ yak. He says, “Kaucasus (odie Hindi-kush) was originally 
from Kosh, and Kosh is applied occasionally as a prefix, e.g. 
_ Kosh-gau, the yak or ox of the mountain or Kaucasus.” He 
| wrote from Skardo in Little Tibet and on the upper Indus. 
_ He gives the name of the female yak as yak-mo and of the 
_ half-breeds with common cows as dsch, which class he says is 
common and of “all colours ”. 
(4) Mr. Ney Elias’ notes (7arikh-i-rashidi trs. pp.302 and 
. 466) on the gizds are of great interest. He gives the following 
" synonymous names for the wild yak, Bos Potphagus, Khash-gau, 
4 the Tibetan yak or Dong. 
_ (5) Hume and Henderson (Lahor to VYarkand p.59) write of 
_ the numerous black yak-hair tents seen round the Pangong Lake, 
_ of fine saddle yaks, and of the tame ones as being some white or 
_ brown but mostly black. 
_ (6) Olufsen’s Through the Unknown Pamirs (p.118) speaks 
of the large numbers of Bos grunniens (yak) domesticated by 
the Kirghiz in the Pamirs. 
_ (7) Cf. Gazetteer of India s.x. yak. 

(8) Shaikh Zain applies the word dahrito the porpoise, when 

paraphrasing the Babur-nama f.2810. 

, oe 



IN attempting to identify some of the birds of Babur’s lists 
difficulty arises from the variety of names provided by the — 
different tongues of the region concerned, and also in some — 
cases by the application of one name to differing birds, The 
following random gleanings enlarge and, in part, revise some 
earlier notes and translations of Mr. Erskine’s and my own. — 
They are offered as material for the use of those better acquainted — 
with bird-lore and with Himalayan dialects. 

a. Concerning the likha, lija, licha, kija (£.135 and f.2780). 

The nearest word I have found to /#kha and its similars is’ 
likkh, a florican (Jerdon, ii, 615), but the florican has not the 
chameleon colours of the /#kha (var.). As Babur when writing 
in Hindistan, uses such “ book-words” as Ar. bahri (giitas) and 
Ar. b%-galamin (chameleon), it would not be strange if his name 
for the “/ikha” bird represented Ar. awyja, very beautiful, or 
connected with Ar. /o#, shining splendour. . 3 

The form Aaa is found in Ilminsky’s imprint p.361 (Zémozres | 
ii, 198, koudjeh). , 

What is confusing to translators is that (as it now seems te 
me) Babur appears to use the name adg-z-dari in both passages 
(f.135 and f.2780) to represent two birds ; (1) he compares the. 
likha as to size with the kabg-¢-dari of the Kabul region, and | 
(2) for size and colour with that of Hindistan. But the bird of 
the Western Himalayas known by the name adg-z-dari is the 
Himalayan snow-cock, Tetraogallus himalayensts, Turki, ailar— 
and in the Kabul region, chiiirtéka (f.249, Jerdon, ii, 549-50); 
while the Labg-c-dari (syn. chikor) of Hindiistan, whether of 
hill or plain, is one or more of much smaller birds. 7 

The snow-cock being 28 inches in length, the Zikha bird must 4 
be of this size. Such birds as to size and plumage of changing 
colour are the Lophophori and Trapagons, varieties of which are 
found in places suiting Babur’s account of the /zkha. 


It may be noted that the Himalayan snow-cock is still called 
kabg-t-dari in Afghanistan (Jerdon, ii, 550) and in Kashmir 
(Vigne’s Travels in Kashmir ii, 18). As its range is up to 
18,000 feet, its Persian name describes it correctly whether read 
as “of the mountains” (darz), or as “royal” (dari) through its 

I add here the following notes of Mr. Erskine’s, which I have 
not quoted already where they occur (cf. f.135 and f.2784) :— 
On f.135, “ lokheh” is said to mean hzd/-chtkor. 
On f.2780, to ““ijeh”, “ The Persian has Zikheh.” 
2 to “kepki durri”, “The kepki derz, or durri is 
much larger than the common eff of Persia 
x and is peculiar to Khorasan. It is said to be 
a beautiful bird. The common eps of Persia 
and Khorasan is the 4z//-chzkor of India.” 
% to “higher up”, “The /uwjeh may be the chzkor 
of the plains which Hunter calls bartavelle or 

Greek partridge.” 

The following corrections are needed about my own notes :— 

(1) on f.135 (p.213) n.7 is wrongly referred ; it belongs to the 

_ first word, viz. kabg-c-dari, of p.214; (2) on f.279 (p.496) n.2 
_ should refer to the second hkabg-c-dari. 

a Birds called minal (var. monal and moonaul). 

Yule writing in Hobson Jobson (p.580) of the “szoonaul” which 

he identifies as Lophophorus Impeyanus, queries whether, on 
grounds he gives, the word moonaul is connected etymologically 

with Sanscrit munt,an “eremite”. In continuation of his topic, 
I give here the names of other birds called mzna/, which I have 
noticed in various ornithological works while turning their pages 
for other information. 

Besides L. Jimpeyanus and Trapagon Certornis satyra which 
Yule mentions as called “smoonaul”, there are L. refulgens, 
munal and Ghir (mountain)-manal; Trapagon Ceriornts satyra, 
Called mzénal in Nipal; 7. C. melanocephalus, called sing 


(horned)-mznal in the N.W. Himalayas; 7. hizmalayensis, the — 
jer- or cher-miinal of the same region, known also as chikor; 
and Lerwa nevicola, the snow-partridge known in Garhwal as © 
Quotr- or Qir-miinal. Do all these birds behave in such a way 
as to suggest that mzna/ may imply the individual isolation — 
related by Jerdon of L. Jmpeyanus, “ In the autumnal and winter ~ 
months numbers are generally collected in the same quarter of — 
the forest, though often so widely scattered that each bird 
appears to be alone?” My own search amongst vocabularies of | 
hill-dialects for the meaning of the word has been unsuccessful, — 
spite of the long range ména/s in the Himalayas. ; 

c. Concerning the word chiurtika, chourtka. 

Jerdon’s entry (ii, 549, 554) of the name chourtka as a 
synonym of Tetraogallus himalayensis enables me to fill a gap 
I have left on f.249 (p.491 and n.6),* with the name Himalayan © 
snow-cock, and to allow Babur’s statement to be that he, in 
January 1520 AD. when coming down from the 4ad-z-pich pass, 
saw many snow-cocks. The MMWemozrs (p.282) has “ chikors “ 
which in India is a synonym for kabg-c-dari; the Mémoires 
(ii, 122) has sauterelles, but this meaning of chiartika does not 
suit wintry January. That month would suit for the descent ~ 
from higher altitudes of snow-cocks. Griffith, a botanist who | 
travelled in Afghanistan cr, 1838AD., saw myriads of cecad@ 
between Qilat-i-ghilzai and Ghazni, but the month was July. 

d. On the gitan (£.142, p.224; Memotrs, p.153 ; Mémoires ii, 31 3). 

Mr. Erskine for gatan enters khawasil [gold-finch] which he 
will have seen interlined in the Elphinstone Codex (f.109) in 
explanation of gitan. - 4 
Shaikh Effendi (Kunos’ ed., p.139) explains gi#/an to be the | 
gold-finch, Szezglitz. = 
Ilminsky’s gitan (p.175) is translated by M. de Courteille as 
pélicane and certainly some copies of the 2nd Persian translation ~ 
[Muh. Shivazz’s p.90] have hazwésil, pelican. | 
The pelican would class better than the small finch with th : 

* My ‘note 6 on p. 421 shows my earlier difficulties, due to not knowing (when ~ 
writing it) that 4abg-i-dari represents the snow-cock in the Western Himalayas. 


herons and egrets of Babur’s trio; it also would appear a more 
likely bird to be caught “with the cord”. 

That Babur’s gaan (hawasz/) migrated in great numbers is 
however against supposing it to be Pelzcanus onocrotatus which 
is seen in India during the winter, because it appears there in 
moderate numbers only, and Blanford with other ornithologists 
states that no western pelican migrates largely into India. 

Perhaps the g#tan was Linnzeus’ Pelzcanus carbo of which 
one synonym is Carbo comoranus, the cormorant, a bird seen in 
India in large numbers of both the large and small varieties. 
As cormorants are not known to breed in that country, they 
will have migrated in the masses Babur mentions. 

A translation matter falls to mention here :—After saying 
that the agar (grey heron), gargara (egret), and gitan 
(cormorant) are taken with the cord, Babur says that this 

method of bird-catching is unique (6% nih gish titmag ghair 

mugarrar dir) and describes it. The Persian text omits to 
" translate the ¢#tmagq (by P. giriftan); hence Erskine (ems. 
_ p.153) writes, “The last mentioned fowl” (ze. the gi#tan) “is 

rare,’ notwithstanding Babur’s statement that all three of the 
' birds he names are caught in masses. De Courteille (p.313) 
_ writes, as though only of the gitan, “ ces derniers toutefois ne se 
_ prennent qu'accidentelment,” perhaps led to do so by knowledge 
ie of the circumstance that Pe/écanus onocrotatus is rare in India. 


THE following notes, which may be accepted as made by 
_Humayin and in the margin of the archetype of the Elphinstone 
Codex, are composed in Turki which differs in diction from his 
father’s but is far closer to that classic model than is that of the 
producer [Jahangir?] of the “Fragments” (Index s.z.). Various 
circumstances make the notes difficult to decipher verbatim and, 
unfortunately, when writing in Jan. 1917, I am unable to collate 


with its original in the Advocates Library, the copy I made of q 
them in IQIO. 

a. On the kadhil, jack-frutt, Artocarpus tntegrifolia (£.2830, p. 500; 
Elphinstone MS. f.2354).% 4 

The contents of the note are that the strange-looking suum pide | 
(gar, which is also Ibn Batuta’s word for the fruit), yields 
excellent white juice, that the best fruit grows from the roots of — 
the tree,? that many such grow in Bengal, and that in Bengal { 
and Dihli there grows a kadhil-tree covered with hairs (Arto-_ 
carpus hirsuta ?). 4 

b. On the amrit-phal, mandarin-orange, Citrus aurantium (f. 287, 
p- 512; Elphinstone Codex, f.2380, 1.12), 

The interest of this note lies in its reference to Babur. 

A Persian version of it is entered, without indication of what — 
it is or of who was its translator, in one of the volumes of © 
Mr. Erskine’s manuscript remains, now in the British Museum 
(Add. 26,605, p.88). Presumably it was made by his Turkish q 
munshe for his note in the Memoirs (p. 329). y 

Various difficulties oppose the translation of the Turki note ; 
it is written into the text of the Elphinstone Codex in two 
instalments, neither of them in place, the first being interpolated © 
in the account of the asmz/-did fruit, the second in that of the © 
jasin flower ; and there are verbal difficulties also. The Persian ~ 
translation is not literal and in some particulars Mr. Erskine's” 
rendering of this differs from what the Turki appears to state. — 

The note is, tentatively, as follows: 3—“ His honoured Majesty | 
Firdaus-makan4—may God make his proof clear !—did not 

* By over-sight mention ofthis note was omitted from my article on the Hips 
Codex (JRAS. 1907, p. 131). aa 

* Speede’s /ndian Hand-book (i,212) published in 1841 AD. thus writes, “‘It is 
a curious circumstance that the finest and most esteemed fruit are produced from the 
roots below the surface of the ground, and are betrayed by the cracking of the earth 
above them, and the effluvia issuing from the fissure ; a high price is given by rich” 
natives for fruit so produced.” 

3 In the margin of the Elphinstone Codex opposite the beginning of the note a 
the words, ‘‘ This is a marginal note of Humayitin Padshah’s.’ ) 

4 Every Emperor of Hindistan has an epithet given him after his death to 
distinguish him, and prevent the necessity of repeating his name too familiarly. 
Thus /irdaus-makan (dweller-in-paradise) is Babur’s ; Humayin’s is Jannat-ashi- | 
yani, he whose nest is in Heaven ; Muhammad Shah’s /’rdaus-dramgah, he whose 
place of rest is Paradise ; e7c. (Erskine). 


favour the amrit-phal;* as he considered it insipid,? he likened 
it to the mild-flavoured 3 orange and did not make choice of it. 
So much was the mild-flavoured orange despised that if any 
person had disgusted (him) by insipid flattery (?) he used to 
say, ‘ He is like orange-juice.’” 4 3 

“The amrzt-phal is one of the very good fruits. Though its 
juice is not relishing (?chzchiiq), it is extremely pleasant-drinking. 
Later on, in my own time, its real merit became known. Its 
tartness may be that of the orange (wa@ranj) and demu.” 5 

The above passage is followed, in the text of the Elphinstone 
Codex, by Babur’s account of the ja@siz flower, and into this 
a further instalment of Humayin’s notes is interpolated, having 
opposite its first line the marginal remark, “This extra note, 
seemingly made by Humayiin Padshah, the scribe has mistakenly 
written into the text.” Whether its first sentence refer to the 
amrit-phal or to the amzl-bid must be left for decision to those 
well acquainted with the orange-tribe. It is obscure in my copy 
and abbreviated in its Persian translation ; summarized it may 
state that when the fruit is unripe, its acidity is harmful to the 
digestion, but that it is very good when ripe——The note then 
continues as below :— 

c. The kimila, H. kaunla, the orange.® 

_ “There are in Bengal two other fruits of the acid kind. 
_ Though the amrit-phal be not agreeable, they have resemblance 
to it (?).” 

* Here Mr. Erskine notes, ‘‘ Literally, zectar-fruzt, probably the mandarin orange, 
by the natives called mdrimgi. The name amrat, or pear, in India is applied to the 
guava or Pstdium pyriferum—(Spondias mangifera, Hort. Ben.—D. Wallich).” .. . 
Mr. E. notes also that the note on the amrit-phal ‘‘is not found in either of the 
Persian translations”. 
zi: 2 chichiiman, Pers. trs. shirind bi maza, perhaps flat, sweet without relish. Babur 

does not use the word, nor have I traced it in a dictionary. 

3 chiichiik, savoury, nice-tasting, not acid (Shaw). 

4 chachuk naranj andag (?) matin aidi kim har kim-ni shirin-karlighi bi maza 
gilkind:, naranj-si’i dik tur dirlar aidi. 

5 The demu may be Citrus limona, which has abundant juice of a mild acid flavour. 
_ © The £amila and samfara are the real oranges (aula and sangtara), which are 
now (czy. 1816AD.) commonall over India. Dr. Hunter conjectures that the saxgtara 
may take its name from Cintra, in Portugal. This early mention of it by Babur and 
Humayin may be considered as subversive of that supposition. (This description of 
the samfara, vague as it is, applies closer to the Cztrus decumana or pampelmus, than 
to any other.—D. Wallich. )—Erskine. 


“One is the amzla which may be as large as an orange — 
(naranj); some took it to be a large narangz (orange) but it is — 
much pleasanter eating than the zarangi and is ; understogs not 
to have the skin of that (fruit).” 4 

a. The samtara.* \ 

The other is the samfara which is larger than the orange — 
(naranj ) but is not tart ; unlike the amrit-phal it is not of poor 
flavour (kam maza) or little relish (chiichik). In short a better 
fruit is not seen. It is good to see, good to eat, good to digest. — 
One does not forget it. If it be there, no other fruit is chosen. — 
Its peel may be taken off by the hand. However much of the — 
fruit be eaten, the heart craves for it again. Its juice does not — 
soil the hand at all. Its skin separates easily from its flesh, — 
It may be taken during and after food. In Bengal the samtara 
is rare (gharib) (or excellent, ‘aziz). It is understood to grow ~ 
in one village Sanargam (Sonargaon) and even there in a special 
quarter. There seems to be no fruit so entirely good as the - 
samtara amongst fruits of its class or, rather, amongst fruits on | 
all kinds.” { 

Corrigendum :—In my note on the ¢urunj bajduri (p.511, n.3) 
for bijaura read bijaura ; and on p.510, 1.2, for palm read fingers. 

Addendum :—p.510, 1.5. After yisiinlik add:—‘“ The natives | 
of Hindiistan when not wearing their ear-rings, put into the | 
large ear-ring holes, slips of the palm-leaf bought in the bazars, 
ready for the purpose. The trunk of this tree is handsomer and 
more stately than that of the date.” . a 

LIST (fol. 292). 

a. Concerning the date of the List. y 
The Revenue List is the last item of Babur’s account of Hinda- 
stan and, with that account, is found s.a. 932 AH., manifestly 

« Humayiin writes of this fruit as though it were not the sag-tara described by his 
father on f. 287 (p. 511 and note). 

a 3 os die ‘ Ma oe 
— Se Ai eee ce be 


too early, (1) because it includes districts and their revenues 
which did not come under Babur’s authority until subdued in 
his Eastern campaigns of 934 and 935AH., (2) because Babur’s 
statement is that the “countries” of the List “are zow in my 
possession ” (2 loco p.520). | 

The List appears to be one of revenues realized in 936 or 
937 AH. and not one of assessment or estimated revenue, 
(1) because Babur’s wording states as a fact that the revenue 
was 52rirs ; (2) because the Persian heading of the (Persian) 
List is translatable as “ Revenue (jama‘)* of Hindistan from 
what has so far come under the victorious standards ”. 

b. The entry of the List into European Literature. 

Readers of the L. and E. Memoirs of Babur are aware that 
it does not contain the Revenue List (p.334). The omission is 
due to the absence of the List from the Elphinstone Codex and 
from the ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian translation. Since the J/emozrs 
of Babur was published in 1826AD., the List has come from the 
Labur-nama into European literature by three channels. 

Of the three the one used earliest is Shaikh Zain’s 7abagat-z- 
baburi which is a Persian paraphrase of part of Babur’s Hindistan 
section. This work provided Mr. Erskine with what he placed 
in his History of India (London 1854, i, 540, Appendix D), but 
his manuscript, now B.M. Add. 26,202, is not the best copy 

_ of Shaikh Zain’s book, being of far less importance than B.M. 
Or. 1999, [as to which more will be said. ] ? 

The second channel is Dr. Ilminsky’s imprint of the Turki 
text (Kasdan 1857, p.379), which is translated by the J/émozres 
de Baber (Paris 1871, ii, 230). 

The third channel is the pieaciuad Codex, in the English 
translation of which [zz /oco| the List is on p.521. 

Shaikh Zain may have used Babur’s autograph manuscript 
for his paraphrase and with it the Revenue List. His own 
autograph manuscript was copied in 998 AH. (1589-90AD.) by 

* M. de Courteille translated jama‘ in a general sense by /ofali¢é instead of in its 
Indian technical one of revenue (as here) or of assessment. Hence Professor Dowson’s 
“totality ” (iv, 262 n.). 

2 The B.M. has a third copy, Or. 5879, which my husband estimates as of little 

ivi : APPENDICES. a. 

Khwand-amir’s grandson ‘Abdu’l-lah who may be the scribe 
“ Mir ‘Abdu’l-lah ” of the Ayin-¢-akbari (Blochmann’s trs. p. 109). 
‘Abdu’l-lah’s transcript (from which a portion is now absent,) 
after having been in Sir Henry Elliot’s possession, has become 
B.M. Or. 1999. It is noticed briefly by Professor Dowson (Le — 
iv, 288), but he cannot have observed that the “ old, worm-eaten” 
little volume contains Babur’s Revenue List, since he does not — 
refer to it. . 

c. Agreement and variation in coptes of the List. 

The figures in the two copies (Or. 1999 and Add. 26,202) of — 
the Tabagat-i-baburi are in close agreement. They differ, how- 
ever, from those in the Haidarabad Codex, not only in a negli- — 
gible unit and a ten of ¢anxkas but in having 20,000 more ¢ankas — 
from Oudhand Baraich and 30 Zaks of tankas more from Trans- — 
sutlej. 4) 
The figures in the two copies of the Babur-nama, viz. the — 
Haidarabad Codex and the Kehr-Ilminsky imprint are not in — 
agreement throughout, but are identical in opposition to the — 
variants (20,000 ¢. and 30 7.) mentioned above. As the two are 
independent, being collateral descendants of Babur’s original — 
papers, the authority of the Haidarabad Codex in the matter 
of the List is still further enhanced. 

ad. Varia. 

(1) The place-names of the List are all traceable, whatever _ 
their varied forms. About the entry L:kni [or L:knir] and B:ks:r — 
[or M:ks:r] a difficulty has been created by its variation in © 
manuscripts, not only in the List but where the first name occurs © 
s.a. 934 and 935AH. In the Haidarabad List and in that of 5 
Or. 1999 L:kniir is clearly written and may represent (approxi- 
mately) modern Shahabad in Rampir. Erskine and de 
Courteille, however, have taken it to be Lakhnau in Oudh, 
[The distinction of Lakhnaur from Lakhnau in the historical -_ 
narrative is discussed in Appendix T.] ; 

(2) It may be noted, as of interest, that the name Sarwar is 
an abbreviation of Sarjiipar which means “other side of Sarji” 
(Sart, Goghra ; E. and D.’s H. of I. i, 56, n.4). 


(3) Rip-narain (Deo or Dev) is mentioned in Ajodhya 
Prasad’s short history of Tirhut and Darbhanga, the Gu/zdr- 

‘2-Bihar (Calcutta 1869, Cap. v, 88) as the 9th of the Brahman 

rulers of Tirhut and as having reigned for 25 years, from 917 to 
942 Fasii(?). If the years were Hijri, 917-42AH. would be 

(4) Concerning the taka the following modern description 
is quoted from Mr. R. Shaws High Tartary (London 1871, 
p.464) “The tanga” (or tanka) “is a nominal coin, being 
composed of 25 little copper cash, with holes pierced in them 
and called dahcheen. ‘These are strung together and the quantity 
of them required to make up the value of one of these silver 
ingots” (“ooroos or yamboo, value nearly 417”) “weighs 

~aconsiderable amount. I once sent to get change for a ooroos, 

and my servants were obliged to charter a donkey to bring it 

(5) The following interesting feature of Shaikh Zain’s 
Tabagat-t-baburi has been mentioned to me by my husband :— 
Its author occasionally reproduces Babur’s Turki words instead of 
paraphrasing them in Persian, and does this for the noticeable 

_ passage in which Babur records his dissatisfied view of Hindiistan 

(f.2904, zz loco p.518), prefacing his quotation with the remark 

_ that it is best and will be nearest to accuracy not to attempt 

translation but to reproduce the Padshah’s own words. The 

_ maininterest of the matter lies in the motive for reproducing the 

ipsissima verba. Was that motive deferential? Did the revelation 
of feeling and opinion made in the quoted passage clothe it with 

f privacy so that Shaikh Zain reserved its perusal from the larger 

public of Hindiistan who might read Persian but not Turki? 
Some such motive would explain the insertion untranslated of 
Babur’s letters to Humayiin and to Khwaja Kalan which are left 

in Turki by ‘Abdu’r-rahim Mirza? 

* Sir G. A. Grierson, writing in the /zdian Antiguary (July 1885, p. 187), makes 
certain changes in Ajodhya Prasad’s list of the Brahman rulers of Tirhut, on grounds 
he states. 

2 Index s.z. Babur’sletters. The passage Shaikh Zain quotes is found in Or. 1999, 
f,654, Add. 26,202, f. 664, Or. 5879, f. 790. 



PENDING the wide research work necessary to interpret Babur’s 
Hindistan poems which the Rampir manuscript preserves, the 
following comments, some tentative and open to correction, 
may carry further in making the poems publicly known, what 
Dr. E. Denison Ross has effected by publishing his Facsimile 
of the manuscript. It is legitimate to associate comment on 
the poems with the Babur-nama because many of them are i te 
it with their context of narrative ; most, if not all, connect witht ‘ 
it; some without it, would be dull and vapid. 
a. An authorized English title. q 

The contents of the Rampir MS. are precisely what Babufl 
describes sending to four persons some three weeks after the date 
attached to the manuscript,? vzz. “the Translation and what- 
not of poems made on coming to Hindistan” ;3 and a similar 
description may be meant in the curiously phrased first clause 
of the colophon, but without mention of the Translation (of the 
Walidiyyah-risala).4 Hence, if the poems, including the Trans- 
lation, became known as the Windiistan Poems or Poems made in 
Hindistan, such title would be justified by their author’s words. — 
Babur does not call the Hindiistan poems a diwan even when, 
as in the above quotation, he speaks of them apart from his 
versified translation of the Tract. In what has come down to 
us of his autobiography, he applies the name Diwan to poems of 
his own once only, this in 925 AH. (f. 2374) when he records 
sending “my diwan” to Pilad Sl. Aazbeg. 

* Cf. Index 2 loco for references to Babur’s metrical work, and for the Facsimile 
JASB. 1910, Extra Number. . 
? Monday, Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 AH.—Dec. 27th 1528Ap. At this date Babur h d 4 
just iagy from Dhilpir to Agra (f. 354, p. 635, where in note! for Thursday read 
3 Owing to a scribe’s ‘‘ skip” from one yibdrildi (was sent) to another at the end 
of the next sentence, the passage is not inthe Hai. MS. It is not well given in my 
translation (f. 3574, p. 642) ; what stands above is a closer rendering of the full Bir 
Humiyingha tarjuma(u?) ni-kim Hindistangha kilkani aitgan ash’ arni yibarild 
(Ilminsky p. 462, 1. 4 fr. ft., where however there appears a slight clerical error). _ 
4 Hesitation about accepting the colophon as unquestionably applying to the whole 
contents of the manuscript is due to its position of close association with one section 
only of the three in the manuscript (cf. Jost p. Ix). 

2, 46 

Sept at 


2 Dipti 



b. The contents of the Rampur MS. 

There are three separate items of composition in the manu- 
script, marked as distinct from one another by having each its 
ornamented frontispiece, each its scribe’s sign (mim) of Finis, 
each its division from its neighbour by a space without entry. 
The first and second sections bear also the official sign [saZ/] that 
the copy has been inspected and found correct. 

(1) The first section consists of Babur’s metrical translation 

of Khwaja ‘Ubaidu’l-lah Axrari’s Parental Tract (Wéalidiyyah- 
risala), his prologue in which are his reasons for versifying the 
Tract and his epilogue which gives thanks for accomplishing the 
task. It ends with the date 935 (Hai. MS. f.346). Below this 
are mim and sah, the latter twice ; they are in the scribe’s hand- 
writing, and thus make against supposing that Babur wrote down 
this copy of the Tract or its archetype from which the official 
sah will have been copied. Moreover, spite of bearing two 
vouchers of being a correct copy, the Translation is emended, in 
a larger script which may be that of the writer of the marginal 
quatrain on the last page of the [Rampir] MS. and there attested 
by Shah-i-jahan as Babur’s autograph entry. His also may have 
' been the now expunged writing on the half-page left empty of 
text at theend of the Tract. Expunged though it be, fragments 
_ of words are visible.? 
_ (2) The second section has in its frontispiece an inscription 
illegible (to me) in the Facsimile. It opens with a masnawi of 
_ 41 couplets which is followed by a ghazel and numerous poems 
7 in several measures, down to a triad of rhymed couplets (ma¢/a‘?), 
_ the whole answering to descriptions of a Diwan without formal 
arrangement. After the last couplet are mim and sah in the 
scribe’s hand-writing, and a blank quarter-page. Mistakes in 
this section have been left uncorrected, which supports the view 
that its sazk avouches the accuracy of its archetype and not 
its own.? 

* Plate XI, and p. 15 (mid-page) of the Facsimile booklet.—The Facsimile does 
not show the whole of the marginal quatrain, obviously because for the last page of 
the manuscript a larger photographic plate was needed than for the rest. With 
Dr. Ross’ concurrence a photograph in which the defect is made good, accompanies 
this Appendix. 

* The second section ends on Plate XVII, and p. 21 of the Facsimile booklet. 


(3) The third section shows no inscription on its frontispiece. — 

It opens with the masnawi of eight couplets, found also in the ~ 
Babur-nama (f.312), one of earlier date than many of the poems — 
in the second section. It is followed by three ruba% which 
complete the collection of poems made in Hindistan. A prose — 
passage comes next, describing the composition and trans-— 
position-in-metre of a couplet of 16 feet, with examples in three 
measures, the last of which ends in 1.4 of the photograph. _ 
While fixing the date of this metrical game, Babur incidentally ~ 
allows that of his Zveatise on Prosody to be inferred from the 
following allusive words:—“ When going to Sambhal (f. 330d) in 
the year (933AH.) after the conquest of Hindistan (932 AH.), two. 
years after writing the ‘Ariz, I composed a couplet of 16 feet.” — 
—From this the date of the Treatise is seen to be 931 AH., some 
two years later than that of the J7ubim. The above metrical 
exercise was done about the same time as another concerning | 
which a Treatise was written, vzz. that mentioned on f.3300, 
when a couplet was transposed into 504 measures (Section /, 
p. lxv).—The Facsimile, it will be noticed, shows something 
unusual in the last line of the prose passage on Plate XVIII B, 
where the scattering of the words suggests that the scribe was ~ 
trying to copy page per page. . 
The colophon (which begins on 1. 5 of the photograph) is 
curiously worded, as though the frequent fate of last pages had © 
befallen its archetype, that of being mutilated and difficult fo r 
a scribe to ‘make good; it suggests too that the archetype 
was verse.’ Its first clause, even if read as Hind-stan Janib z 
‘azimat gilghani (i.e. not gilghali, as it can be read), has an 
indirectness unlike Babur’s corresponding “after coming to 
Hindistan” (f. 3574), and is not definite ; (2) d% airdi (these 
were) is not the complement suiting a#/ dirir (those are) ; 
(3) Babur does not use the form di#rir in prose; (4) the undue ~ 
space after diriir suggests connection with verse ; (5) there is : 
. m4 

no final verb such as prose needs. The meaning, however, ~ 
may be as follows :—The poems made after resolving on (the) 

* Needless to say that whatever the history of the manuscript, its value as preservin, Q s } ; 
poems of which no other copy is known publicly, is untouched. This value would ~ 
be great without the marginal entries on the last page; it finds confirmation in the — 
identity of many of the shorter poems with counterparts in the Bdbur-nama. Pe 


Hindistan parts ( 7auzbz?) were these I have written down (¢ahrir 
gildim), and past events are those I have narrated (¢agvir) in the 
way that (z-chik kim) (has been) written in these folios (azraq) 
and recorded in those sections (ajz@’).—From this it would 
appear that sections of the Babur-nama (f. 3760, p.678) accom- 

panied the Hindustan poems to the recipient of the message 
conveyed by the colophon. 

Close under the colophon stands Harara-hu Babur and the date 
Monday, Rabi‘ II. 15th 935 (Monday, December 27th 1528 AD.), 
the whole presumably brought over from the archetype. To the 
question whether a signature in the above form would be copied 
by a scribe, the Elphinstone Codex gives an affirmative answer 

_by providing several examples of notes, made by Humayin in 
_ its archetype, so-signed and brought over either into its margin 
“or interpolated in its text. Some others of Humayiin’s notes 
are not so-signed, the scribe merely saying they are Humayiin 
_ Padshah’s.—It makes against taking the above entry of Babur’s 
_ name to be an autograph signature, (1) that it is enclosed in an 
ornamented border, as indeed is the case wherever it occurs 
throughout the manuscript; (2) that it is followed by the 
scribe’s mzm. [See end of following section. | 

¢. The marginal entries shown in the photograph. 

_ The marginal note written length-wise by the side of the text 
is signed by Shah-i-jahan and attests that the ruda‘t and the 
“Signature to which it makes reference are in Babur’s autograph 
_hand-writing. His note translates as follows :—This quatrain 
_and blessed name are in the actual hand-writing of that Majesty 
‘(an hazrat) Firdaus-makani Babur Padshah Ghazi—May God 
make his proof clear !—Signed (arara-hu), Shah-i-jahan son 
of Jahangir Padshah son of Akbar Padshah son of Humayiin 
 Padshah son of Babur Padshah.* 

* Another autograph of Shah-i-jahan’s is included in the translation volume (p. xiii) 
of Gul-badan Begam’s Humdayiin-nadma. It surprises one who works habitually on 
historical writings more nearly contemporary with Babur, in which he is spoken of 
as Firdaus-makani or as Giti-sitani Firdaus-makani and not by the name used during 
his life, to find Shah-i-jahan giving him the two styles (cf. Jahangir’s Memoirs trs. 
il, 5). Those familiar with the writings of Shah-i-jahin’s biographers will know 
whether this is usual at that date. There would seem no doubt as to the identity of 
an Hazrat.—The words az hazrat by which Shah-i-jahan refers to Babur are used 
also in the epitaph placed by Jahangir at Babur’s tomb (Trs. Note p. 710-711). 



The second marginal entry is the curiously placed ruba‘7, which - 
is now the only one on the page, and now has no signature 
attaching to it. It has the character of a personal message to 
the recipient of one of more books having identical contents. 
That these two entries are there while the text seems so clearly — 
to be written by a scribe, is open to the explanation that when | 
(as said about the colophon, p.1x) the rectangle of text was made 
good from a mutilated archetype, the original margin was placed 
round the rzfaczmento 2? This superposition would explain the 
entries and seal-like circles, discernible against a strong light, on © 
the reverse of the margin only, through the rzfacimento page. 
The upper edge of the rectangle shows sign that the margin has” 
been adjusted to it [so far as one can judge from a photograph]. ~ 
Nothing on the face of the margin hints that the text itself is” 
autograph ; the words of the colophon, ¢akrir gildim (z.e. I have 
written down) cannot hold good against the cumulative testimony 
that a scribe copied the whole manuscript.—The position of the _ 
last syllable [zz] of the ruda‘z shows that the signature below 
the colophon was on the margin before the diagonal couplet of 
the ruba‘t was written,—therefore when the margin was fitted, 
as it looks to have been fitted, to the z/acimento. If this be the 
order of the two entries [ze. the small-hand signature and the | 
diagonal couplet], Shah-i-jahan’s “blessed name” may repre- 
sent the small-hand signature which certainly shows minute — 
differences from the writing of the text of the MS. in the name 
Babur (9.v. passim in the Rampir MS.). | 

ad. The Baburi-khatt (Babir’s script). 

So early as 9IOAH. the year of his conquest of Kabul, Babur 
devised what was probably a variety of xakhsh, and called it the 
Baburi-khatt (f.1446), a name used later by Haidar Mirza. 
Nizamu’d-din Ahmad and ‘Abdu’l-qadir Badayini. He writes 
of it again (f. 179) s.a. 911 AH. when describing an interview had 
in 912 AH. with one of the Harat Qazis, at which the script wa: 
discussed, its specialities (1z«/radat) exhibited to, and read by the ‘ 
Qazi who there and then wrote in it In what remains to us 

e ae 
fdacaicazad Dibeiaatic i 

* The Qazi’s rapid acquirement of the mufradat of the script allows the inference 
that few letters only and those of a well-known script were varied.—J/ufradat w 
translated by Erskine, de Courteille and myself (f. 3574) as alphabet but reconsideration 


of the Babur-nama it is not mentioned again till 935 AH. (fol. 3574) 
but at some intermediate date Babur made in it a copy of the 
Ooran which he sent to Makka.t In 935 AH. (f. 3570) it is 
mentioned in significant association with the despatch to each 
of four persons of a copy of the Translation (of the Walidiyyah- 
risala) and the Hindustan poems, the significance of the associa- 
tion being that the simultaneous despatch with these copies 
of specimens of the Laburi-khatt points to its use in the manu- 
scripts, and at least in Hind-al’s case, to help given for reading 
novel forms in their text. The above are the only instances 

_ now found in the 4aur-nama of mention of the script. 

: The little we have met with—we have made no search—about 

i the character of the script comes from the Adishqd, s.n. sighnaq, 

_ in the following entry :— 

Ss ighnag ber ni‘ah khatt der Chaghataida khatt Baburi u ghatrt 

hibit ki Babur Mirza ash'arnda kilir bait 


Khiblar khatti nasib’ng bilmasa Babur ni tang ? 
’ Baburi khattt aimas dir khatt sighnagit mi dir ?? 

The old Osmanli-Turkish prose part of this appears to mean :— 

“Sighnaq is a sort of hand-writing, in Chaghatai the Baduri- 
K khatt and others resembling it, as appears in Babur Mirza’s 

- poems. Couplet” :— 
i Without knowing the context of the couplet I make no 


by the light of more recent information about the Baburi-khatt leads me to think-this 
‘is wrong because ‘‘alphabet” includes every letter.—On f. 3576 three items of the 
_ Béaburi-khatt are specified as despatched with the Hindistan poems, vzz. mufradat, 
_ gita‘lar and sar-i-khatt. Of these the first went to Hind-al, the third to Kamran, 
_ and no recipient is named for the second ; all translators have sent the gzta‘/ar to 
_ Hind-al but I now think this wrong and that a name has been omitted, probably 
_ Humiayin’s. 
* f, 144, p. 228, n.3. Another interesting matter missing from the Baur-nadma by 
_ the gap between 914 and 925 AH. is the despatch of an embassy to Czar Vassili III. in 
Moscow, mentioned in Schuyler’s 7urhistan ii, 394, Appendix IV, Grigorief’s Russzan 
Policy in Central Asia. The mission went after ‘‘ Sultan Babur” had established 
himself in Kabul; as Babur does not write of it before his narrative breaks off 
abruptly in 914 AH. it will have gone after that date. ; 

2 I quote from the Véliaminof-Zernov edition (p. 287) from which de Courteille’s 
plan of work involved extract only; he translates the couplet, giving to khatt the 
double-meanings of script and down of youth (Dictionnaire Turque s.n. sighnagi). 
The Sanglakh (p. 252) s.2. sighnag has the following as Babur’s :— 

Chit balai khatti nasil’ ng bilmasa Babur ni tang? 
Bare khatt almansiur khatt sighnagi mua dir ? 



sighnag \end themselves to the kind of pun (¢ham) “which — 
consists in the employment of a word or phrase having more — 
than one appropriate meaning, whereby the reader is often left : 
in doubt as to the real significance of the passage.” * The rest of - 
the ruba‘t may be given [together with the six other quotations - 
of Babur’s verse now known only through the Adashga], in carly 
Tazktratu ’sh-shu‘ara of date earlier than 967 AH. 

The root of the word szghnagq will be sig, pressed together ; 
crowded, included, e¢c. ; taking with this notion of compression, 
the explanations /ezve ‘Schrift of Shaikh Effendi (Kunos) and — 
Vambéry’s pétzte écriture, the Sighnaqi and Baburi Scripts are’ 
allowed to have been what that of the Rampir MS. is, a small, 
compact, elegant hand-writing—A town in the Caucasus 
named Sighnakh, “sztuce a peu pres a 800 métres @allitude, 
commenca par étre une forteresse et un lieu de refuge, car telle 
est la signification de son nom tartare.”® Sighnagt is given by 
de Courteille (Dict. p. 368) as meaning a place of refuge OFF 

The Baduri-khatt will be only one of the several hands Babar 
is reputed to have practised ; its description matches it with 
other niceties he took pleasure in, fine distinchions of eye and 
ear in measure and music. 

e. Is the Ramptir MS. an example of the Baburi-khatt ? 

Though only those well-acquainted with Oriental manuscript: Ss 
dating before 910 AH. (1504 AD.) can judge whether noveltie 
appear in the script of the Rampir MS. and this particulasil 
in its head-lines, there are certain grounds for thinking that 
though the manuscript be not Babur’s autograph, it may be in 
his script and the work of a specially trained scribe. F’ 

I set these grounds down because although the signs of a 
scribe’s work on the manuscript seem clear, it is “locally” held te 
be Babur’s autograph. Has a tradition of its being inthe Baburi- 
khatt glided into its being in the khatt-2-Babur? Several circum- a 
stances suggest that it may be written in the Baburi-khatt: ! 
(1) the script is specially associated with the four transcripts 

* Gibb’s History of Ottoman Poetry i, 113 and ii, 137. 
? Réclus’ Z ’ Aste Russe p. 238. 


of the Hindistan poems (f. 3570), for though many letters 

must have gone to his sons, some indeed are mentioned in the 
Babur-nama, it is only with the poems that specimens of it are 
recorded as sent ; (2) another matter shows his personal interest 
in the arrangement of manuscripts, namely, that as he himself 
about a month after the four books had gone off, made a new 
ruler, particularly on account of the head-lines of the Translation, 
it may be inferred that he had made or had adopted the one 
he superseded, and that his plan of arranging the poems was the 
model for copyists; the Rampir MS. bearing, in the Translation 
section, corrections which may be his own, bears also a date 
earlier than that at which the four gifts started ; it has its head- 
lines ill-arranged and has throughout 13 lines to the page ; his 
new ruler had 11; (3) perhaps the words ¢ahrir gildim used in 
the colophon of the Rampir MS. should be read with their full 
connotation of careful and elegant writing, or, put modestly, as 
saying, “ I wrote down in my best manner,” which for poems is 
likely to be in the Baburi-khatt.* 

Perhaps an example of Babur’s script exists in the colophon, 
if not in the whole of the J/udim manuscript once owned by 
Berézine, by him used for his Chréstomathie Turque, and described 
by him as “unique”. If this be the actual manuscript Babur 

- sent into Ma wara’u’n-nahr (presumably to Khwaja Ahrari’s 

Sey ar 

_ family), its colophon which is a personal message addressed to 
_ the recipients, is likely to be autograph. 

— f. Metrical amusements. 

(1) Of two instances of metrical amusements belonging to the 

end of 933 AH. and seeming to have been the distractions of 

illness, one is a simple transposition “in the fashion of the 
circles” (dawd’zr) into three measures (Rampir MS. Facsimile, 
Plate XVIII and p. 22) ; the other is difficult because of the high 
number of 504 into which Babur says (f. 3300) he cut up the 

- following couplet :— 

Giz u gash u soz u tilini mi di ? 
Qad u khadd u saj u bilint mi di ? 

* On this same /ahrir gildim may perhaps rest the opinion that the Rampiir MS. is 


All manuscripts agree in having 504, and Babur wrote a tract 
(risala) upon the transpositions.’ None of the modern treatises — 
on Oriental Prosody allow a number so high to be practicable, 
but Maulana Saifi of Bukhara, of Babur’s own time (f 1800) 
makes 504 seem even moderate, since after giving much detail — 
about vba‘ measures, he observes, “Some say there are 10,000” — 
(Ariz-t-Saifi, Ranking’s trs. p. 122). Presumably similar possi- | 
bilities were open for the couplet in question. It looks like one 
made for the game, asks two foolish questions and gives no — 
reply, lends itself to poetic license, and, if permutation of words ~ 
have part in such a game, allows much without change of sense. 
Was Babur’s cessation of effort at 504 capricious or enforced by 
the exhaustion of possible changes? Is the arithmetical state- 
ment 9X8 x 7=504 the formula of the practicable permu- 
tations ? y 
(2) To improvise verse having a given rhyme and topic must 
have demanded quick wits and much practice. Babur gives at 
least one example of it (f. 2524) but Jahangir gives a fuller and 
more interesting one, not only because a rz6a’i of Babur’s was the 
model but from the circumstances of the game:?—It was in 
1024 AH. (1615 AD.) that a letter reached him from Ma wara’u’n- 
nahr written by Khwaja Hashim WMagsh-bandi |who by the story 
is shown to have been of Ahrari’s line], and recounting the 
long devotion of his family to Jahangir’s ancestors. He sent 
gifts and enclosed in his letter a copy of one of Babur’s quatrains 
which he said Hazrat Firdaus-makani had written for Hazrat 
Khwajagi (Ahrari’s eldest son; f. 364, p.62 n.2). Jahangir 
quotes a final cate pate only, “Khwajagira mandaim, ae 
jagiva bandaim,” and thereafter made an impromptu verse upo a 
the one sent to him. ae 
A curious thing is that the line he quotes is not part of the 
quatrain he answered, but belongs to another not appropriate for [ 
a message between darwesh and padshah, though likely to have 
been sent by Babur to Khwajagi. I will quote both beca Sa 
* T have found no further mention of the tract ; it may be noted however that whe: ll ra 
Babur calls his 7veattse on Prosody (written in 931 AH.) the ‘47a#z, Abi’l-fazl writes 
ofa Mufassal, a suitable name for 504 details of transposition. 

2 Tuzik-t- -jahangir lith. ed. p. 149; and Memoirs of Jahangir trs. i, 304. [In bot th ae 
books the passage requires amending. ] 


the matter will come up again for who works on the Hindistan 
poems.* 3 
(1) The quatrain from the Hindustan Poems is -— 
Dar haw@i nafs gumrah ‘umr zat‘ kardaim |kanda im 7); 
Pesh ahl-t-allah az afal-t-khid sharmand@im, 
Vak nasr ba mukhlasan-t-khasta-dil farma ki ma 
Khwajagira mandaim u Khwajagiva banda im. 
(2) That from the Akdar-nama is :— 
Darweshanra agarcha nah az khweshanim, 
Lek az dil u jan mu‘tagid eshanim ; 
Dir ast magiht shahi az darweshi, 
Shahim wali banda-t-darweshanim. 
The greater suitability of the second is seen from Jahangir’s 
answering impromptu for which by sense and rhyme it sets the 
model ; the meaning, however, of the fourth line in each may be 
identical, namely, “I remain the ruler but am the servant of the 
_ darwesh.” Jahangir’s impromptu is as follows :-— 
Ai anki mara mthr-i-tu besh az besh ast, 
Az daulat yad-t-biidat ai darwesh ast; 
Chandanki’s mushdahat dilam shad shavad 
Shadim az anki latif az hadd besh ast. 

He then called on those who had a turn for verse to “speak 

one ” 7.e. to improvise on his own; it was done as follows :— 


Darim agarcha shaghal-t-shahi dar pesh, 

| Flar lahza kunim yad-t-darweshan besh ; 
x Gar shad shavad’z ma dil-t-yak darwesh, 
By Anra shumarim hasil-t-shahi khwesh. 


THE courtesy of the Government of India enables me to re- 
produce from the Archeological Survey Reports of 1871, Sir 
Alexander Cunningham’s plans of Chandiri and Gialiar, which 
illustrate Babur’s narrative on f.333, p.592, and f.340, p.607. 

_* Rampir MS. Facsimile Plate XIV and p. 16, verse 3; Akbar-ndma trs. i, 279, and 
lith. ed. p. 91. 

—_ —~— ss 
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C. Karan Mandar é 
D. Nikramaditya 4 Ps 
E. Man Mandar Y dam [---------- 4. Ganes Gate 
F. Gujan Mahal 

5. Lakshman Gate 
& Rock-cat Tempie 

--- 6, Hathiya Gate 
7. Hawa Gate 

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1d09 $00 ° 1000 2000 39000 4700 

4. Cunningham del. 


DATING OF 935 an. 

THE dating of the diary of 935 AH. (f.339 e¢ seg.) is several tim si 
in opposition to what may be distinguished as the “book-rule” 
that the 12 lunar months of the Hijra year alternate in length 4 
between 30 and 29 days (intercalary years excepted), and ie 
Muharram starts the alternation with 30 days. An early book - 
stating the rule is Gladwin’s Bengal Revenue Accounts; a recent 
one, Ranking’s ed. of Platts’ Perstan Grammar. 4 
As to what day of the week was the initial day of some of the 
months in 935AH. Babur’s days differ from Wistenfeld’s whe 
gives the full list of twelve, and from Cunningham’s single one of i 
Muharram Ist. 
It seems worth while to draw attention to the flexibility, 
within limits, of Babur’s dating, [not with the object of adversely 
criticizing a rigid and convenient rule for common use, but as” 
supplementary to that rule from a somewhat special source], 
because he was careful and observant, his dating was con- 
temporary, his record, as being de die in diem, provides a check 
of consecutive narrative on his dates, which, moreover, are all held ~ 
together by the external fixtures of Feasts and by the marked ~ 
recurrence of Fridays observed. Few such writings as the Babur-. = 
nama diaries appear to be available for showing variation within 
a year’s limit. = 
In 935AH. Babur enters few full dates, ze. days of the week 
and month. Often he gives only the day of the week, the safest ry 
however, in a diary. He is precise in saying at what time 0 f 
the night or the day an action was done; this is useful not onl 
as helping to get over difficulties caigee by minor losses ©: 
text, but in the more general matter of the transference of 
a Hijra night-and-day which begins after sunset, to its Julian 
equivalent, of a day-and-night which begins at I2a.m. This 
sometimes difficult transference affords a probable explanation 
of a good number of the discrepant dates found in Orienta - 
Occidental books. F 
Two matters of difference between the Babur-nama dating 
and that of some European calendars are as follows :— 


a. Discrepancy as to the day of the week on which Muh. 935 Au. 

This discrepancy is not a trivial matter when a year’s diary 
is concerned. The record of Muh. Ist and 2nd is missing from 
the Labur-nama ; Friday the 3rd day of Muharram is the first 
day specified ; the Ist was a Wednesday therefore. Erskine 
accepted this day ; Cunningham and Wiistenfeld give Tuesday. 
On three grounds Wednesday seems right—at any rate at that 
period and place :—(1) The second Friday in Muharram was 
‘Ashir, the roth (f.240); (2) Wednesday is in serial order if 
reckoning be made from the last surviving date of 934AH. with 
due allowance of an intercalary day to Zi’l-hijja (Gladwin), 
z.c. from Thursday Rajab 12th (April 2nd 1528 AD. f.339, p.602); 

(3) Wednesday is supported by the daily record of far into the 


b. Variation in the length of the months of 935 AH. 

There is singular variation between the Badur-nama and 
Wiistenfeld’s Zad/es, both as to the day of the week on which 
months began, and as to the length of some months. This 
variation is shown in the following table, where asterisks mark 
agreement as to the days of the week, and the capital letters, 
quoted from W.’s Zadles, denote A, Sunday; B, Tuesday, etc. 
(the bracketed names being of my entry). 

Babur-nama. Wriistenfeld. 
Days. Days. é 
Muharram . . 29 Wednesday 30 C (Tuesday). 
Sarr. 4 . . 30. Thursday * 29 E (Thursday).* 
Pere st). 30) Saturday.) - 30 ©F (Friday). 
Paerieg oo... 20 Monday 29 A (Sunday). 
JumadalI. . . 30 Tuesday 30 B (Monday). 
is Me.) ¢ 20 . Thursday 29 D (Wednesday). 
majaD. . . . 29 . Friday 30 E (Thursday). 
Sha‘ban. . . 30 Saturday * 29 G (Saturday).* 
Ramzan. . . 29 Monday 30 =A (Sunday). 
Shawwal. . . 30 Tuesday * 29 C (Tuesday).* 
Zi l-qa‘da . . 29 Thursday 30 D (Wednesday). 

Zi\-hijja . . 30 Friday * 29 T (Friday).* 


The table shows that notwithstanding the discrepancy dis- 
cussed in section a, of Babur’s making 935 AH. begin on a 
Wednesday, and Wiistenfeld on a Tuesday, the two sue 
agree as to the initial week-day of four months out of twelve 
vig. Safar, Sha‘ban, Shawwal and Zi’l-hijja. A 

Again :—In eight of the months the Babur-nama rever 3 
the “book-rule” of alternative Muharram 30 days, Safar 29 days 
et seg. by giving Muharram 29, Safar 30. (This is seen readily 
by following the initial days of the week.) Again :—these eigt it 
months are in pairs having respectively 29 and 30 days, and the % 
year’s total is 364.—Four months follow the fixed rule, ze. s 
though the year had begun Muh. 30 days, Safar 29 days 4 
namely, the two months of Rabi‘ and the two of Jumada.— 
Ramzan to which under “book-rule” 30 days are due, nal 
29 days, because, as Babur records, the Moon was seen on th 
29th.—In the other three instances of the reversed 30 and 29, 
one thing is common, vzz. Muharram, Rajab, Zi’l-qa‘da (as also 
Zii'l-hijja) are “ honoured” months.—It would be interesting ii & 
some expert in this Musalman matter would give the reasons” 
dictating the changes from rule noted above as occurring iq 

935 AH. 

c. Varia. 

(1) On f.367 Saturday is entered as the Ist day of Sha‘ban | 
and Wednesday as the 4th, but on f.3684 stands Wednesday 5th, 
as suits the serial dating. If the mistake be not a mere slip, it 
may be due to confusion of hours, the ceremony chronicle a 
being accomplished on the eve of the 5th, Anglicé, after sunset 
on the 4th. . 

(2) A fragment only survives of the record of Za. 
935AH. It contains a date, Thursday 7th, and mentions a Feast 
which will be that of the ‘/dw’l-kadir on the 10th (Sunday), 
Working on from this to the first-mentioned day of 936AH. v2 
Tuesday, Muharram 3rd, the month (which is the second ofa pz ig 
having 29 and 30 days) is seen to have 30 days and so to fit or t 
to936AH. The series is Sunday 10th, 17th, 24th (Sat. soni | 
Sunday Ist, Tuesday 3rd. 

= ~~ a ~~ » a 
whl Ss AIP SEN OPE BOS as pa alk te 


Two clerical errors of mine in dates connecting with this 
Appendix are corrected here:—(1) On p.614 n.5, for Oct. 2nd 
read Oct. 3rd; (2) on p. 619 penultimate line of the text, for 
Nov. 28th read Nov. 8th. 7 


- ONE or other of the above-mentioned names occurs eight times 
in the Babur-nadma (s.a. 932, 934, 935 AH.), some instances being 
_ shown by their context to represent Lakhnau in Oudh, others 
_ inferentially and by the verbal agreement of the Haidarabad 
_ Codex and Kehr’s Codex to stand for Lakhnir (now Shahabad 
in Rampir). It is necessary to reconsider the identification of 
_ those not decided by their context, both because there is so 
much variation in the copies of the ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian trans- 
_ lation that they give no verbal help, and because Mr. Erskine 
_ and M. de Courteille are in agreement about them and took the 
i whole eight to represent Lakhnau. This they did on different 
x grounds, but in each case their agreement has behind it a defective 
& textual basis—Mr. Erskine, as is well known, translated the 
_ ‘Abdu’r-rahim Persian text without access to the original Turki 
but, if he had had the Elphinstone. Codex when translating, 
_ it would have given him no help because all the eight instances 
_ occur on folios not preserved by that codex. His only sources 
were not-first-rate Persian MSS. in which he found casual 
Variation from terminal zz to nar, which latter form may have 
been read by him as ##i# (whence perhaps the old Anglo-Indian 
transliteration he uses, Luknow).'—M. de Courteille’s position 
is different ; his uniform Lakhnau obeyed the same uniformity 
in his source the Kasan Imprint, and would appear to him the 

1 Cf. Index s.z. Dalmau and Bangarmau for the termination in double #. 


more assured for the concurrence of the Jlemozrs. His te: 
basis, however, for these words is Dr. IIminsky’s and not Xel 
No doubt the uniform Lakhni of the Kasdan Imprint i 
result of Dr. Ilminsky’s uncertainty as to the accuracy of h 
single Turki archetype [Kehr’s MS. ], and also of his acceptance o 
Mr. Erskine’s uniform Luknow.t—Since the Haidarabad Codex 
became available and its collation with Kehr’s Codex has b een 
made, a better basis for distinguishing between the L:kni an 
L:knir of the Persian MSS. has been obtained.? The results 0 
the collation are entered in the following table, together will 
what is found in the Kasan Imprint and the JZemozrs. [N.B. The 
two sets of bracketed instances refer each to one place; the 
asterisks show where Ilminsky varies from Kehr.] 4 

fai. MS, Kehr's MS. Kasin Imprint. Memoirs, — 

1, ff.2785 . . L:knir . . Likna. . Likni, p. 361 . . Luknow. @ 
Bier, seo 5 é* ekne oe ee EM lie te oo URED Sele a ‘a 
Bel wet G2e eso -» | Lskntir l.\. ee ee >»  p- 379%. . notente ed. 
A340 0 >. Ldknite i252 ee ia »» p. 362%. . Luknow. ~ 
RB Ra Lika (2). oa ANTS Stata A ei 
CE 3a76 os LAR Sie Oise ee a Se ee ae Ks 
Pet, S760 4)... \.) Ldenar hea oy igkats io) OP Ace i 

De ST70 elo. etka Fae pa dan Me Sb ee ROO ake " 

The following notes give some grounds for accepting 
names as the two Turki codices agree in giving them :— ae 
The first and second instances of the above table, those 0 
the Hai. Codex f.2784 and f.338, are shown by their context t 
represent Lakhnau. a 4 

The third (f:2924) is an item of Babur’s Revenue List. The 
Turki codices are supported by B.M. Or. 1999, which is a direct 
copy of Shaikh Zain’s autograph Zabagat-c-baburi, all three 
having L:knir. Kehr’s MS. and Or. 1999 are descendants a 
the second degree from the original List ; that the Hai. Codex 
is a direct copy is suggested by its pseudo-tabular arrangement 

* Dr. Ilminsky says of the Leyden & Erskine A/emoirs of Babur that it } was 
a constant and indispensable help. yy 

2 My examination of Kehr’s Codex has been made practicable by the conten 
the Russian Foreign Office in lending it for my use, under the charge of the Libra n 
of the India Office, Dr. F. W. Thomas.—It should be observed that in this Code: 
the Hindistan Section contains the purely Turki text found in the Elaidarabad Codi 2x 
(cf. JRAS. 1908, p. 78). 


of the various items.—An important consideration supporting 
L-knir, is that the List is in Persian and may reasonably be 
accepted as the one furnished officially for the Padshah’s 
information when he was writing his account of Hindistan (cf. 
Appendix P, p. liv). This official character disassociates it from 
any such doubtful spelling by the foreign Padshah as cannot 
but suggest itself when the variants of eg. Dalmau and Ban- 
garmau are considered. L:knir is what three persons copying 
independently read in the official List, and so set down that 
careful scribes ze. Kehr and ‘Abdu’l-lah (App. P) again wrote 
L:knir.7~—Another circumstance favouring L:knir (Lakhnir) is 
that the place assigned to it in the List is its geographical one 
between Sambhal and Khairabad.—Something for [or perhaps 
against] accepting Lakhnir as the sarkar of the List may be 
known in local records or traditions. It had been an important 
place, and later on it paid a large revenue to Akbar [as part of 
Sambhal].—It appears to have been worth the attention of 
Biban /al/wani (f.329).—Another place is associated with L:knir 
in the Revenue List, the forms of which are open to a con- 
siderable number of interpretations besides that of Baksar shown 
in locoon p.521. Only those well acquainted with the United 
Provinces or their bye-gone history can offer useful suggestion 
about it. Maps show a “ Madkar” 6m. south of old Lakhnir; 
_ there are in the United Provinces two Baksars and as many 
_ other Lakhnirs (none however being so suitable as what is now 
Shahabad). Perhaps in the archives of some old families there 
_ may be help found to interpret the entry L-kuir u B:ks:r (var.), 
"a conjecture the less improbable that the Gazetteer of the 
Province of Oude (ii, 58) mentions a farman of Babur Padshah’s 
_ dated 1527 AD. and upholding a grant to Shaikh Qazi of Bilgram. 

The fourth instance (f.329) is fairly confirmed as Lakhnir 
by its context, vzz. an officer received the district of Badayitin 
from the Padshah and was sent against Biban who had laid 
siege to L:kniir on which Badayiin bordered.—At the time 
Lakhnau may have been held from Babur by Shaikh Bayazid 

ttt may indicate that the List was not copied by Babur but lay loose with his 
papers, that it is not with the Elphinstone Codex, and is not with the ‘Abdw’r-rahim 
Persian translation made from a manuscript of that same annotated line. 


Farmiilz in conjunction with Aid. Its estates are recorded as 
still in Farmili possession, that of the widow of “Kala Pahar” — 
Farmili—( See infra.) 

The fifth instance (f.334) connects with Aiid (Oudh) beraualal 
royal troops abandoning the place L:knii were those who had ~ 
been sent against Shaikh Bayazid in Aid. 4 

The remaining three instances (f.376, f.3760, £.3776) appear 7 
to concern one place, to which Biban and Bayazid were 
rumoured to intend going, which they captured and abandoned. 
As the table of variants shows, Kehr’s MS. reads Lakhnir in — 
all three places, the Hai. MS. once only, varying from itself as 
it does in Nos. I and 2,—A circumstance supporting Lakhnir — 
is that one of the messengers sent to Babur with details of the © 
capture was the son of Shah Muh. Diwana whose record associates _ 
him rather with Badakhshan, and with Humayiin and Sambhal ~ 
[perhaps with Lakhnir itself] than with Babur’s own army.— — 
Supplementing my notes on these three instances, much could — 
be said in favour of reading Lakhnir, about time and distance © 
done by the messengers and by ‘Abdu’l-lah &z¢abdar, on his way a 
to Sambhal and passing near Lakhniir; much too about the — 
various rumours and Babur’s immediate counter-action. But 
to go into it fully would need lengthy treatment which the | 
historical unimportance of the little problem appears not to ~ 3 
demand.—Against taking the place to be Lakhnau there arethe 
considerations (@) that Lakhnir was the safer harbourage for — § 
the Rains and less near the westward march of the royal troops” 
returning from the battle of the Goghra; (0). that the fort of — 
Lakhnau was the renowned old Machchi-bawan (cf. Gazetteer | 
of the Province of Oude, 3 vols., 1877, ii, 366).—So far as I haveg By 
been able to fit dates and transactions together, there seems no — | 
reason why the two Afghans should not have gone to Lakhnar, ba 
have crossed the Ganges near it, dropped down south [perhaps — | 
even intending to recross at Dalmau] with the intention of | 
getting back to the Farmiilis and Jalwanis perhaps in Sarwar, ~ 
perhaps elsewhere to Bayazid’s brother Ma‘rif. 



THANKS to the kind response made by the Deputy-Com- 
missioner of Fyzabad to my husband’s enquiry about two 
inscriptions mentioned by several Gazetteers as still existing 

on “ Babur’s Mosque” in Oudh, I am able to quote copies of 

_ @. The inscription inside the Mosque is as follows :— 

me, slg 
| DL Oe J; an Cols thre Sh ol o> yea «\ 
Dab we Ooo le SLi byt Glo Slo wy 
f = 

© Ghston iT Srtcle s Gob dlae Ghsoy + 

I, Ba farmida-t-Shah Babur ki ‘adilash 
Ban@ist ta kakh-t-gardiin mulaqi, 

2. Bana kard in muhbet-t-qudsiyan 
Amir-t-saadat-nishan Mir Bagi 

3. Bavad khair bagi! chit sal-t-ban@ish 
‘Tyan shud ki guftam,—Buvad khair bagi (935). 

_ The translation and explanation of the above, manifestly 
_ made by a Musalman and as such having special value, are as 
’ follows :—? 
_ 1. By the command of the Emperor Babur whose justice is 
_ an edifice reaching up to the very height of the heavens, 

_ 2. The good-hearted Mir Baqi built this alighting-place of 
- angels ;3 

3. Bavad khair bagi! (May this goodness last for ever!) 4 
* Cf. tx loco p. 656, n. 3. 
* A few slight changes in the turn of expressions have been made for clearness sake. 
3 Index s.2. Mir Baqi of Tashkint. Perhaps a better epithet for sa‘adat-nishan 
than “‘ good-hearted” would be one implying his good fortune in being designated 
to build a mosque on the site of the ancient Hindi temple. seas 

4 There is a play here on Baqi’s name ; perhaps a good wish is expressed for his 

prosperity together with one for the long permanence of the sacred building &hazr 



The year of building it was made clear likewise when I said, 
Buvad khair bagi (=935).* | 

The explanation of this is :— , 

Ist couplet :—The poet begins by praising the Emperor Babur > 
under whose orders the mosque was erected. As justice is the — 
(chief) virtue of kings, he naturally compares his (Babur’s) justice — 
to a palace reaching up to the very heavens, signifying thereby — 
that the fame of that justice had not only spread in the wide — 
world but had gone up to the heavens. ; 

2nd couplet :—In the second couplet, the poet tells who was” 
entrusted with the work of construction. Mir Baqi was evidently 
some nobleman of distinction at Babur’s Court——The noble 
height, the pure religious atmosphere, and the scrupulous clean- 
liness and neatness of the mosque are beautifully suggested bys 
saying that it was to be the abode of angels. | 

3rd couplet :—The third couplet begins and ends with the 
expression Buvad khair bagi. The letters forming it by their 

numerical values represent the number 935, thus :— 
B=a2, v= bere total 12 
Kh = 600, ai = 10,7 = 200 ,, 810 
B=2,4=1,¢9 =100,¢=10,, 113 

Total 935 . 

The poet indirectly refers to a religious commandment 
(dictum ?) of the Qoran that a man’s good deeds live after his — 
death, and signifies that this noble mosque is verily such a one, — 


6. The inscription outside the Mosque is as follows :— 

HEY [ode Ge Se STenmbb Glad 

Bue 2 hdl Se ake jd ile oy Y 
dy gh 09999 a2 § « prs yb Ole 52 sls oy 

t Presumably the order for building the mosque was given during Babur’s sia in. 
Aiid (Ajodhya) in 934AH. at which time he would be impressed by the dignity and 
sanctity of the ancient Hirdii shrine it (at least in part) displaced, and like the obedient 
follower of Muhammad he was in intolerance of another Faith, would regard the 
substitution of a temple by a mosque as dutiful and worthy.—The mosque was finishe@ 
in 935AH. but no mention of its completion is in the Babur-nama. The diary for 
935AH. has many minor /acune ; that of the year 934AH. has lost much matters) 
breaking off before where the account of Aiid might be looked for. ; 


1, Ba nam-t-anki dana hast akbar 
Ki khalig-t-jamla ‘Glam la-makani 
2. Duriid Mustafa ba‘d az sitayish 
Ki sarwar-t-ambiy@ dit jahani 
3. Fasana dar jahin Babur qgalandar 
Kt shud dar daur giti kamrani.* 

The explanation of the above is as follows :— 

In the first couplet the poet praises God, in the second 
Muhammad, in the third Babur.—There is a peculiar literary 
beauty in the use of the word /a-makdani in the Ist couplet. 
The author hints that the mosque is meant to be the abode of 
God, although He has no fixed abiding-place.—In the first 
hemistich of the 3rd couplet the poet gives Babur the appellation 
of galandar, which means a perfect devotee, indifferent to all 
worldly pleasures. Inthe second hemistich he gives as the reason 
for his being so, that Babur became and was known all the world 
over as a galandar, because having become Emperor of India 
and having thus reached the summit of worldly success, he had 
nothing to wish for on this earth.? 

The inscription is incomplete and the above is the plain 
interpretation which can be given to the couplets that are to 
hand. Attempts may be made to read further meaning into 
them but the language would not warrant it. 


THE following particulars about gardens made by Babur in or 
near Kabul, are given in Muhammad Amir of Kazwin’s Padshah- 
nama (Bib. Ind. ed. p.585, p.588). 

* The meaning of this couplet is incomplete without the couplet that followed it and 
is (now) not legible. 

? Firishta gives a different reason for Babur’s sobriquet of ga/andar, namely, that he 
kept for himself none of the treasure he acquired in Hindistan (Lith. ed. p. 206). 


Ten gardens are mentioned as made :—the Shahr-ara (Town- 4 
adorning) which when Shah-i-jahan first visited Kabul in the 4 
12th year of his reign (1048 AH.—1638 AD.) contained very fine 
plane-trees Babur had planted, beautiful trees having magnificent — 
trunks,! — the Char-bagh,—the Bagh-i-jalau-khana,? — the 
Airta-bagh (Middle-garden),—the Saurat-bagh,—the Bagh-— 
i-mahtab (Moonlight-garden),—the Bagh-i-ahi-khana (Garden-— 
of-the-deer-house),—and three smaller ones. Round these 
gardens rough-cast walls were made (renewed ?) by Jahangir 
(1016 AH.). ‘a 

The above list does not specify the garden Babur made and 
selected for his burial ; this is described apart (Zc. p.588) with 
details of its testi and embellishment by Shah" jalaay | 
the master-builder of his time, as follows :— a 

The burial-garden was 500yards (gaz) long; its ground was | 
in 15 terraces, 30 yards apart(?). On the 15th terrace is the 
tomb of Ruqaiya Sultan Begam3; as a small marble platform 
(chabiitra) had been made near it by Jahangir’s command, Shah- © 
i-jahan ordered (both) to be enclosed by a marble screen 
three yards high—Babur’s tomb is on the 14th terrace. In 
accordance with his will, no building was erected over it, but — 
Shah-i-jahan built a small marble mosque on the terrace below.4 © 
It was begun in the 17th year (of Shah-i-jahan’s reign) and was 
finished in the 19th, after the conquest of Balkh and Badakh- — 
shan, at a cost of 30,000 777s. It is admirably constructed. 
—From the 12th terrace running-water flows along the line 
(rasta) of the avenue ;5 but its 12 water-falls, because not 

ee eee eee th Oey 

* Jahangir who encamped in the Shahr-ara-garden in Safar 1016 An. (May 1607 AD.) 
says it was made by Babur’s aunt, Abii-sa‘id’s daughter Shahr-banii (Rogers and” 
Beveridge’s Memoirs of Jahangir i, 106). 

* A jalau-khana might be where horse-head-gear, bridles and reins are kept, but 
Ayin 60 (A.-i-A.) suggests there may be another interpretation. ra 

3 She was a daughter of Hind-al, was a grand-daughter therefore of Babur, was” 
Akbar’s first wife, and brought up Shah-i- -jahan. Jahangir mentions that she made 
her first pilgrimage to her father’s tomb on the day he made his to Babur’s, F riday 
Safar 26th 1016 AH. (June 12th 1607 Ap.). She died e¢. 84 on Jumada I. 7th 1035 AH. 

(Jan. 25th 1626an.). Cf. Zisi#k-c-jahangiri, Muh. Hadi’s Supplement lith. ed $: 


n 4 Mr. H. H. Hayden’s photograph of the mosque shows pinnacles and thus enables. 
its corner to be identified in his second of the tomb itself. 

5 One of Daniel’s drawings (which I hope to reproduce) illuminates this otherwise 
somewhat obscure passage, by showing the avenue, the borders of running-water and 
the little water-falls,—all reminding of Madeira, 


constructed with cemented stone, had crumbled away and their 
charm was lost; orders were given therefore to renew them 
entirely and lastingly, to make a small reservoir below each fall, 
and to finish with Kabul marble the edges of the channel and 
the waterfalls, and the borders of the reservoirs—And on the 
Oth terrace there was to be a reservoir II X II yards, bordered 
with Kabul marble, and on the 10th terrace one 15 X I5, and 
at the entrance to the garden another I5 X 15, also witha marble 
border.—And there was to be a gateway adorned with gilded 
cupolas befitting that place, and beyond (fesk) the gateway 
a square station,’ one side of which should be the garden-wall 
and the other three filled with cells; that running-water should 
pass through the middle of it, so that the destitute and poor 
people who might gather there should eat their food in those 
cells, sheltered from the hardship of snow and rain.? 
* choki, perhaps ‘‘ shelter” ; see Hobson-Jobson s.7. 

2 If told with leisurely context, the story of the visits of Babur’s descendants to 
Kabul and of their pilgrimages to his tomb, could hardly fail to interest its readers. 


Index I. Personal 

Aba-bikr Mirza Miran-shahi Timirid, Barlis Turk, son 
of Abii-sa‘id and a Badakhshi begim—particulars 22, 26 ; 
his attack on Hisar 51; defeated by Husain Bai-garaé and 
his death (884) 260; his Bai-qara marriage 266; a Badakhshi 
connection 51; [+884 aH.—1479 ap.]. ; 

Aba-bikr Mirza Dighlat Kashghari, son of Saniz and a 
Chiras (var. Jaras) begim—invades Farghana (899) 32 ; 
his annexations in Badakhshan 695; his Miranshahi wife 48; 
[t920 aAH.-1514 ap.]. 

‘Abbas, a slave—murderer of Ailigh (Uligh) Beg S/ah- 
rukhi (853) 85. 

‘Abbas Sultan Azzbeg—marries Gul-chihra Miran-shahz, 
Babur’s daughter (954) 713. 

‘Abdu’l-‘ali Tarkhan Arghin Chingiz-Khanitd—particulars 
38, 39; [tcir. 899 AH.—1494 aD. ]. 

‘Abdu’l-‘aziz mir-akhwur—ordered to catch pheasants (925) 
404; ge-* posted in Lahor (930) 442; sent into Milwat 
(932) 460; on service 465-6, 471, 530; the reserve at 
Panipat 472-3 ; reinforces the right 473 ; surprised and de- 
feated by Sanga (933) 549, 550; in the left wing at Kanwa 
567, 570; pursues Sanga 576; ordered against Baliichis 
(935) 638 ; writes from Lahor about the journey of Babur’s 
family 659, 660 ; arrested 688; ge sequel to his sedition 
not given in the Akdar-nama 692; ge reference to his 
sedition 698. . 

‘Abdu’l-‘aziz Mirza Shah-rukhi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son 
of Auliigh Beg—his Chaghatai wife 19-20. 

‘Abdu’l-baqi—surrenders Qandahar to Babur (928) 436, 437. 

‘Abdu’l-baqi Mirza Wiran-shihi Timirid, Barlas Turk, son 
of “‘“Usman—particulars 280 ;; referred to 266 n. 6; goes to 
Heri (908) 336; his wife Sultanim Bai-gara 265 n. 5, 280. 

‘Abdu’l-ghaffar sawachi—conveys military orders (935) 638. 

Mir ‘Abdu’l-ghaftr lari, of Husain Bai-gara’s Court— 
particulars 284, 285 ; [+912 AH.—1506-—7 aAD.]. 

* The fist indicates Translator’s matter. 

H. OF B. 48 717 

Index I. Personal 

tomb visited by Babur (912) 285, 305; Babur’s reverential 
mention of him 283, 286, his example followed by pro- 
duction of the Walidiyyah-risadla (935) 620 ; his birth-place 

623 n. 8; his disciple ‘Abdu’l-ghafir 284; [898 AH.-1492 AD.]. 
‘Abdu’r-rahman Khan Barak-zai Afghan, Amir of Afghani- 

stan—mentioned in connection with Jami’s tomb 305 n. 6; 
[+1319 AH.—1901 AD.]. 

‘Abdu’r-razzak Mirza Jiran-shahi Timirid, Barlas Turk, 

son of Ailigh Beg Ka@du/i—loses Kabul (910) 195, 365 ; out 
with Babur 234 ; surmised part-vendor of Babur’s mother’s 
burial-ground 246n. 2; in Herat (912) 298; escapes Shaibani 
and joins Babur (913) 331; in the left wing at Qandahar 334; 
his loot 337-8 ; deserts Qalat in fear of Shaibani 340; left 
in charge of Kabul 2.; given Ningnahar 344; rebels (914) 
345 ; his position stated 345 n. 6; [¢915 AH.-1509 aD. ?]. 

Khwaja‘Abdu’sh-shahid, son of Ahrari’s fifth son Khwajagan- 4 

khwaja (‘Abdu’l-lah) — placed on Babur’s right-hand (935) 
631; gifts made to him 632; invited to a ma‘jiin-party 653 ; 
particulars 653 n.4; gee a likely recipient of the Mudin 438, 
631 n. 3; [[982 AH.—1574 Ap.]. 

‘Abdu’sh-shuktr MJughil, son of Qambar-i-‘ali Szakh— 
serving Jahangir Wirdn-shahi (after 910) 192; in the right 
wing at Kanwa (933) 566. 

‘Abdu’l-wahhab Mughi/—given Shaikh Piran to loot (913) 

‘Abdu’l-wahhab shaghawal, servant of ‘Umar-shaikh and — : 
Ahmad Wirdan- spahi—forwards news (899) 25; givesKhujand — 

to Babur 54; his son Mir Mughil ¢.v. 

Abraha Yemeni, an Abyssinian Christian—his defeat (571 AD.) 
JOe H.'s. 

Imam Abti Hanifa—his followers’ respect for the Wzdayat 76 ; 
his ruling that peacock-meat is lawful food 493. 

Khwaja Abw’l-barka Faragi—criticizes Bana’i’s verse (906) 


Shaikh Abw’l-fath, servant of the Shah-zada of Mungir— 
envoy from Bengal to Babur (934, 935) 676; placed on 
Babur’s right-hand (935) 631. 

Abi’l-fath Sa‘id Khan, see Sa‘iid Khan Chaghatai. 

Abw'l-fath Zurkmdan, son of ‘Umar—his joining Babur from 
‘Iraq 280; made military-collector of Dhilpir (933) 540; 
Babur visits his hammam (935) 615. 



Gearon yet aan 

Index I. Personal 

Abw’1-fazl, see Akbar-nama. 

Abw’l-hasan gar-begi—in the right wing at Qandahar (913) 
334; does well (925)404; his brother Muhammad Husain g.v. 

Abw’l-hasan gi#rchi—in the centre at Qandahar (913) 335. 

Abw’1-hashim, servant of SI. ‘Ali [Taghai Begchik]|—oyertakes 
Babur with ill news (925) 412. : 

Abu’l-ma‘ali 77rmizi—ae- his burial-place has significance 
as to Mahdi Khwaja’s family 705 ; [971 AH.-1564 AD.]. 

Khwaja Abw’1-makaram—supports Bai-sunghar Miran-shahi 
(901) 62, (902) 65; acts for peace (903) 91; meets Babur, 
both exiles (904) 99 ; at Babur’s capture of Samarkand (906) 
132,141; leaves it with him 147 n. 2; speaks for him (908) 
157-8 ; fails to recognize him 161; we- at Archian 184; 
[+908 AH.—1502 AD. ]. 

Shaikh Abw’l-manswtr J/afaridi—his birthplace Samarkand 
75, 76; [$333 AH.—944 ap.]. 

Abuw’l-muhammad eza-baz—in the ta/ghuma of the left wing 
at Panipat (932) 473; on service (933) 582, (934) 589, 598. 

Abw’l-muhammad X/ujandi—his sextant 74 n.4. 

Abu’l-muhsin Mirza Sai-gara Timirid, Barlas Turk, son 
of Husain and Latif—particulars 262 (where for “husain ” 
read muhsin), 269 ; serving his father (901) 58; defeats his 
brother Badi‘u’z-zaman (902) 69, 70; defeated by his father 
at Halwa-spring (904) 260; his men take Qarakil from 
Aiizbegs (906) 135 ; co-operates against Shaibani (912) 296; 
rides out to meet Babur 297; they share a divan 298; 
presses him to winter in Heri 300; returns to his district 
(Merv) 301; his later action and death 329-30, 331 ; 
[t913 AH.—1507 aD.]. 

Abw’l-muslim Kukuldash—brings an Arghiin gift to Babur 
(925) 401, 402. 

Abw’l-qasim /a/dir—tells Babur a parrot story (935)* 494. 

Abw’l-qasim—a musician (923) 387, 388 (here Qasim only). 

Abw’l-qasim Kohbur Chaghatai, son of Haidar-i-qasim—on 
service with Babur (902) 68, (906) 130, 131, 133; in the 
right wing at Sar-i-pul (Khwaja Kardzan) 139; killed 141; 
[+906 AH.—1501 AD.]. 

Shaikh Abw’l-wajd Farigh7, maternal-uncle of Zain Khawa/ft 
—makes verse on the Kabul-river (932) 448; his chronogram 
on Al-aman’s birth (935) 621; [f940 AH.-1533 aD.’]. 

* The date 935 AH. is inferred from p. 483. 
* Cf. Badayini’s Muntakhabw’t-tawarikh and Ranking’s trs. i, 616 and n. 4, 617. 


Index I. Personal 

Shaikh Abi-sa‘id Khan Dar-miydén*—particulars 276. 

Sultan Abt-sa‘id Mirza MWiran-shahi Timurid, Barlas T. urk 
—his descent 14; asserts Timiirid supremacy over Chaghatai 
Khaqans (855) 20, 344, 352; takes Mawara’u’n-nahr (855) a 
86; forms his Corps of Braves 28, 50; asingle combat in his 
presence (857) 50; defeats Husain Bdz-gara (868) 259; a 

swift courier to him 25; joined by the Black-sheep Turkmans 

(872) 49; orders the Hindistan army mobilized 46 ; defeated 
and killed by the White-sheep Turkmans (873) 25, 46, 49; 
appointments named 24, 37; his banishment of Nawa’i 271 ; 

reserves a Chaghatai wife for a son 21, 36; his Badakhshi 

wife and their son 22,? 260; his Tarkhan Arghin wife and 
their sons, 33, 45 ; his mistress Khadija g.v.; his daughters 
Payanda-sultan, Shahr-bani, Rabi‘a-sultan, Khadija-sultan, _ 
Fakhr-i-jahan, Apaq-sultan, Aq Begim g.v. ; retainersnamed 
as his ‘Ali-dost Sagharichi, Muhammad Barandiiq, Airis, — 
and Zi’n-niin Arghin g.v.; his marriage connection Niyan 
Tirmizi g.v.; [$873 AH— 1469 AD.]. 

Abu-sa‘id Darea. see Jamalu’d-din, 

Abit-sa‘id Sultan Auzbeg-Shaiban, Chingiz-khanid, son of 4 4 

Kichim—ge- at Ghaj-davan (918) 360; at Jam (935) 622, — 

636; sends an envoy to Babur 631, 632, 641; [4940 An-— 

1533-4 ap.]. 
Shaikh Abt-sa‘id Tarkhan (var. Bi-sa